Citizen Participation for Sustainable Transport: the Case of ''Living City'' In

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Citizen Participation for Sustainable Transport: the Case of ''Living City'' In Journal of Transport Geography 41 (2014) 74–83 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Transport Geography journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jtrangeo Citizen participation for sustainable transport: the case of ‘‘Living City’’ in Santiago, Chile (1997–2012) Lake Sagaris ⇑ Urban Planning and Community Development, Post-Doctoral Fellow Department of Transport Engineering and Logistics, Catholic University of Chile, 4860 Vicuña Mackenna, Santiago, Chile article info abstract Keywords: Twentieth century citizen ‘‘revolts’’ against urban highway projects have influenced thinking about pub- Participation lic transport (Toronto, Vancouver, New York), governance (Portland), and cycling (The Netherlands) to Complexity this day. Less is known, however, about how these emerge in developing countries, and what they can Cycling tell us about citizens’ role in innovation to achieve more sustainable transport systems. This case study Public transport examines a social movement that emerged in opposition to the country’s first major highway concession, Planning in Santiago, Chile (1997), challenging and changing urban planning paradigms. In 2000, the anti-highway Development campaign founded a citizen institution, Living City (Ciudad Viva). Twelve years later, it has become a prize-winning, citizen-led planning institution. Although the role of citizen participation in improving transport systems has become increasingly rec- ognized in recent years, it still tends to be rather ritualistic. This experience offers insight into how stra- tegic approaches to participation can reinforce the role of self-organizing civil society organizations in introducing innovation into existing systems. Findings suggest that traditional large movements, which are mainly useful for one-way communication of information, require support from small groups able to deliberate in a transformative sense, with more attention paid to how new consensuses can be transmit- ted through the relational networks of those involved. Moreover, this experience suggests that thinking about citizens as planners in their own right, rather than as mere participants at specific points in a plan- ning process, opens the way to more effective strategies for innovating in transport, to address the social, environmental, and other challenges humanity faces today. Ó 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction: highway revolts in a developing context Less is known, however, about how these interactions emerge as ‘‘automobility’’ (Beckman, 2001; Urry, 2004) has spread, becom- In the last quarter of the 20th century, citizens in North America ing the ubiquitous face of globalization in developing countries and Europe staged the first major rebellions against the car-cen- today. While private vehicle modal share is high in the North, in tered, city planning paradigm that emerged in the 1960s, consum- the economic ‘‘South’’ it is very low (Table 1). Building infrastruc- ing housing, razing communities with strong ethnic and racial ture for those who already travel most comfortably reinforces identities, and replacing them with the sprawling, suburb-driven inequalities, dedicating expensive facilities to those most privi- cities that characterize many of these places today. These anti- leged, as it segregates, isolates, and excludes those most in need. highway revolts spawned local, regional, and national citizen This is particularly grave, given that this is often an impoverished movements that questioned the foundations of planning processes majority, given the ostensible priority for public finance and state (Cannon, 2012; Johnson, 2009; Ladd, 2008; Mohl, 2002, 2004, resources. 2008; Mohl and Rose, 2012; Schragg, 2004). To this day, their Using a participatory research methodology and some elements far-reaching influence is apparent, for example, in thinking about from complexity theory, this case study examines the Coordinadora public transport (Toronto, Vancouver, New York), governance No a la Costanera Norte, a social movement against the country’s (Portland), and cycling (The Netherlands). first major highway concession. This arose in Santiago, Chile, in 1997, challenging and changing urban planning paradigms. In 2000, campaign leaders founded a permanent organization: Living Tel.: +56 2 2777 3331. City (Ciudad Viva). Twelve years later, it had become a prize- ⇑ E-mail address: [email protected] winning, citizen-led planning institution. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtrangeo.2014.08.011 0966-6923/Ó 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. L. Sagaris / Journal of Transport Geography 41 (2014) 74–83 75 Table 1 coalition, the Coordinadora No a la Costanera Norte (1997–2000), Modal share local trips in selected cities (%). to a citizen-led urban planning institution, Living City (2000– City Sustainable Pub. Walking Cycling Private Other 2012). Given the author’s position (as leader and founder) within transport transit (W) (C) transport the organization, it uses participatory action research (PAR) meth- (PT + W + C) (PT) (car) ods and some concepts from complexity to look at the organization Tokyo 88 51 23 14 12 from the inside out, and at transport planning from the outside in: Hong Kong 80 80 11 9 that is, from the perspective of citizens looking at government Bogotá 79 62 15 2 15 6 practices. Mumbai 78 45 27 6 15 7 Beijing 76 23 21 32 21 4 The level of organization of the different citizen groups evolved Delhi 75 42 21 12 19 6 became more sophisticated over time. In particular, during the last Santiago 73 33 37 3 22 5 period of this research (2010–2012), founders were surprised to Curitiba 71 45 21 5 28 1 find that they had left behind the marginal, David versus Goliath Madrid 70 34 36 29 1 Berlin 68 26 29 13 32 role that characterized them during the anti-highway conflict, to Paris 67 62 4 1 32 1 become a respected actor within urban planning and a significant Prague 67 43 23 1 33 reference in growing debates about citizen involvement in plan- Barcelona 64 26 38 35 1 ning and other governance areas. This research sought to both doc- Seoul 63 63 26 11 ument the processes involved and to answer questions about how New York 61 22 39 33 6 London 59 27 30 2 40 1 this had happened. Although the population represented by the Vancouver 44 23 17 4 54 2 diverse organizations was substantial (some 50,000 people in three Chicago 36 16 19 1 63 1 municipal jurisdictions of metropolitan Santiago), the number of Toronto 32 24 6 2 67 1 people actually leading was small, no more than five to 25 people, Sydney 29 11 18 69 2 Melbourne 22 7 13 2 77 1 depending on the group. Nonetheless, impacts were extensive and noted by other local policy makers and researchers. Exploring the Own elaboration using data from Reference section, Journeys, November 2011. intertwined question of how small groups significantly influenced Singapore Transport and Land Authority Academy. http://app.lta.gov.sg/ltaacade- my/Journeys.htm. Accessed 24 February 2014. Beijing: Public transport = 21% bus, policy and how a new kind of civil society actor emerged has moti- 2% rail. Seoul: Public transport = 35% rail, 28% bus. Shanghai: e-bikes have 10% other vated this research. modal share. Taipei: PT = 14% rail, 18% bus. Tokyo: PT = 48% rail, 3% bus. Vancouver This account, then, is the result of a shared reflective process by figures from City of Vancouver Administrative Report, 30 May 2013, http:// leaders of diverse urban communities, who pioneered significant former.vancouver.ca/ctyclerk/cclerk/20130612/documents/cfsc2.pdf, accessed 24- changes in city planning in Santiago over the past 20 years. Consis- Feb-2014. Information for Santiago from SECTRA EOD, available at www.sectra.gob.cl. tent with Stacey and Griffin’s (2005: 27) perspective on insiders’ research into their own organizations, it does not seek ‘‘objective validity’’ but nor is it an ‘‘arbitrary account.’’ Rather, it seeks to make sense to others and participate in a wider tradition of Living City’s experience suggests that even in an apparently thought (Stacey and Griffin, 2005). hostile, authoritarian environment, independent, self-organizing I have, therefore, triangulated data using information from civil society institutions can work with actors in government, uni- other sources, including academic and periodical publications, versities, and the private sector to co-produce significant shifts in external evaluations, and observations from interviews with urban planning, particularly in transportation. Unlike govern- diverse and representative actors from the planning and transport ment-led participatory processes, citizens’ commitment is pro- spheres in Santiago and elsewhere. In particular, I do not evaluate found and far-reaching. ‘‘Small’’ groups accumulate ‘‘large’’ the quality of results, relying instead on three rigorous external results, particularly in positioning cycling on local, regional, and evaluations (Kroeger Claussen, 2009; Sepúlveda, 2005; Valle, national planning agendas, and in raising participation in planning 2003), conducted as part of Living City’s candidacy for awards for as a major public demand. innovation in citizenship and territorial management, received in To achieve these results, Living City has acted as a catalyst, 2002, 2004, and 2010. My conclusions do not seek to establish uni- mobilizing actors throughout the public policy ecology, in favor versal ‘‘laws’’, but rather rules whose usefulness can and should be of more sustainable, socially just transport. Enthusiasm for cycling tested against specific local conditions,
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