VI Rule of Law Results and Proposals of Workstreams Management Summary
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Action Plan of the Government for 2016
Action Plan of the Government for 2016 1 Goal set by the Government Ukraine is currently under exception circumstances having survived deep political and economic crisis against the background of Crimea occupation and war in the East. However, a reason of such crisis is deeper that current political and economic shocks or Russian aggression. Procrastination with the necessary reforms throughout the course of 25 years of independence resulted in it. Ukraine is one of the weakest reformers among Eastern European countries, i.e. changes that happened in the country from the time of collapse of the communist camp are not as great as those in the neighbouring EU member states. Consequences of such procrastination turned out to be disastrous for the Ukrainians. Starting from the 90s being somewhere at one level of economic development with such countries as Poland, Slovakia and Romania we are now trailing them multiple times. The rates of economic growth in Ukraine are much lesser than the growth rates of the economies of our Western neighbours. Salaries of the Ukrainians are 3 to 5 times lowers that the salaries paid to the Poles, Slovaks and Romanians. Nevertheless, Ukrainians can catch up with its neighbours and achieve the same level of economic development and welfare. Quality human capital, advantageous geographical position and powerful base of natural resources create high potential not only to overcome the crisis but also for rapid development of the country. Such potential can be implemented only by means of drastic and effective European reforms, which should bring results visible for the people. The goal set by the Government is to ensure growth of the people's standard of living and improve quality due to sustainable economic development. -
Corruption Risks in Recent Reforms to the Ukrainian
CORRUPTION RISKS IN RECENT REFORMS TO THE UKRAINIAN JUDICIARY Contract No. AID-OAA-I-13-00032, Task Order No. AID-121-TO-16-00003 Nove Pravosuddya Justice Sector Reform Program (New Justice) Contracting Officer’s Representative: Oleksandr Piskun, Democracy Project Management Specialist, Office of Democracy and Governance Development Objective 1: More Participatory, Transparent and Accountable Government Processes Author: Dr. Victoria Jennett, Judicial Reform Expert Submitted by: Chemonics International Inc. September, 2017 1 DISCLAIMER The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) or the United States Government. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms .......................................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 5 Recommendations.............................................................................................................................. 5 Judicial corruption ............................................................................................................................10 What is judicial corruption? ..........................................................................................................10 How judicial corruption manifests itself in Ukraine .......................................................................11 -
Military Justice in Ukraine: a Guidance Note Mindia Vashakmadze
Military Justice in Ukraine: A Guidance Note Mindia Vashakmadze Security Sector Reform Working Group: Military Justice 1 Mindia Vashakmadze Military Justice in Ukraine: A Guidance Note Geneva — 2018 DCAF: The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in-country support and practical assistance programmes. PfPC SSR WG: The Partnership for Peace Consortium (PfPC) Security Sector Reform Working Group (SSR WG) was formally established in 2001. The objectives of the SSR Working Group are to enhance the process of security sector reform and good governance through cooperation in joint research, outreach and expert training initiatives. The SSR WG aims to encourage cooperation between international information networks as well as to enhance the exchange of ideas, insights, expertise, knowledge and best practices of security sector reform processes between consolidating and consolidated democracies in the Euro-Atlantic area. This group is supported by the Swiss Federal Department of Defense, Civil Protection and Sport, and managed by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF). Published by DCAF 2E, Chemin Eugene-Rigot P.O Box 1360 CH – 1211 Geneva 1 www.dcaf.ch Author: Mindia Vashakmadze Printed by: Center for Army, Conversion and Disarmament Studies (CACDS) While the internet references cited herein were valid as of the date of publication, neither DCAF nor the author can attest to their current validity. -
