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Сд\ьіЩ,Уі&·ЦімѵСЬЫТ γ P v - t 5 ś * titative methods because we cannot identify independent and dependent variables. Therefore, some simply offer perspectives about how practice should proceed. Generally, in practice we utilize practice models 3 Theoretical Frameworks to link theories about how society functions to our intervention plans. Mod­ els of community practice are described in detail in chapter 4. for Practice The differences among theories, models, and perspectives can be de­ scribed in the following manner:

Perspective: An approach to practice that involves basic value as­ sumptions about best practices. Perspectives offer guid­ ance about the best way to intervene and the role of the social worker in the intervention process. Perspectives do not offer detailed prescriptions about outcomes as­ sociated with specific practice activities. Often the ideas or constructs associated with the perspective are not easily measurable. Consequently, little research has been conducted to verify whether the practice approach is effective. Theories: Assumptions about cause-and-effect relationships that through empirical testing have been established as valid. In , we use theories to under­ stand how function, how residents adapt to change, how to influence government policy deci­ sions, and how people can be organized to take power. S In this chapter, theoretical assumptions associated with The theories that guide our work determine what mod­ com m unity practice in are described. Practice perspectives, els of practice we will use to plan social change which provide guidance about how interventions should be carried out, interventions. are also presented. Often our practice literature is derived from psychol- Models: Constructs used to understand or visualize patterns of ogy, political science, and sociolog}7. However, some have argued that so­ relationships among concepts, individuals, groups, and cial work is not a profession because it does not possess a unique theory organizations. Theoretical models are used to illustrate base that defines its primary purpose (Reeser & Epstein, 1990; Wakefield, cause-and-effect relationships between variables (such 1996b). as die relationship between a particular social work in­ This chapter discusses two primary practice perspectives, empowerment tervention and its anticipated outcome). Models are and strengths approaches. A number of theories used to frame community typically used to guide decision making or to under­ organization practice are described m detail: systems, ecological, power- stand how decisions are made (Flynn, 1992). dependency, conflict, social movement, and social constructionism. The au­ Practice models: Detailed frameworks for understanding social problems thor argues that these theories in themselves are not sufficient to guide and developing responses to those problems. In com­ practice. Models of practice that link theories to specific types of interven­ munity practice, our model of choice has a number of tion approaches are described in chapter 4. components: (1) a theoretical framework for under­ standing social change, (2) an intervention approach, Perspectives, Theories, and Models: What Is the Difference? and (3) probable outcomes associated with using this approach. Models determine the strategies and tactics Some of the theories that guide social work practice are not empirically used to address the problem and the individuals and testable; specific cause-and-effect relationships cannot be tested using quan- groups involved in problem solving.

