The Eurasian Union the Eurasian Union: Future of Integration Or Failure in the Making
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Role and Function of Regional Blocs and Arrangements in the Formation of the Islamic Common Market
Journal of Economic Cooperation 21 , 4 (2000) 1-28 ROLE AND FUNCTION OF REGIONAL BLOCS AND ARRANGEMENTS IN THE FORMATION OF THE ISLAMIC COMMON MARKET ∗ Oker Gürler The present study aims to examine the role and function of regional blocs and trade arrangements in the formation of the Islamic Common Market. For this purpose, it provides, first of all, a conceptual background on regional economic groupings. Then, it evaluates the regional economic groupings and trade arrangements formed amongst the member countries of the OIC. Based on this framework, the paper discusses, in detail, the possible role and function of regional economic groupings and trade arrangements in the formation of the Islamic Common Market or any other form of economic integration. At the end, it gives concluding remarks on the topic. 1. INTRODUCTION In the 1990s, regionalisation efforts increased considerably at the global scale. This new wave of regionalisation was mostly affected by the achievements of the European countries in creating first a common market and then a monetary and economic union amongst themselves. Since its establishment, the European Union (EU) has grown greatly in terms of its membership, its economic and political influence, and its organisational infrastructure. Starting with only six member states, its membership has now reached fifteen. Furthermore, more countries are waiting at the doorstep of the Union. On the other hand, the Maastricht Summit (9-10 December 1991) was a very important turning point in the history of the EU. The member countries agreed on the Treaty on the European Union aiming to develop the European Community into an Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and to introduce a single European currency by 1999 at the latest. -
Download PDF (650.9
IMF Working Paper This is a Working Paper and the author(s) would welcome any comments on the present text. Citations should refer to a Working Paper o/the International Monetary Fund. The © 1998 International Monetary Fund views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent those of the Fund. WP/98/84 INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND IMF Institute Trading Blocs and Welfare: How Trading Bloc Members Are Affected by New Entrants Prepared by R. Scott Hacker and Qaizar Hussainl Authorized for distribution by B.R.H.S. Rajcoomar June 1998 Abstract This paper uses the three-country duopoly model to examine the effects of lowered trade barriers when a new entrant joins a trading bloc. There are two firms-a small-country firm and a large-country firm within the bloc-and three markets-two within and one (new entrant's) outside the bloc. The analysis generally shows greater gains for the small-country than for the large-country firm. The small-country firm will export more to the external country than the large-country firm. But if tariffs decline, the export share of the large-country firm will increase relative to the small-country firm's, though profits will improve more for the latter. JEL Classification Numbers: F15, FlO, D43, D60 Keywords: Trading Blocs, Duopoly, Tariffs Author's E-Mail Address: [email protected] 1 R. Scott Hacker is at the Jbnkbping International Business School, Sweden. The authors are grateful to Mohsin Khan, Timo Valila, Philip Wong, Hassan Al-Atrash, Ashok Bardhan, Ernesto Stein, Thomas Dorsey, and Clas Wihlborg for valuable comments. -
Voter Alignments in a Dominant Party System: the Cleavage Structures of the Russian Federation
Voter alignments in a dominant party system: The cleavage structures of the Russian Federation. Master’s Thesis Department of Comparative Politics November 2015 Ivanna Petrova Abstract This thesis investigates whether there is a social cleavage structure across the Russian regions and whether this structure is mirrored in the electoral vote shares for Putin and his party United Russia on one hand, versus the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and its leader Gennady Zyuganov on the other. In addition to mapping different economic, demographic and cultural factors affecting regional vote shares, this thesis attempts to determine whether there is a party system based on social cleavages in Russia. In addition, as the Russian context is heavily influenced by the president, this thesis investigates whether the same cleavages can explain the distribution of vote shares during the presidential elections. Unemployment, pensioners, printed newspapers and ethnicity create opposing effects during parliamentary elections, while distance to Moscow, income, pensioners, life expectancy, printed newspapers and ethnicity created opposing effects during the presidential elections. The first finding of this thesis is not only that the Russian party system is rooted in social cleavages, but that it appears to be based on the traditional “left-right” cleavage that characterizes all Western industrialized countries. In addition, despite the fact that Putin pulls voters from all segments of the society, the pattern found for the party system persists during presidential elections. The concluding finding shows that the main political cleavage in today’s Russia is between the left represented by the communists and the right represented by the incumbents. -
