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Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs March 19, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The capacity and transparency of Afghan governance are considered crucial to Afghan stability after U.S.-led NATO forces turn over the security mission to Afghan leadership by the end of 2014. The size and capability of the Afghan governing structure has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but it remains weak and rampant with governmental corruption. Even as the government has struggled to widen its writ, President Hamid Karzai has tried to concentrate authority in Kabul through his constitutional powers of appointment at all levels. Karzai has repeatedly denied that he wants to stay in office beyond the 2014 expiration of his second term, but there are concerns he plans to use state election machinery to support the election of a successor. International efforts to curb fraud in two successive elections (for president in 2009 and parliament in 2010) largely failed, but Afghan efforts to improve election oversight for the April 5, 2014 presidential and provincial elections are taking shape. Opposition parties and civil society organizations are working to try to ensure a fair election. Fears about the election process are fanned by the scant progress in reducing widespread nepotism and other forms of corruption. President Karzai has accepted U.S. help to build emerging anti-corruption institutions, but these same bodies have faltered from lack of support at senior Afghan government levels. -
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback. -
Britain and Algeria: Problems of Return
MIREM Project MIGRATION DE RETOUR AU MAGHREB Britain and Algeria: Problems of Return George Joff é .*3&. Analytical Report, MIREM-AR 2007/03 Research Project Collective Action to Support the Reintegration of Return Migrants in Their Country of Origin, co-fi nanced by the European Union and the European University Institute © 2007 European University Institute - Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. For information contact: <[email protected]> EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Britain and Algeria: Problems of Return GEORGE JOFFÉ MIREM COLLECTIVE ACTION TO SUPPORT THE REINTEGRATION OF RETURN MIGRANTS IN THEIR COUNTRY OF ORIGIN ANALYTICAL REPORT MIREM-AR 2007/03 BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO DI FIESOLE (FI) © 2007, European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. Requests should be addressed to [email protected] The views expressed in this publication cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Union Published in Italy in 2007 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy http://www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ http://www.mirem.eu MIREM Le projet MIREM, ou «Action collective de soutien à la réintégration des migrants de retour dans leur pays d’origine», a été lancé en décembre 2005, grâce au concours financier de l’Union Européenne et de l’Institut Universitaire Européen. Il est hébergé au sein du Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (Florence, Italie). -
Jihadism: Online Discourses and Representations
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 Studying Jihadism 2 3 4 5 6 Volume 2 7 8 9 10 11 Edited by Rüdiger Lohlker 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 The volumes of this series are peer-reviewed. 37 38 Editorial Board: Farhad Khosrokhavar (Paris), Hans Kippenberg 39 (Erfurt), Alex P. Schmid (Vienna), Roberto Tottoli (Naples) 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 Rüdiger Lohlker (ed.) 2 3 4 5 6 7 Jihadism: Online Discourses and 8 9 Representations 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 With many figures 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 & 37 V R unipress 38 39 Vienna University Press 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; 24 detailed bibliographic data are available online: http://dnb.d-nb.de. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
El Viaje De La Muerte”1
Informe de la ONG británica Reprieve que sacó del anonimato muchas historias de presos de Guantánamo y cómo EEUU los compró “El viaje de la muerte”1 Más de 700 prisioneros fueron enviados ilegalmente a Guantánamo con la ayuda de Portugal Reprieve, 28 de enero de 2008 Traducido del inglés para Rebelión por Germán Leyens La organización británica Reprieve muestra de modo concluyente que territorio y espacio aéreo portugueses han sido utilizados para transferir a más de 700 prisioneros para ser torturados y encarcelados ilegalmente en Guantánamo. Mediante la comparación de registros de vuelo obtenidos de las autoridades portuguesas,2información del Departamento de Defensa de EE.UU. mostrando fechas de llegada de prisioneros a