45 CONCEPTS AND THEORIES FOR PRACTICE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS FOR PRACTICE ■

Practice Perspectives: Empowerment and 1. The validation of the experiences that shape the lives and values of Strengths-Based Approaches flie constituent group 2. An examination of the self-perceptions of constituency group mem­ Two of the primar)7 perspectives associated -with community practice are the bers in terms of their ability to gain mastery over the environment empowerment and strengths perspectives. These approaches provide us 3. A critical analysis of the impact of the sociopolitical environment on with a generic description ofhow we should interact with constituents, rec­ the lives of constituency group members ognizing their strengths and abilities and valuing their right to make deci­ 4. Increased knowledge and skills for critical thinking and action sions that affect their lives. The value assumptions associated with each of S.. Action taken for political as well as personal change (p. 20) these approaches are easily incorporated into theoretical frameworks and practice models associated with community work. Both perspectives focus The implication of this model for community organization practice is on the importance of client or constituent self-determination as specified in that the organizer is to take great pains to establish decision-making pro­ the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) code of ethics. cesses and structures that support and encourage constituent involvement in problem identification, community assessment, goal setting, implemen­ The Empowerment Perspective tation of strategies, and evaluation (Zachary, 2000). However, as noted in As noted in chapters 1 and 2, empowerment produces powerful effects. The chapter 2, the decision-making process takes place in a context of equal inclusion of disadvantaged members of society in organization or political exchange or dialogue between constituents and the organizer. decision making can alleviate the harmful psychological effects of social inequality by increasing the power of individuals to change those environ­ The Strengths Perspective mental conditions responsible for their problems. From this perspective, social problems are viewed as originating from the inequitable distribution The strengths perspective assumes that residents of low-income and other of resources and decision-making authority (Freire, 1970; Parsons, Gutier­ marginalized groups have skills, resources, and knowledge that they can rez, & Cox, 1998). utilize to transform their lives (Lum, 1996; Saleebey, 1997). The purpose Empowerment also refers to the process through which people maintain of the strengths perspective is to counteract traditional approaches to social control over their own lives and communities (Solomon, 1976; Staples, work practice that emphasize personal deficits and consequently result in 1990). Empowerment decreases feelings of aliénation from the dominant the victimization of people in need. culture, helps individuals develop the capacity for collective action, and leads Drawing from Freire’s work (1970), the strengths perspective assumes to the development of a or responsibility for and ability that the person who receives the service also is the best “expert” about his to resolve local problems (Simon, 1990). To be empowered, members of or her own life. The strengths perspective emphasizes mutuality in all help­ oppressed groups must be able to recognize the degree to which social struc­ ing relationships, including one-on-one relationships between clients and tures limit life opportunities (Freire, 1970). social workers. This approach implies that the individual’s culture is an asset Empowerment can be defined along three dimensions. An individual is that should be used in the change process. empowered when his or her self-esteem or self-efficacy is increased. At the This perspective can be incorporated into community practice in several intrapersonal level, empowerment comes through the construction of ways. Saleebey (1997) describes community practice from the strengths per­ knowledge and analysis of social problems acquired through shared expe­ spective as oriented toward developing the capacities of individuals to rience. At the community level, empowerment occurs through the devel­ change their own lives as well as the quality of community life. It focuses opment of service resources and social change strategies, which in turn help on “resilience”—the idea that people who have been marginalized and op­ individuals gain mastery over the environment (Labonte, 1990). Involve­ pressed by society can persevere over hardships. Saleebey argues that the ment in community-based social change efforts is thought to provide op­ best way to do this is through forming social bonds with other individuals portunities to empower low-income people and members of other op­ and community associations: pressed groups along all three of these dimensions. According to Parsons et al. (1998), empowerment practice originates in involves helping unleash the power, vision, the dialogue conducted among service professionals and constituents in­ capacities, and talents within a (self-defined) community so that the volved in the organizing effort. It has the following primary components: community can strengthen its internal relationships and move closer

47 В CONCEPTS AND THEORIES FOR PRACTICE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS FOR PRACTICE №

toward performing the important fonctions of solidarity and support, Systems Theory succor and identification and instructing and socializing, (p. 202) In social work, we tend to use systems theory to examine small systems such as families or larger organizational systems. However, systems theory also In , the informal networks found within ethnic pertains to the life of the community. We; can examine communities in terms communities are central to die completion of successful organizing efforts of subsystems comprised of individuals and groups. The community is a (Delgado, 2000). Community residents use networks to establish a process subsystem of the larger environment, or suprasystem, that includes other of mutual assistance between those in need and other community residents. communities, the city as a whole, and other political entities (county, state, Such networks can also be used to facilitate community decision making. nation). Commtmity subsystems can include organizations that serve neigh­ For example, an organizer interested in enrolling Hmong immigrants in borhood residents, businesses, and local institutions (schools, churches, and Medicaid may begin the organizing process by asking local clan leaders to hospitals). The community is also affected by changes in the political, eco­ put the word out to community residents. nomic,. and social systems (Fellin, 1995). Any action in one component of ■die system produces changes in all of the subsystems. - Community boundaries may be open or closed to communication and Limitations of Empowerment and Strengths Perspectives feedback from these larger systems. Communities are dynamic; to survive, While these perspectives contain important prescriptions for practice, they organizations must be able to adapt to communication and feedback (Noriin do not always link specific activities to outcomes.. Although empowerment & Chess, 1997). As with, any system, the primary purpose of die community and strengths perspectives are often thought to produce improvements in i,s to link individuals with the larger society and to achieve stability or a self-esteem or feelings of control over one’s environment, methods for mea­ steady state. Community systems promote pattern maintenance, goal at­ suring these outcomes are limited (Gutierrez, 1995; Israel, Checkoway, tainment, integration, and adaptation to the demands of the environment Schulz, & Zimmerman, 1999; Zimmerman, 1990). Consequently, little em­ (Knuttila, 1992; Noriin & Chess. 1997; Parsons, 1971). Pattern mainte­ pirical evidence exists that establishes cause-and-effect relationships be­ nance involves socialization, the transmission of common values and be­ tween practice activities and specific intervention outcomes. Though some haviors throughout the community. Integration refers to the process in work has been done to establish theoretical frameworks to support this em­ which people are made to adopt values and behaviors. This process is also pirical research, most efforts have focused on practice with individuals and referred to as social control. Adaptation focuses on the ability of the com­ small groups (Parsons, et al, 1998). The lack of empirical literature on the munity’s economic subsystem to acquire die resources it needs to function. effects of empowerment- or strengths-oriented practice in community work Goal attainment refers to the ability to use these resources to accomplish may simply be due to the primary rolé assigned to these values. Many or­ tasks. It can be argued that all community subsystems must function at ganizers assume that this type of practice is necessary for the success of adequate levels so that community resources can be used to meet goals. community projects. However, it is not clear that all organizers actually "WTiile government may be the primáty avenue to produce goal attainment incorporate such values into their practice. Some traditional models of social (Parsons, 1971), community institutions, businesses, community organiza­ action—oriented community organizing involve approaches in which the or­ tions, and informal groups of residents can organize to produce results. ganizer takes a lead role in guiding or directing intervention processes (AI- Warren (1978) identifies a number of subsystems, which carry out basic inslty, 1971). community fonctions (see table 3.1). The implications of systems theory for community practice are as follow:

1. A change in the suprasystem 'will produce a reaction in some aspect Theoretical Perspectives on Community Practice of community life. For example, government welfare reform legisla­ Most of the theories associated with community organization practice help tion will have an impact on how residents in a low-income community us understand the role of the social change organization within the context obtain income and find employment. v. of the larger society. These theories also examine the role of social class and 2. Actions in any community subsystem affect the whole community as competing interests in the political process. Most importantly, these theo­ well as components of that system. \ ries help us understand one of the primary concepts inherent in commtmity ľ). Communities perform all of those functions identified by Warren organization practice: power What is power? How is it obtained? What do (1978), Some communities perform these functions less well than social change organizations need to do to maintain their power base? others. , -

49 И CONCEPTS AND THEORIES FOR PRACTICE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS FOR PRACTICE В

4. The purpose of organizing is to restore die community to a steady in the community that were effective in performing essential social control state where all residents can participate in.the life of the community. functions. However, local street gangs occupied the organizational void. Gang members enforced local norms, provided protection, and punished social deviants. Gangs established rules of inclusion and exclusion—for ex­ Ecological Theory ample, who belongs and who does not belong in the neighborhood. Graffiti Ecological theory7 is also known as population ecology7. This approach has and other physical markers (streets or buildings) were used to define the its roots in Darwin’s biological determinism—“survival of the fittest.” Popu­ geographic neighborhood. Consequently1, access to the neighborhood wvas lation ecologists believe that social structure develops through the interac­ controlled or limited by gang members. tion among individuals, groups, and surrounding physical environment Following are the implications of ecological theory for community (Noriin & Chess, 1997). Changes in the environment occur due to natural practice: forces such as population density or the movement of ethnic subpopulations into or out of the community. These forces will seek equilibrium or to 1. Groups compete for scarce resources. The strong are able to domi­ maintain an ecological balance that allows the community to maintain reg­ nate commimity life. ular patterns of activities. 2. Other groups must adapt to the surrounding environment. The community ecosystem includes a variety of components: residents, 3. The physical environment has an important role in defining how so­ housing structure, population density, land use, and social structure (Del­ cial structure is created. Low-income communities are often charac­ gado, 2000; Fellin, 1995). The various groups in the community may com­ terized by deteriorating infrastructures and housing stock. Changing pete for land, housing, jobs, and other resources. Those who can acquire the physical environment will produce changes in the community’s these resources can dominate others. Those groups who do not successfully social life. compete adapt to existing structures and processes. For example, new im­ migrants may move into a neighborhood with few services or convenience Limitations of Systems and Ecological Approaches stores. They adapt to this problem by creating informal structures (street Both systems theory and ecological theory have Umitations for use in com­ vendors, in-home sales) for the delivery of goods and services (Hardina, munity practice. Both lack specific directives for practice and may represent Palacio, Lee, & Cabrera, 1999). an inherently conservative approach because of the focus on adaptation Groups may also adapt by finding a specific niche or role in the com­ (Delgado, 2000). Even proponents of systems and ecological theories have munity that allows them to acquire power or survive. Venkatesh (1997) ex­ argued that they are not theories in the classic sense; cause-and-effect re­ amined the relationship between physical structures and social organization lationships have not been established through empirical testing (Wakefield, in a low-income community. He found few informal groups or organizations 1996a, 1996b). In addition, both theories fail to recognize the role of power in limiting the life opportunities of low-income people (Cloward and Piven, Table 3.1 Community Subsystems and Their Functions 1975). Ftmction Subsystems Theories Related to the Acquisition of Power Production-distribution- Economic subsystem, including businesses and Power is one of the most important concepts in community organization. consumptdon employers Without power, people would have Hmited ability to acquire goods, re­ Socialization Family, schools, religious institutions, peer sources, and decision-making authority (Alinsky, 1971; Kahn, 1991). Pri­ groups máty theories that link the acquisition of resources to an individual’s or Social control Government, judicial systém, religious organization’s ability to acquire power are power dependency, conflict, and institutions resource mobilization theories. Each of these theories has a specific appli­ Social participation Informal groups, formal organizations cation to commtmity organization practice. Mutual support Government social welfare programs Nonprofit organizations Informal helping networks Power Dependency Theoiy