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I I EURO-ASIAN JEWISH CONGRESS I I I I I I I I I ANTISEMITISM IN EURASIA- I 2013 I by Vyacheslav Likhachev I and Semen Charny I Issue# 10 I I I KYIV I 2014 I I I Special Report: Anti-Semitism and the Ukrainian Political Crisis, January 2014 I By Vyaches/av Ukhachev I At the end of January, the political crisis caused by a standoff of the government, basing its power on violence and a mechanism suited to repressions, against the active part of Ukrainian society, spilling out onto the streets, has reached its peak. After the peaceful protests were brutally dispersed on November 30, 2013, I the confrontation turned violent. In the many fights with riot police that took place on December 1, 2013, on Bankovaya street, and January 19-23 on Grushevskogo street, thousands of protesters had been wounded and five were killed. I Against the backdrop of global events in which hundreds of thousands people are involved, the problems of anti-Semitism and the safety of the Jewish community naturally become relevant. Besides natural· and quite justified concerns, the "Jewish topic" that interests us has not been lost in a sea of topics more I important to the country and society. ')ews and Euromaidan" is a topic that doesn't leave the pages of many media, not just Jewish ones. It is very noticeable due to reasons I shall examine somewhat later; first, it seems to me to be necessary to contextualize it properly. I Hundreds of thousands of people have gone out onto the streets of Ukrainian cities. -
ONE STEP FORWARD, ONE STEP BACK an Assessment of Freedom of Expression in Ukraine During Its OSCE Chairmanship
ONE STEP FORWARD, ONE STEP BACK An Assessment of Freedom of Expression in Ukraine during its OSCE Chairmanship December 2013 Table of Contents I. Summary & Recommendations 1 II. OSCE and the Domestic Legal Framework 3 III. Freedom of Expression: Broadcast & Print Media 6 IV. Ethics of the Media 11 V. Violation of Journalists’ Rights 12 VI. Access to Public Information 15 VII. Conclusion 16 About Freedom House and the Institute of Mass Information 17 Background Information: Freedom House has been engaged on the ground with the Institute of Mass Information and others on the interrelated issues of freedom of expression and corruption. Together with the Institute of Mass Information, we have a unique vantage point into the challenges and opportunities for the freedom of expression in Ukraine, especially as they pertain to journalists and activists, gained through our support for training journalists and the establishment of an independent platform (Nikorupciji.org) to investigate and cover instances of corruption at the local level. Freedom House has consulted with the government of Ukraine to share our concerns about how gaps between laws and practice in protecting the freedom of expression have a corrosive effect on the prospects for democratic advancement. We look forward to continuing this engagement. Given the importance of this year for Ukraine we commissioned a special report to assess Ukraine’s progress on freedom of expression commitments in the human dimension. 1 I. Summary & Recommendations: Ukraine, its Chairmanship of the OSCE, and Freedom of Expression 2013 is the first year Ukraine has held the Chairmanship in Office (CIO) of the OSCE since it became a participating state in the organization in 1992. -
Ioulia Shukan Embarking on the Routes of Revolution: Why and How