Putin: Russia's Choice, Second Edition
Putin The second edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the previous edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his pro- found influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society. New to this edition: Analysis of Putin’s second term as President. More biographical information in the light of recent research. Detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin. Developments in state–society relations including the conflicts with oli- garchs such as Khodorkovsky. Review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Details on economic performance under Putin, including more discus- sion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia’s relationship with Nato after the ‘big-bang’ enlargement, EU– Russian relations after enlargement and Russia’s relations with other post- Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today, and the nature of Putin’s leadership and his place in the world. Putin: Russia’s choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. Richard Sakwa is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent, UK. Putin Russia’s choice Second edition Richard Sakwa First edition published 2004 Second edition, 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007. -
Download PDF (54.2
IMF Working Paper This is a Working Paper and the author(s) would welcome any comments on the present text. Citations should refer to a Working Paper o/the International Monetary Fund. The © 1998 International Monetary Fund views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent those of the Fund. WP/98110 INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND Research Department Open Regionalism in a World of Continental Trade Blocs Prepared by Jeffrey Frankel and Shang-Jin Weil Authorized for distribution by Donald J. Mathieson February 1998 Abstract Continental trade blocs are emerging in many parts of the world almost in tandem. Iftrade blocs are required to satisfy the McMillan criterion of not lowering trade volume with outside countries, they have to engage in a dramatic reduction of trade barriers against non-member countries. That may not be politically feasible. On the other hand, in a world of simultaneous continental trade blocs, an open regionalism in which trade blocs undertake relatively modest external liberalization can usually produce Pareto improvement. JEL Classification Numbers: F15 Keywords: Open regionalism, trade blocs, the McMillan criterion. Author's E-Mail Address: [email protected] Http://www. nber. org/~wei lJeffrey Frankel is Chief Economist, u.s. President's Council of Economic Advisers, and Professor of Economics, University of California, Berkeley. Shang-Jin Wei is Associate Professor of Public Policy, Harvard University. Part of the research for the paper was completed when Prof Wei was a visiting scholar at the IMF's Research Department. We would like to thank Alan Winters and T.N. Srinivasan for helpful comments, Jungshik Kim and Greg Dorchak for efficient research and editorial assistance, and the Pacific Basin Research Center of Soka University, operating out of Harvard University, for financial support. -
Border Operating Model
UK border changes from 1st January 2021 Impact on flow of UK-EU goods AGENDA ❑ How we got here ❑ Trade agreement landscape before and after 31st December 2020) ❑ UK Government’s Border Operating Model – Explained ❑ Importers: phased implementation; facilitations and simplifications; actions ❑ Exporters: no phased implementation; immediate requirements; facilitations and simplifications; actions ❑ Available information and support TRADING IN GOODS CURRENTLY (EXAMPLE) FACTS AND HOW WE GOT TO WHERE WE ARE NOW HOW WE GOT HERE 29th January 2020 30th June 2020 European Parliament gives UK declines to request an its consent to the extension to the transition 22nd October 2019 withdrawal agreement; period by date mandated Revised withdrawal subsequently concludes by in Article 132 of the 23rd June 2016 22nd March 2019 agreement is cleared first the Council of the Withdrawal Agreement. UK votes to leave UK and EU agree on an stage in UK Parliament – European Union on 30th Transition period end 31st the EU initial extension GE election called. January 2020. December 2020 rd st 29th March 2017 11th April 2019 23 January 2020 31 January 2020 UK serves notice of its EU extends the date of the UK Parliament ratifies the UK officially leaves the EU withdrawal to the EU exit until 31st October agreement by passing the and 11-month transition starting a two-year process 2019. This is done at the Withdrawal Agreement Act period began whereby the UK would request of and in automatically leave the EU agreement with the UK on 29th March 2019 IMPACT OF NO AGREEMENT -
2 the Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project