Source: W arren, R. (1978). The community in America, 3d ed. (Chicago: Rand Blau (1964) argues that power is inherent in all helping relationships be­ McNally). tween resource-rich donors and poor recipients. Blau’s theory can be applied 50 51 CONCEPTS AND THEORIES FOR PRACTICE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS FOR PRACTICE

to society in general and has specific applications to understanding die po­ .Figure 3.1. Power-Dependency Model litical process. However, it is most often used to examine how organizations acquire and disperse power. Its basic premise is that social service organi­ zations depend on the receipt of funding to survive. Nonprofit organizations Government or other externai target their sendees to the poor. Although they may sell their sendees to funder consumers under a limited number of circumstances, most clients cannot afford to pay for them. Consequently, the organization must rely on grants and contracts from external donors. This is particularly problematic for Resources Obligation organizations serving impoverished communities; it is unlikely that funds to ensure the organization’s survival can be raised from sources inside the community (Hardina, 1993). According to Blau (1964), the receipt of this money represents a free Organization good or service and requires that the organization remain obligated to the funder, doing as the donor demands (this usually means complying with government regulations or grant specifications). The only way that the or­ Resources Obligation ganization can avoid compliance with funder demands is to do one or more of the following:

1. Supply the donor with a good or service of equal value Recipients of 2. Obtain the service from another source services 3. Learn to live without the service 4. Coerce the donor to provide the service

The dependence of the organization on the donor can result in goal dis­ Cmflict Theory placement, loss of autonomy or limitations on the organization’s ability to lobby for or against government policies. Power dependency theory can Conflict theory focuses on the interaction of groups in society It is most also be used to explain the relationship between those people who receive concerned with groups formed through the process of social stratification— services and the organizations that provide them. People who receive free groups that are identified as different on a demographic basis from one services from the organization become dependent on and obligated to the another. Marx wrote about the struggle of workers to gain equality with organization for the continued delivery of goods and services. Consequently, dominant elites. Government, the “State,” was viewed as a tool the elite the organization plays a mediating role in implementing regulations asso­ used to oppress the poor to accept “wage slavery” (Knuttila, 1992). These ciated with government funding; it must comply with government demands, groups form naturally as a function of both social class and ethnicity and and it must enforce government policies in its interaction with clients (see consequently have different interests. For example, conflict theorists assume figure 3.1). that wealthy individuals have access to most of the goods and services they A number of implications exist for community practice associated with tie 3d. Alternatively, low-income people are assumed to have limited access power dependency theory: to resources. These groups are commonly referred to in the conflict theory literature as the “haves” and the “have-nots.” It is further assumed that most 1. Demands associated with external funding may limit a community of the interaction among the various social classes and ethnic groups in­ organization’s ability to fight for social change. volves competition for scarce resources. The haves want to hold on to 2. People who receive free may be ¡reluctant to advocate wealth and the power that accrues from wealth. The have-nots want to for themselves, believing that they may lose services. acquire access to money, jobs, education, decision-making authority, and 3. Social change takes place in an atmosphere that focuses on the ex­ other power “resources” (Alinsky, 1971). change of resources. People who receive jobs, political favors, and Iwo predominant approaches to conflict theory have influenced com­ other resources may be obligated to vote for or support the donor. munity organization practice in the United States. One is based on the work