Guantánamo, y testimonios no confidenciales de los propios prisioneros, 3 Reprieve puede identificar por primera vez a 728 prisioneros enviados a Guantánamo pasando por la jurisdicción portuguesa. La investigación también muestra que Portugal ha jugado un papel sustancial de apoyo en el programa general de entregas [‘extraordinarias’]. Por lo menos nueve prisioneros transportados pasando por la jurisdicción portuguesa fueron severamente torturados en prisiones secretas en todo el mundo antes de su llegada a Guantánamo.4 Vuelos de entregas de prisioneros a Guantánamo pasando por jurisdicción 1 Definición de Adil Zamil, prisionero transportado en el Vuelo RCH108Y que pasó por jurisdicción portuguesa hacia Guantánamo: “Llamo el viaje a Guantánamo ‘El viaje de la muerte.’ Discretamente estuve deseando que el avión se cayera para terminar con el dolor que sentía.” Fuente: “Kuwaiti Gitmo Detainees Speak Out about Abuse” [Detenidos en Guantánamo hablan del abuso], de Rania El Gamal, Kuwait Times, 1 de diciembre de 2006 2 Registros de vuelo obtenidos por Ana Gomes, miembro del Parlamento Europeo, en 2006 revelan que aviones cruzaron en por lo menos 94 ocasiones el espacio aéreo portugués en camino a, o desde, Guantánamo entre 2002 y 2006. -
Pakistan-Christians-Converts.V4.0
Country Policy and Information Note Pakistan: Christians and Christian converts Version 4.0 February 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules x The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: an Empirical Study
© Reuters/HO Old – Detainees at XRay Camp in Guantanamo. The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empirical Study Benjamin Wittes and Zaahira Wyne with Erin Miller, Julia Pilcer, and Georgina Druce December 16, 2008 The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empiricial Study Table of Contents Executive Summary 1 Introduction 3 The Public Record about Guantánamo 4 Demographic Overview 6 Government Allegations 9 Detainee Statements 13 Conclusion 22 Note on Sources and Methods 23 About the Authors 28 Endnotes 29 Appendix I: Detainees at Guantánamo 46 Appendix II: Detainees Not at Guantánamo 66 Appendix III: Sample Habeas Records 89 Sample 1 90 Sample 2 93 Sample 3 96 The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empiricial Study EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he following report represents an effort both to document and to describe in as much detail as the public record will permit the current detainee population in American T military custody at the Guantánamo Bay Naval Station in Cuba. Since the military brought the first detainees to Guantánamo in January 2002, the Pentagon has consistently refused to comprehensively identify those it holds. While it has, at various times, released information about individuals who have been detained at Guantánamo, it has always maintained ambiguity about the population of the facility at any given moment, declining even to specify precisely the number of detainees held at the base. We have sought to identify the detainee population using a variety of records, mostly from habeas corpus litigation, and we have sorted the current population into subgroups using both the government’s allegations against detainees and detainee statements about their own affiliations and conduct. -
Islamist and Middle Eastern Terrorism: a Threat to Europe?
© Rubbettino Centro Militare di Studi Strategici - Roma © Rubbettino Islamist and Middle Eastern Terrorism: A threat to Europe? Maria do Céu Pinto (University of Minho Portugal) Rubbettino © Rubbettino Copyright © by CeMiSS Centro Militare di Studi Strategici Piazza della Rovere, 83 - 00165 Roma (RM) e-mail: [email protected] © 2004 - Rubbettino Editore 88049 Soveria Mannelli - Viale Rosario Rubbettino, 10 -Tel. (0968) 662034 www.rubbettino.it © Rubbettino Index Abstract: 7 Introduction 9 I Islamist and Middle Eastern Terrorism in Europe: The Background 11 I.1. Palestinian Terrorism 11 I.2. Iranian Terrorism 17 II New Patterns of Islamist Terrorism in the 1990s 21 II.1. A New Age of Terrorism 21 II.2. Religious Terrorism 22 III The Web of Terror in Europe 31 III.1. Interlocking Terror Plots 31 III.2. Al-Qaeda: an Umbrella Network 32 III.3. Mosques: Recruitment and Indoctrination 36 IV Groups and Activities of Islamic Terrorists in Europe 41 IV.1. England 41 IV.2. France And Belgium 49 IV.3. Italy 53 IV.4. Germany 62 IV.5. Spain 65 IV.6. The Netherlands 71 V Evaluating the Terrorist Threat to Europe’s Security 75 V.1. Al-Qaeda’s European Infrastructure after 11th September 75 V.2. Islamic Communities in Europe: A Breeding Ground of Terrorists? 76 Conclusion 77 Bibliography 79 © Rubbettino 5 © Rubbettino Abstract During three decades Middle Eastern terrorism in Europe was largely a spillover from problems in the Middle East. Europe was a preferential oper- ational area for Arab, Palestinian and Iranian terrorists fighting each other. In the 1990s, a new Islamic threat emerged as a result of the activities of “ad hoc” terrorist groups, which lack a well-established organisational identity and tend to decentralise and compartmentalise their activities. -