2 The Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project Stephen Blank The Eurasian Economic Union and its component Customs Union comprise Vladimir Putin’s “flagship” policies.1 But these organizations are merely the latest iteration of an increasingly crystallized Russian policy aspiration dating back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Jeffrey Mankoff recently observed, “In one form or another, re-integrating the states of the former Soviet Union has been on Russia’s agenda almost since the moment the Soviet Union col- lapsed.”2 Arguably, Russia has never reconciled itself to losing an empire. The reintegration program that is proceeding under Putin in fact began under Boris Yeltsin’s leadership, notwithstanding the fact that the Commonwealth of Inde- pendent States (CIS) was first thought of as “divorce court” for former Soviet Republics. Furthermore, these organizations are not the only elements of Putin’s reintegra- tion plan. The overall project has always had a military dimension, namely the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) that grew out of the 1992 Tashkent Collective Security Treaty (CST).3 And the leitmotif of all these plans has not just been economic or military integration, but equally crucially, the privileging of Russian sovereignty over that of CIS countries, a hallmark of neo-imperial and sphere of influence policies. Russian leaders do not refrain from admitting this openly. In August 2008, immediately after the war in 1 Iwona Wisniewska, Eurasian Integration: Russia’s Attempt at the Economic Unification of the Post-Soviet Area, OSW Studies: Centre for Eastern Studies, Warsaw, 2013. 2 Jeffrey Mankoff, Eurasian Integration: the Next Stage, Central Asia Policy Brief, Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, 2013, p. -
By Kateryna Levchuk Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies in Parti
EURASIANISM: A RUSSIAN MONROE DOCTRINE? By Kateryna Levchuk Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Matteo Fumagalli Word Count: 17 207 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 Abstract The ideology of Eurasianism stopped being a philosophical current and transformed into a Russian foreign policy foundation, justifying an increased international assertiveness by a special mission and a place in the Eurasian region. It is currently being used as a justification for Russia-led integration projects in the former Soviet Union. This thesis evaluates the utility of the concept for the creation of a Eurasian political unity and outlines the reasons for its prospective success or failure. Throughout my thesis I use a combination of different methods, such as qualitative data collection, small case studies, historical analysis and comparison. In order to illustrate the usefulness of Eurasianist ideology for further regional integration I use a comparative analysis with the similarly framed Monroe doctrine. Despite a number of theoretical similarities, the comparison shows a low practical probability of the success of a Eurasian project due to a number of empirical divergences. The thesis concludes with some recommendations concerning Russian foreign policy direction. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements First of all I would like to thank my parents, who were always a great support and inspiration for my life and studies. I am grateful to my supervisor, Professor Matteo Fumagalli, for his suggestions and valuable recommendations regarding the direction and structure of the thesis. -
China's Belt and Road Initiative in the Global Trade, Investment and Finance Landscape
China's Belt and Road Initiative in the Global Trade, Investment and Finance Landscape │ 3 China’s Belt and Road Initiative in the global trade, investment and finance landscape China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) development strategy aims to build connectivity and co-operation across six main economic corridors encompassing China and: Mongolia and Russia; Eurasian countries; Central and West Asia; Pakistan; other countries of the Indian sub-continent; and Indochina. Asia needs USD 26 trillion in infrastructure investment to 2030 (Asian Development Bank, 2017), and China can certainly help to provide some of this. Its investments, by building infrastructure, have positive impacts on countries involved. Mutual benefit is a feature of the BRI which will also help to develop markets for China’s products in the long term and to alleviate industrial excess capacity in the short term. The BRI prioritises hardware (infrastructure) and funding first. This report explores and quantifies parts of the BRI strategy, the impact on other BRI-participating economies and some of the implications for OECD countries. It reproduces Chapter 2 from the 2018 edition of the OECD Business and Financial Outlook. 1. Introduction The world has a large infrastructure gap constraining trade, openness and future prosperity. Multilateral development banks (MDBs) are working hard to help close this gap. Most recently China has commenced a major global effort to bolster this trend, a plan known as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China and economies that have signed co-operation agreements with China on the BRI (henceforth BRI-participating economies1) have been rising as a share of the world economy. -