Ioulia Shukan [Paryż] ● ● ● ● ● ● Embarking on the routes of revolution: why and how ordinary Ukrainian citizens joined their forces on the Maidan ( Winter 2013–2014) Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej Rocznik VII, 2017 ISSN 2084-0578 DOI: 10.26774/wrhm.172 The Maidan was a large-scale protest movement which sparked off on 21 November 2013 in Kyiv, in the Independence Square, a city-center loca- tion (Maidan Nezalezhnosti)1. Several hundred individuals – journalists, citizen activists and students – gathered there to voice their opposition against the decision of the country’s President, Viktor Yanukovych, to sus- pend the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union, scheduled for the following week. Following a violent police intervention launched on the night of 29 and 30 November to rid the place of protesters, the movement turned into a mass rebellion of ordinary citizens who, from 1 December on, pursued the permanent occupation of the square. Before- hand, the large majority of those people had distanced themselves from political life, and had not been involved in any civic activism and exercised their citizen’s rights occasionally on election days: in fact, 92% of them were not members of any political party, trade union or association2. 1 This paper was written within the framework of the “3 Revolutions” project imple- mented by the College of Europe in Natolin. 2 Survey carried out by the “Democratic Initiatives” foundation, in cooperation with the International Institute of Sociology in Kyiv, December 7–8, 2013, see: http://dif. org.ua/article/maydan-2013-khto-stoit-chomu-i-za-shcho (access: 10.09.2017). -
Dangerous Myths How Crisis Ukraine Explains
Dangerous Myths How the Crisis in Ukraine Explains Future Great Power Conflict Lionel Beehner A Contemporary Battlefield Assessment Liam Collins by the Modern War Institute August 18, 2020 Dangerous Myths: How the Crisis in Ukraine Explains Future Great Power Conflict Table of Contents Acknowledgments........................................................................................................................................... 1 Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................................ 2 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter I — Russian Intervention in Ukraine: A Troubled History ............................................. 12 Chapter II — Russian Military Modernization and Strategy ........................................................... 21 Chapter III — Hybrid Warfare Revisited .............................................................................................. 26 Chapter IV — A Breakdown of Russian Hybrid Warfare ................................................................. 31 Proxy Warfare ..................................................................................................................................... 32 Information Warfare .......................................................................................................................... 38 Maritime/Littoral -
(LUSTRATION LAW) of UKRAINE As Would Result from the Amendments
Venice, 19 June 2015 CDL-AD(2015)012 Opinion No. 788/2014 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) FINAL OPINION ON THE LAW ON GOVERNMENT CLEANSING (LUSTRATION LAW) OF UKRAINE As would result from the amendments submitted to the Verkhovna Rada on 21 April 2015 Adopted by the Venice Commission At its 103rd Plenary Session (Venice, 19-20 June 2015) On the basis of comments by Ms Veronika BÍLKOVÁ (Member, Czech Republic) Mr George PAPUASHVILI (Member, Georgia) Ms Anne PETERS (Substitute Member, Germany) Ms Hanna SUCHOCKA (Member, Poland) Mr Ben VERMEULEN (Member, the Netherlands) Mr Gerhard REISSNER (Expert (DGI), former President of the Consultative Council of European Judges (CCJE)) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2015)012 - 2 - TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Background Information and Facts ................................................................................ 3 II. Applicable Legal Framework ......................................................................................... 4 A. National Legal Framework ......................................................................................... 4 B. International Legal Framework .................................................................................. 5 III. Assessment of the Law on Government Cleansing ....................................................... 6 A. Aims of the Law on Government Cleansing ............................................................... 6 -