Jihadist Violence: the Indian Threat
JIHADIST VIOLENCE: THE INDIAN THREAT By Stephen Tankel Jihadist Violence: The Indian Threat 1 Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org/program/asia-program ISBN: 978-1-938027-34-5 THE WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and interna- tional affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan insti- tution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television. For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. BOARD OF TRUSTEES Thomas R. Nides, Chairman of the Board Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chairman Jane Harman, Director, President and CEO Public members: James H. -
What Every Christian High School Student Should Know About Islam - an Introduction to Islamic History and Theology
WHAT EVERY CHRISTIAN HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT SHOULD KNOW ABOUT ISLAM - AN INTRODUCTION TO ISLAMIC HISTORY AND THEOLOGY __________________ A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the School of Theology Liberty University __________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Ministry __________________ by Bruce K. Forrest May 2010 Copyright © 2010 Bruce K. Forrest All rights reserved. Liberty University has permission to reproduce and disseminate this document in any form by any means for purposes chosen by the Seminary, including, without limitation, preservation or instruction. APPROVAL SHEET WHAT EVERY CHRISTIAN HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT SHOULD KNOW ABOUT ISLAM - AN INTRODUCTION TO ISLAMIC HISTORY AND THEOLOGY Bruce K. Forrest ______________________________________________________ "[Click and enter committee chairman name, 'Supervisor', official title]" ______________________________________________________ "[Click here and type committee member name, official title]" ______________________________________________________ "[Click here and type committee member name, official title]" ______________________________________________________ "[Click here and type committee member name, official title]" Date ______________________________ ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to acknowledge all my courageous brothers and sisters in Christ who have come out of the Islamic faith and have shared their knowledge and experiences of Islam with us. The body of Christ is stronger and healthier today because of them. I would like to acknowledge my debt to Ergun Mehmet Caner, Ph.D. who has been an inspiration and an encouragement for this task, without holding him responsible for any of the shortcomings of this effort. I would also like to thank my wife for all she has done to make this task possible. Most of all, I would like to thank the Lord for putting this desire in my heart and then, in His timing, allowing me the opportunity to fulfill it. -
The Jihadist Threat in France CLARA BEYLER
The Jihadist Threat in France CLARA BEYLER INCE THE MADRID AND LONDON BOMBINGS, Europeans elsewhere— fearful that they may become the next targets of Islamist terrorism— are finally beginning to face the consequences of the long, unchecked Sgrowth of radical Islam on their continent. The July bombings in London, while having the distinction of being the first suicide attacks in Western Eu- rope, were not the first time terrorists targeted a major European subway system. Ten years ago, a group linked to the Algerian Armed Islamic Group (Groupe Islamique Armé—GIA) unleashed a series of bombings on the Paris metro system. Since 1996, however, France has successfully avoided any ma- jor attack on its soil by an extremist Muslim group. This is due not to any lack of terrorist attempts—(only last September, France arrested nine members of a radical Islamist cell planning to attack the metro system)—but rather to the efficiency of the French counterterrorist services.1 France is now home to between five to six million Muslims—the sec- ond largest religious group in France, and the largest Muslim population in any Western European country.2 The majority of this very diverse population practices and believes in an apolitical, nonviolent Islam.3 A minority of them, however, are extremists. Islamist groups are actively operating in France to- day, spreading radical ideology and recruiting for future terrorist attacks on French soil and abroad. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of France’s Islamist groups, the evolving threats they have posed and continue to pose to French society, and the response of the French authorities to these threats.