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Kyrgyzstan's Slow Progress to Reform

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Kyrgyzstan's Slow Progress to Reform Kyrgyzstan's slow progress to reform Ian Pryde Kyrgyzstan's parliamentary elections in February this year, the ment. The President and many others believed that the political first since March 1990, were expected to mark the next stage in stalemate which had afflicted the country for months would be the country's progress towards full democracy after gaining resolved. independence from the former Soviet Union. The new Parliament The elections were indeed a watershed, but hardly in the way would, it was thought, be more professional and competent than people in the republic had anticipated. The results of the two its obstreperous and Communist-dominated predecessor and rounds of voting on 5 and 19 February sent shock waves through show a far greater commitment to President Askar Akayev and his the country, brought about major changes in the political balance democratic and economic reform course. of Kyrgyzstan and gave Akayev's critics additional ammunition Difficulties had been mounting between President Akayev and in their battle against the President. It is still too early to say how Parliament over the past few years, particularly during the debates the new Parliament will behave, but many local observers feel that on the new Constitution passed on 5 the country's long-standing political May 1993. Then, in the course of crisis can now only become even worse. 1994, relations between the execu- tive and the legislature deteriorated still further and became increasingly Local and international reactions acrimonious, paralysing the political The biggest shock was that, at the life of the republic. This develop- time of their election, nearly 30 per ment was paralleled by the emer- cent of the new deputies were being gence of two opposing factions within investigated by the State Prosecutor's Parliament itself. However, they were Office for illegal financial dealings. divided less by political orientation Parliamentary privileges, notably than by their attitude to the endemic immunity from further investigation corruption among official and public and criminal prosecution, gave corrupt figures who had taken advantage of businessmen and mafiosi a strong their position and privileges to line incentive to seek election to Parlia- their own pockets. Whilst one camp ment. Candidates with the threat of jail wanted to continue investigating the sentences hanging over their heads spent various scandals and see Parliament appropriately large sums of black serve out its full period of five years to new elections in March [Map from The Economist] money in often bitter campaigns, and 1995, a second faction was more determined to prevent the various numerous cases of vote-rigging and outright physical parliamentary commissions from publishing the names of those intimidation were reported. Large sections of the hard-pressed people allegedly involved in corruption. The body's very name - population, particularly pensioners and poorer people, were Commission of the Supreme Soviet for Examining the Participa- bought off with trinkets, food packets and a few dollars offered tion of People's Deputies, Members of the Government and Heads by many of the richer candidates. of the Local State Administration in the Privatisation of Objects This author also witnessed several cases where officials of State Property, the Receiving of Credits, Land and Flats - gives openly ignored and violated the provisions of the electoral law, an indication of the scale of corruption and those involved. which was in any event badly drafted and weakly enforced. In the The commission was due to report and publish names in the absence of effective legal sanctions, unscrupulous electoral offic- autumn 1994 legislative period. However, fearing public expo- ers had carte blanche to rig the results, although voting at many sure, over half the deputies announced that they would boycott the polling stations was nevertheless reasonably fair. So, contrary to forthcoming session. This left Parliament unable to constitute a expectations that a more mature electorate would make demo- quorum, whereupon the government under the Prime Minister, cratic decisions based on enlightened self-interest, immediate Apas Jumagulov, resigned en bloc on 6 September, arguing that economic benefits set the tone of the campaign and voting. it could not work without a Parliament, to which President Akayev The elections also brought about a crucial change in the responded by dissolving it. balance of power in Kyrgyzstan. The Islamic south of the republic In a subsequent referendum, on 22 October 1994, Akayev managed to get many of its own local candidates elected at the obtained a popular mandate to replace the old single chamber of expense of placemen from the secular north, showing that it was 350 members with a smaller, bi-cameral legislature of 105. The no longer prepared to accept traditional northern dominance in new Jogurku Kenesh, as the old Supreme Soviet is now called in the economic and political life of the country. This is a develop- Kyrgyz, would, it was hoped, discharge its duties competently and ment with potentially far-reaching implications. The south is honestly and make a break with the corruption of the old Parlia- already the least stable part of Kyrgyzstan, and there are demands 115 116 THE WORLD TODAY JUNE 1995 for greater autonomy vis-à-vis the north and for secession from the region and therefore deserving of international support. Many large Uzbek minority there. Both neighbouring Tajikistan and local analysts argue that the donor countries were thus forced nearby Afghanistan are torn by armed conflict, and the whole willy-nilly to continue maintaining that Kyrgyzstan was still on region is awash with arms and drugs. Many of the new deputies the right road to democracy. The OSCE report consequently from the south are assumed to be involved in the narcotics trade turned a blind eye to the many irregularities which occurred. and to have considerable amounts of weapons at their disposal. There was, then, a widespread feeling locally that the elections Despite the constant pronouncements by senior political should be held again, but with much more stringent and compe- leaders in Kyrgyzstan that the country now has a pluralistic and tent international monitoring than in February to guarantee multi-party system, none of the 12 largest parties was able to win genuinely fair and free voting and a Parliament which would more than a few seats. So while the opposition may indeed be actually reflect the wishes of the people. This view was also largely vociferous on occasion, it is still poorly organised and very weak supported by the non-governmental observers from the Washing- in terms of real political power. As a result, no party was able to ton-based International Republican Institute, who were equally stake a claim to ministerial posts in the Cabinet subsequently angered by the OSCE report and argued that there were more than nominated by Akayev. sufficient grounds for the elections to be annulled.1 Equally worrying is the fact that the new Parliament consists Additional support for this view comes from sources close to almost entirely of Kyrgyz, leaving Russians, Uzbeks and other the President which reported that Akayev too was alarmed by the nationalities with virtually no representation. Memories of the outcome of the elections and seriously considered rescinding the ethnic clashes between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in the southern town results. However, with powerful economic and political interests of Osh in summer 1990, which left at least 200 dead, are still very at stake and an ample supply of weapons, many people argued that vivid in the republic. In an effort to maintain national harmony, the southern deputies, in particular, would not stop at fomenting Akayev had proposed a system of proportional representation for open conflict if their new privileges and parliamentary immunity the revamped Parliament to reflect the make-up of the country's were to be threatened should the results be annulled. Akayev multi-ethnic population. This was meant to prevent the Kyrgyz therefore apparently decided against this step for fear of from dominating the new legislature and to reduce the risk of destabilising the republic and risking unrest or even civil war. alienating the other nationalities. Akayev had also proposed a Against this background, Akayev subsequently stated publicly quota system to give women a say in the country's affairs. that it was necessary to abide by the results despite their negative However, the previous Parliament rejected these suggestions, and outcome since for the most part they had been conducted in there is now a real danger that the non-Kyrgyz, who make up about accordance with the current electoral law and because they were 44 per cent of the population, may feel even more resentful of a necessary first step on the way to full democracy. But he did Kyrgyz dominance and nationalism. respond to the massive public criticism by setting up a commission Complaints about intimidation and other electoral violations to investigate the numerous violations, although sceptics point out began weeks before actual polling as it became clear how the that most commissions in the republic are ineffective and that the campaign was being conducted, and criticism mounted sharply end results are unlikely to be affected. almost immediately on the commencement of voting on 5 Febru- However, Akayev has kept his options open with regard to a ary. Many calls came from the various opposition groups, the future dissolution of Parliament. Early on the first polling day, he mass media and the general public for the elections to be annulled remarked rather cryptically that the new legislature would prob- and conducted again. There was also a widespread expectation ably be only a temporary and provisional body, apparently imply- that the many observers from the international community would ing that with presidential elections due in 1996, the legislature also call for new elections in view of the numerous violations.
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