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(Transparency of Political Party Funding), Adopted by GRECO At
DIRECTORATE GENERAL I - HUMAN RIGHTS AND RULE OF LAW INFORMATION SOCIETY AND ACTION AGAINST CRIME DIRECTORATE Strasbourg, 21 October 2011 Greco Eval III Rep (2011) 4E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Switzerland Transparency of Political Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 52nd Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 17-21 October 2011) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex ( +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Switzerland joined GRECO on 1 July 2006. GRECO adopted the report on the joint first and second evaluation rounds (Greco Eval I-II Rep (2007) 1E) at its 37th meeting (31 March- 4 April 2008). The aforementioned evaluation report, and the corresponding compliance report, are available on the GRECO web site (http://www.coe.int/greco). 2. The current Third Evaluation Round, which started on 1 January 2007, covers the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17 and 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173), articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (GPC 2) (incrimination of corruption). - Theme II - Transparency of Political Party Funding: articles 8, 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on common rules against corruption in the funding of political parties and election campaigns and – more generally – Guiding Principle 15 on financing of political parties and election campaigns. 3. The GRECO Evaluation Team (hereafter referred to as the “GET”), which carried out an on-site visit to Switzerland from 11 to 13 May 2011, comprised Mr Edmond DUNGA, Head of the Anti- Corruption Secretariat, Regional Anti-Corruption Initiative (Albania) and Professor Richard GHEVONTIAN, Vice-President of the Paul Cézanne University of Aix-Marseille III responsible for legal and statutory affairs, Director of research at the Louis Favoreu Institute, Study and Research group on constitutional justice (France). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Electoral Reform and Trade-Offs in Representation
Electoral Reform and Trade-Offs in Representation Michael Becher∗ Irene Men´endez Gonz´alezy January 26, 2019z Conditionally accepted at the American Political Science Review Abstract We examine the effect of electoral institutions on two important features of rep- resentation that are often studied separately: policy responsiveness and the quality of legislators. Theoretically, we show that while a proportional electoral system is better than a majoritarian one at representing popular preferences in some contexts, this advantage can come at the price of undermining the selection of good politicians. To empirically assess the relevance of this trade-off, we analyze an unusually con- trolled electoral reform in Switzerland early in the twentieth century. To account for endogeneity, we exploit variation in the intensive margin of the reform, which intro- duced proportional representation, based on administrative constraints and data on voter preferences. A difference-in-difference analysis finds that higher reform intensity increases the policy congruence between legislators and the electorate and reduces leg- islative effort. Contemporary evidence from the European Parliament supports this conclusion. ∗Institute for Advanced Study in Toulouse and University Toulouse 1 Capitole. Email: [email protected] yUniversity of Mannheim. Email: [email protected] zReplication files for this article will be available upon publication from the Harvard Dataverse. For help- ful comments on previous versions we are especially grateful to Lucy Barnes, -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Putting Brexit Into Perspective: the Effect of the Eurozone and Migration Crises and Brexit on Euroscepticism in European States
Putting Brexit into perspective: the effect of the Eurozone and migration crises and Brexit on Euroscepticism in European states Article (Published Version) Taggart, Paul and Szczerbiak, Aleks (2018) Putting Brexit into perspective: the effect of the Eurozone and migration crises and Brexit on Euroscepticism in European states. Journal of European Public Policy, 25 (8). pp. 1194-1214. ISSN 1350-1763 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/74437/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page -
Switzerland's Cancer President