Draft Law on the Judiciary of Ukraine
Strasbourg, 6 March 2007 CDL(2007)040 Opinion No. 401 / 2006 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) DRAFT LAW ON THE JUDICIARY OF UKRAINE (Comparative table showing amendments to the draft) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. http://www.venice.coe.int CDL(2007)040 - 2 - LAW OF UKRAINE “ON THE JUDICIARY OF UKRAINE” Draft new wording Text as approved by the National Commission on Strengthening Text as submitted by the President of Ukraine to the Verkhovna Rada of Democracy and the Rule of Law, 11 July 2006 Ukraine, 27 December 2006 This law determines legal fundamentals of functioning of judiciary in Ukraine – This law determines legal fundamentals of functioning of judiciary in Ukraine – organization of judicial power and justice execution, system of courts of general organisation of judicial power and administration of justice, system of courts of general jurisdiction, system of bodies, responsible for adequate level of judiciary establishment, jurisdiction, system of bodies, responsible for adequate level of judicial corps, system and system and procedures of judiciary self-government, and also determines general procedures of judiciary self-government, and also determines general procedures of court procedures of court operation and regulates other matters of judicature. operation and regulates other matters of judicature. Section I. FUNDAMENTALS OF THE JUDICIAL POWER Section I. FUNDAMENTALS OF ORGANISATION OF THE JUDICIARY Article 1. Judicial power Article 1. Judicial power 1. Judicial power in Ukraine shall be exercised by the courts prescribed by the law on 1. Judicial power in Ukraine in accordance with the principle of division of the power the basis of division of the power, as it is provided by the article 6 of the Constitution of shall be exercised by independent and impartial courts established pursuant to the law. -
II. Links of the Constitutional Court with Other Courts
Conference of European Constitutional Courts XIIth Congress The relations between the Constitutional Courts and the other national courts, including the interference in this area of the action of the European courts Report of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine I. The Constitutional Court, the other courts and the constitutionality review A. Organization of judicial system of the state 1. Judicial System Judicial System of Ukraine THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT COURTS OF GENERAL OF UKRAINE COMPETENCE SUPREME COURT OF UKRAINE HIGHER SPECIALTY COURTS COURTS OF APPEAL LOCAL COURTS 2 POWERS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF UKRAINE as a single authority of the constitutional competence in Ukraine The objective of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine is providing guarantee of supremacy of the Constitution as the Fundamental Law of the state in the entire territory of Ukraine. The Constitutional Court of Ukraine adopts resolutions and gives conclusions in cases concerning: 1) constitutionality of laws and other legislative acts passed by the Supreme Council of Ukraine, acts issued by the President of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, legal acts adopted by the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea; 2) compliance of the Constitution with applicable international treaties and agreements of Ukraine or the international treaties and agreement submitted to the Supreme Council for approval of their obligatory nature; 3) adherence to the constitutional procedures of investigation and consideration of the case of removal of the President of Ukraine from his office in accordance with the impeachment procedures; 4) formal interpretation of the Constitution of Ukraine; 5) compliance of the draft law on introduction of changes and amendments in the Constitution of Ukraine with provisions of articles 157 and 158 of the Constitution of Ukraine. -