Trade Statistics in Policymaking
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMISSION FOR ASIA AND THE PACIFIC Trade Statistics in Policymaking - A HANDBOOK OF COMMONLY USED TRADE INDICES AND INDICATORS - Revised Edition Prepared by Mia Mikic and John Gilbert Trade Statistics in Policymaking - A HANDBOOK OF COMMONLY USED TRADE INDICES AND INDICATORS - Revised Edition United Nations publication Copyright © United Nations 2009 All rights reserved ST/ESCAP/ 2559 The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The opinions, figures and estimates set forth in this publication are the responsibility of the authors and should not necessarily be considered as reflecting the views or carrying the endorsement of the United Nations. Mention of firm names and commercial products does not imply the endorsement of the United Nations. All material in this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted, but acknowledgment is required, together with a copy of the publication containing the quotation or reprint. The use of this publication for any commercial purpose, including resale, is prohibited unless permission is first obtained from the secretary of the Publication Board, United Nations, New York. Requests for permission should state the purpose and the extent of reproduction. This publication has been issued without -
Going Regional the Russian Way: the Eurasian Economic Union Between Instrumentalism and Global Social Appropriateness
GR:EEN Working Paper Author: Diana Shendrikova, GR:EEN Visiting Researcher at ISPI – Italian Institute for international Political Studies Going regional the Russian way: The Eurasian Economic Union between instrumentalism and global social appropriateness Introduction In his A Russian idea (1946), the philosopher Alexander Berdyaev divided Russia’s history in five major epochs: “There is Kiev Russia, Russia during the Tatar invasion, Moscow Russia, Russia of Peter the Great, Soviet Russia. It is possible that there will be some other new Russia. Russia’s historical development has been catastrophic”1. Expanding Berdyaev’s periodization, the current stage of Russia’s history might be defined ‘Eurasian Russia’, at least to the extent that the country’s current foreign policy seems to be actually underpinned – if not utterly driven – by the willingness to embrace an epochal trend orienting its development. This sort of ‘manifest destiny’ hinges on the East/West divide that has constantly characterized the country’s identity – as well as the political agenda of its leaders, These powerful opposing pulls have often resulting in an ambition for a distinct ‘Russian way’, more or less consistently combined with the Eurasian perspective, bestowing on Russia the role of bridging between the Western European and Eastern cultures.2 1 Николай А. Бердяев, Русская идея. О России и русской философской культуре: философы русского послеоктябрьского зарубежья Nikolay A. Berdyaev, The Russian Idea: On Russia, Russian philosophical culture: philosophers of Russian post-October immigration, Moscow, 1990, Chapter I 2 See more: Marlèn Laruelle, L’ideologie eurasiste russe, ou comment penser l’empire, Paris, L'Harmattan, 1999;, Всеволод Н. -
POST-SOVIET TRANSFORMATION Eurasian Multipartism: Variations
Armenian Journal o f Political Science 2(5) 2016, 5 - 38 5 POST - SOVIET TRANSFORMATION DOI : 10.19266/1829 - 4286 - 2016 - 02 - 05 - 38 Eurasian Multipartism: Variations on a Theme PETRA STYKOW Ludwig - Maximilians Universität München, Germany The paper analyz es the structure and competitiveness of party systems, the degree of institutionalization of parliamentary parties, and the role of parties in making and breaking governments in Eurasia’s twelve minimal and non - democratic countries. Within the hegemonic pa rty systems of Kazakhstan, Russia, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, personalist dominant parties translate presidential power into the electoral and legislative arenas. However, they are not ‘ruling parties.’ By contrast, Georgia, Kyrgy zstan, Moldova, Ukraine, and to a lesser degree Armenia feature more pluralist, competitive national and legislative party systems that are plagued by the high instability of organizations and their coalitions. Only in this group have parties also become t he key actors in government formation and termination. The two patterns mirror the structure and dynamics of network - based ‘power pyramids’ in patronal regimes rather than a genuine ‘partyization’ of politics akin to Western democracies. Keywords P arty sy stem, political party, political regime , governments, Eurasia . Introduction The collapse of communism in the European East and Southeast at the end of the 1990s and the dismantling of the Soviet Union spurred a large – scale natural experiment. Not only the majority of the citizens in the postcommunist countries, but also Western observers assumed they were witness to a fundamental and simultaneous transition to democracy and market economy in more than two dozen countries.