Masterpiece Switzerland’s cancer president ➜ Peter McIntyre When it comes to fighting cancer, coordination is key. And in the fiercely autonomous cantons of Switzerland, that coordination is provided by a network of institutes, leagues and foundations that covers everything from prevention and fundraising to clinical research. They all have one man in common – Giorgio Noseda. he outside world sees Switzerland as a variations in funding by cantons. There is excel- well-ordered country at the heart of lence in every aspect of cancer surveillance and T Europe, famous for its neutrality, preci- treatment somewhere in Switzerland and the sion watches and the excellence of its chocolate, Swiss pharmaceutical industry is a leading pro- industry, medicine and trains. ducer of anticancer drugs. However, the Swiss But Switzerland is complicated. Physically it system of cancer prevention, surveillance and is indeed at the heart of Europe. But Switzerland care is patchy and lacks coordination and equity. has never joined the European Union. It is home In terms of treatment, Switzerland is amongst to the World Health Organization and other UN the leaders in Europe. According to the EURO- bodies. But it only became a full member of the CARE 3 study (2003), Switzerland stands fifth UN in 2002. overall in terms of cancer survival, and tops the It is a neutral country with more soldiers European league for treatment of rectal cancer in under arms proportionately than any other men. However, since Swiss cancer registries European country. It is a democratic country that cover only 55% of the population, the EURO- did not give all women the vote until 1971. -
KAS Auslandsinformationen 03/2012
3|2012 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 53 creaky concordance system Parliamentary and Governmental elections in switzerland: divided conservatives defeated by consensus-oriented centre-riGht Parties Burkard Steppacher Elections in Switzerland have become quite exciting in recent years. The cooperation between the traditional ruling parties, which have been in power in a grand coali- tion since the end of the 1950s, has clearly been thrown into crisis,1 new parties have entered parliament and the political concordance that has existed for decades has started to creak and shift. However, it appears that these changes have not yet found a permanent footing.2 Prof. Dr. Burkard Steppacher is a staff member of the Every four years there are federal elections to select a new Konrad-Adenauer- parliament in Switzerland, a country with one of the most Stiftung Scholarship constitutionally stable political systems, both in Europe Programme and Honorary Professor 3 and the world. The larger chamber (National Council) has of Political Science 200 members and the smaller chamber (Council of States) at the University of has 46 members, with two members per canton, although Cologne. six so-called “half cantons” only have one member each. Once the members of both parliamentary chambers have been chosen, the chambers, which together make up the Federal Assembly, then elect the country’s seven-member federal government (Federal Council). The elections were watched with great interest in 2011, as there was the real possibility of a change to the federal government. 1 | Cf. Burkard Steppacher, “Die Krise der Konkordanz‟, Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, 2/2008, 19-22; Michael Hartmann, Konkordanz in der Krise. -
A Spectre Haunting - New Dimensions of Youth Protest in Western Europe
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL UMSL Global 1-1-1982 A Spectre Haunting - New Dimensions Of Youth Protest In Western Europe Joyce Marie Mushaben [email protected] Center for International Studies UMSL Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/cis Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Mushaben, Joyce Marie and Center for International Studies UMSL, "A Spectre Haunting - New Dimensions Of Youth Protest In Western Europe" (1982). UMSL Global. 11. https://irl.umsl.edu/cis/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in UMSL Global by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Occasional PaJer No. 8208 August, 1982 Occasional Papers The Center for International Studies of the University of Missouri-St. Louis issues Occasional Papers at irre u1ar intervals from ongoing research rejects, thereby providing a viable means for communicating tentative results. Such 11 informal 11 publications reduces mewhat the delay between research and p blica tion, offering an opp.ortunity fo the investigator to obtain reactions wh i 1e st i 11 engaged in the research. ommen ts on these papers, therefore, a.re art i c ul a rl y welcome~ Occasional Pae s sh·o1,1ld not be reproduced or quoted at 1 ngth withou~ the consent of the autho or of the Center for International Stu 1es. A SPECTRE HAUNTING: . NEW DIMENSIONS OF YOUTH PRO EST IN WESTERN EUROPE JOYCE MARIE MUSHABEN ~- -~L! _- ;. :·~ - -~~ . , . '" A SPECTRE HAUNTING: NEW DIMENSIONS OF YOUTH PROTEST IN WESTERN EUROPE Joyce Marie Mushaben · University of Missouri-St. -
The People and the Nation; Populism and Ethno-Territorial Politics In