Limits to the Rule of Law and the Eu's Normative Power in Ukraine
Working Paper No. 3/2017 POWER STRUCTURES AND NORMATIVE ENVIRONMENT: LIMITS TO THE RULE OF LAW AND THE EU’S NORMATIVE POWER IN UKRAINE Marta Králiková UPTAKE is a consortium of three partners – the University of Tartu (Estonia), Uppsala University (Sweden) and the University of Kent (UK) – in the field of Russian and East European Studies. The goal of the consortium is to increase research productivity and excellence at the three universities through a diverse programme of joint activities. The consortium is funded from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No. 691818 “Building Research Excellence in Russian and East European Studies at the Universities of Tartu, Uppsala and Kent”. For more information, see http://www.uptake.ut.ee/ This publication reflects the views of its author(s), and neither the UPTAKE consortium nor the European Commission is responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains. Suggested format for citing this paper: Králiková, Marta (2017). ‘Power structures and normative environment: limits to the rule of law and the EU’s normative power in Ukraine’, UPTAKE Working Paper, No. 3. Editor: Igor Merheim-Eyre Cover design: Kalle Paalits Layout: Tiia Ilus Copyright: authors, UPTAKE consortium, 2017 University of Tartu Press www.tyk.ee ABSTRACT This paper explores the nexus between efforts of the European Union in promotion of the rule of law in Ukraine and the domestic factors limiting the successful introduction and consolidation of this democratic norm. By moving beyond legalistic understanding of the rule of law and highlighting the political and cultural nature of reform, it examines the domestic root causes and outlines the power structures and existing norms as under- studied, yet crucial building stones for the successful implementation of the rule of law. -
HISTORY of UKRAINE and UKRAINIAN CULTURE Scientific and Methodical Complex for Foreign Students
Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine Flight Academy of National Aviation University IRYNA ROMANKO HISTORY OF UKRAINE AND UKRAINIAN CULTURE Scientific and Methodical Complex for foreign students Part 3 GUIDELINES FOR SELF-STUDY Kropyvnytskyi 2019 ɍȾɄ 94(477):811.111 R e v i e w e r s: Chornyi Olexandr Vasylovych – the Head of the Department of History of Ukraine of Volodymyr Vynnychenko Central Ukrainian State Pedagogical University, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate professor. Herasymenko Liudmyla Serhiivna – associate professor of the Department of Foreign Languages of Flight Academy of National Aviation University, Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences, Associate professor. ɇɚɜɱɚɥɶɧɨɦɟɬɨɞɢɱɧɢɣɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɩɿɞɝɨɬɨɜɥɟɧɨɡɝɿɞɧɨɪɨɛɨɱɨʀɩɪɨɝɪɚɦɢɧɚɜɱɚɥɶɧɨʀɞɢɫɰɢɩɥɿɧɢ "ȱɫɬɨɪɿɹ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɢ ɬɚ ɭɤɪɚʀɧɫɶɤɨʀ ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɢ" ɞɥɹ ɿɧɨɡɟɦɧɢɯ ɫɬɭɞɟɧɬɿɜ, ɡɚɬɜɟɪɞɠɟɧɨʀ ɧɚ ɡɚɫɿɞɚɧɧɿ ɤɚɮɟɞɪɢ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɿɣɧɨʀ ɩɟɞɚɝɨɝɿɤɢɬɚɫɨɰɿɚɥɶɧɨɝɭɦɚɧɿɬɚɪɧɢɯɧɚɭɤ (ɩɪɨɬɨɤɨɥʋ1 ɜɿɞ 31 ɫɟɪɩɧɹ 2018 ɪɨɤɭ) ɬɚɫɯɜɚɥɟɧɨʀɆɟɬɨɞɢɱɧɢɦɢ ɪɚɞɚɦɢɮɚɤɭɥɶɬɟɬɿɜɦɟɧɟɞɠɦɟɧɬɭ, ɥɶɨɬɧɨʀɟɤɫɩɥɭɚɬɚɰɿʀɬɚɨɛɫɥɭɝɨɜɭɜɚɧɧɹɩɨɜɿɬɪɹɧɨɝɨɪɭɯɭ. ɇɚɜɱɚɥɶɧɢɣ ɩɨɫɿɛɧɢɤ ɡɧɚɣɨɦɢɬɶ ɿɧɨɡɟɦɧɢɯ ɫɬɭɞɟɧɬɿɜ ɡ ɿɫɬɨɪɿɽɸ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɢ, ʀʀ ɛɚɝɚɬɨɸ ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɨɸ, ɨɯɨɩɥɸɽ ɧɚɣɜɚɠɥɢɜɿɲɿɚɫɩɟɤɬɢ ɭɤɪɚʀɧɫɶɤɨʀɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɨɫɬɿ. ɋɜɿɬɭɤɪɚʀɧɫɶɤɢɯɧɚɰɿɨɧɚɥɶɧɢɯɬɪɚɞɢɰɿɣ ɭɧɿɤɚɥɶɧɢɣ. ɋɬɨɥɿɬɬɹɦɢ ɪɨɡɜɢɜɚɥɚɫɹ ɫɢɫɬɟɦɚ ɪɢɬɭɚɥɿɜ ɿ ɜɿɪɭɜɚɧɶ, ɹɤɿ ɧɚ ɫɭɱɚɫɧɨɦɭ ɟɬɚɩɿ ɧɚɛɭɜɚɸɬɶ ɧɨɜɨʀ ɩɨɩɭɥɹɪɧɨɫɬɿ. Ʉɧɢɝɚ ɪɨɡɩɨɜɿɞɚɽ ɩɪɨ ɤɚɥɟɧɞɚɪɧɿ ɫɜɹɬɚ ɜ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɿ: ɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɿ, ɪɟɥɿɝɿɣɧɿ, ɩɪɨɮɟɫɿɣɧɿ, ɧɚɪɨɞɧɿ, ɚ ɬɚɤɨɠ ɪɿɡɧɿ ɩɚɦ ɹɬɧɿ ɞɚɬɢ. ɍ ɩɨɫɿɛɧɢɤɭ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɥɟɧɿ ɪɿɡɧɨɦɚɧɿɬɧɿ ɞɚɧɿ ɩɪɨ ɮɥɨɪɭ ɿ ɮɚɭɧɭ ɤɥɿɦɚɬɢɱɧɢɯ