THE PEOPLE AND THE NATION ‘‘This book theoretically and empirically fills a void in populist studies. It explores sys- tematically the relationships between territory, ethnicity, identity, and uneven develop- ment in European populist politics.’’ – Carlos de la Torre, Professor of Sociology, University of Kentucky, USA. Editor of The Routledge Handbook of Global Populism ‘‘This volume is both welcome and distinctive. It is welcome in that it contributes to our knowledge on fundamental questions structuring political debates: questions of populism, nationalism, territory, and identity. It is distinctive in that its empirical basis is rich and wide, covering twelve Western and Central European cases.’’ – Michaël Tatham, University of Bergen, Norway. ‘‘Based on a coherent and comprehensive analysis of relevant European political parties, the book is a timely analysis of the interactions between populist and ethno-territorial ideologies. It is a must-read for any student of contemporary political dynamics in Europe.’’ – Régis Dandoy, Ghent University, Belgium The edited book brings together country experts on populism, ethno-territorial politics and party competition. It consists of eleven empirical chapters, covering eight Western European states (Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Switzerland and the UK) as well as four Central European states (Croatia, Hungary, Serbia and Poland). It is a collaboration by scholars from across Europe which contributes to the growing litera- ture on populism by focusing on a relatively unexplored research agenda: the intersection of territoriality, ethno-politics and populism. Presenting an original perspective, contributing experts use case studies to highlight the territorial dimension of populism in different ways and identify that a deeper understanding of the interactions between populist actors and ethno- territorial ideologies is required. -
Radical Right Populism and the Role of Positional Deprivation and Inequality
LIS Working Paper Series No. 733 RADICAL RIGHT POPULISM AND THE ROLE OF POSITIONAL DEPRIVATION AND INEQUALITY Brian Burgoon, Sam van Noort, Matthijs Rooduijn and Geoffrey Underhill March 2018 Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), asbl RADICAL RIGHT POPULISM AND THE ROLE OF POSITIONAL DEPRIVATION AND INEQUALITY Brian Burgoona, Sam van Noortb, Matthijs Rooduijna and Geoffrey Underhilla a University of Amsterdam (Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research) b University of Cambridge (Centre of Development Studies) ABSTRACT This paper explores how support for radical right populist parties may be shaped by new measures of deprivation and inequality based on growth-incidence-curves, gauging growth in real household income across a country’s income deciles and calculating a given decile’s gains relative to the gains of other deciles. The paper argues that such positional measures capture drivers of economic resentment relevant to radical-right populism. First, radical right populism is more likely among individuals facing more ‘positional deprivation’, those in deciles with gains that are smaller than the gains of the average, richest or poorest deciles in their own country. Second, subjective low income more strongly spurs support for radical right populist parties in polities with higher ‘positional inequality’, where the wealthiest deciles experience greater gains than (or suffer less than) the median or poorest earners. The paper tests these expectations using individual-level survey data from sixteen European countries. It finds support for the arguments, not only in patterns of support and voting for parties in the radical right party family but also in patterns of support and voting for parties expressing more anti-globalization nationalism and authoritarianism in their party manifestos. -
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary Online Appendix Yann Algan Sergei Guriev Sciences Po and CEPR EBRD, Sciences Po and CEPR Elias Papaioannou Evgenia Passari London Business School and CEPR Université Paris-Dauphine Abstract This supplementary online appendix consists of three parts. First, we provide summary statistics, additional sensitivity checks and further evidence. Second, we provide details and sources on the data covering regional output and unemployment, trust, beliefs, attitudes and voting statistics. Third, we provide the classification of non-mainstream political parties’ political orientation (far-right, radical-left, populist, Eurosceptic and separatist) for all countries. 1 1. Summary Statistics, Additional Sensitivity Checks, and Further Evidence 1.1 Summary Statistics Appendix Table 1 reports the summary statistics at the individual level for all variables that we use from the ESS distinguishing between the pre-crisis period (2000-08) and the post-crisis period (2009-14). Panel A looks at all questions on general trust, trust in national and supranational institutions, party identification, ideological position on the left-right scale and beliefs on the European unification issue whereas in panel B we focus on attitudes to immigration. 1.2 Additional Sensitivity Checks Appendix Table 2 looks at the relationship between employment rates and voting for anti- establishment parties. Panel A reports panel OLS estimates with region fixed effects. Panel B reports difference-in-differences estimates. In contrast to Table 4, the specifications now include a dummy that takes on the value of one for core countries (Austria, France, Norway, Sweden) and zero for the periphery countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Ireland, Slovakia).