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of Aiinksy (1971, 1974), who believed strongly that all people should have social welfare policy in the United States from a neo-Marxist perspective. access to goods and services. In Alinsky’s view, American society promotes They argue that historically, social welfare expenditures have been increased economic well-being and should be sustained. The purpose of community during periods of political unrest (the Depression and the 1960s). Social organization should be to organize low-income and working-class com­ welfare benefits have been reduced during periods when corporations have munities so that they, as well as the rich, would benefit from capitalism: demanded access to a large pool of low-income labor. People without access to public assistance, who have few skills or job options, will work for very The Prince was written by Machiavelli for the. Haves on how to hold low wages if there are no alternatives. power. Rules for Radicals is written for the have nots on how to take it From the neo-Marxist perspective, the State uses social workers to away . . . we are concerned with how to create mass organizations to change the behavior and attitudes of the working class in order to reinforce seize power and give it to the people to realize the. democratic dream support for the forces of capital (Burghardt & Fabricant, 1987). Conse­ of equality, justice, co-operation, equal and fall opportunities for edu­ quently, the capacity of the social work profession to engage, in social action cation, fall and useful employment, health, and the creation of those is determined by the State. The contradictory nature of the social work circumstances in which man can have the chance to live by values that profession (workers provide services to meet client needs while acting as give meaning to life. (Alinsky, 1971, p. 3) agents of social control) can be used to explain why social workers have had some limited ability to control their work (professional autonomy) but little Alinsky’s approach to organizing was to use power to force the haves to power to change the social welfare system (Burghardt, 1982). Social workers hand over decision-making authority and other resources. Power was to be often experience this contradiction as role strain or burnout (Freidson, 1986; acquired by building mass “people’s” organizations and confrontation with Gamer & Zald, 1987). One means of coping with this contradiction is. par­ authority figures. ticipation in social movements that promote increased welfare spending and The second approach to conflict theory is associated with Marxism. improved social conditions for oppressed groups. Marx, however, offered few prescriptions about how oppression operates The primary assumptions of conflict theory as they apply to community and its effect on the various social classes (Mars, 1965). In the twentieth practice are as follow: century, neo-Marxisttheory evolved to create an explicit theoretical frame­ work for examining how government and the capitalist elite interact to con­ 1. The haves and the have-nots compete for societal resources. trol the economy and subordinate the lower classes (Knutdla, 1992). Neo- 2. The haves hold a resource and power advantage over the have-nots, Marxist theory has expanded to recognize gender, age, physical ability, and 3. Much of the oppression that marginalized groups experience has its gender orientation as well as race and social class as factors that promote origins in classism, racism., ableism, ageism, sexism, and heterosexism. conflict among social groups. 4. The haves control government and other avenues of decision-making Neo-Marxists have examined the role of social workers and the social authority. welfare system in capitalist societies. The government, or State, primarily 5. The purpose of community organization is to work with members of serves the haves, or dominant classes; it mediates competition among in­ oppressed groups to acquire power and access to jobs, education, terest groups within the elite and relations among the social classes (Gough, money, and other power resources. . 1979; Panitch, 1977). The State has two primar}' functions: capital accu­ 6. Community organizers work to establish other sources of power mulation; and legitimation, or the promotion of social harmony (Burghardt (strength in numbers, votes, the media) that can be used to increase & Fabricant, 1987). Social welfare institutions are used to maintain social have-nots access to decision-making authority. harmony but do not produce profits for private capital. Since capital accu­ mulation is primary, social welfare expenditures are usually quite limited. If Resource Mobilization Theory the working class is powerful, the State will need to increase expenditures for legitimation. According to Schreader (І990), “State ideological practices Resource mobilization theory explicitly explores the role and limitations of produce particular kinds of problem definitions, needs, and methods for social movement organizations (Pfeffer & Salsnick, 1978; McCarthy & dealing with them. These practices are observed to bring into existence Zald, 1976). Social movements can be defined as “coalitions of loosely con­ certain types of activities and social relations to the exclusion of others” (p. nected groups that attempt to change a social target” (Swank & Clapp, 1999, 186). p. 50). Typical targets are communities, government, industries, or cultural In their bookRegulating the Poor.; Piven and CloWàrd (1971) examined norms and practices. There are two primáty types of social movements:

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(1) movements oriented toward establishing civil rights for groups that do viewed as more powerful than organizations that do not have these re­ not have full representation in political, social, or economic systems (for sources. Powerful organizations also must have access to the media to pro­ example, the women’s movement and the civil rights movement), and mote their causes. The greater the dependence of the organization on forces (2) movements developed with altruistic motives, helping entities that can’t outside the organization for these resources, the greater the ability of these represent themselves to acquire recognition and promote changes in legis­ outside forces to control what goes on within the organization. To survive, lation or policies (for example, the animal rights movement and the envi­ these groups must be able to recruit many dues-paying members or wealthy ronmental movement) (Rothman, 1996). Recently there has also been a contributors (Piven & Cloward, 1979). Such donors may not have the same resurgence of social movements intended to support conservative cultural goals or motivation as the founding members of the organization. Conse­ and religious values associated with the dominant culture (Fisher, 1994; quently, these organizations may become less radical or less representative Hyde, 1994). of their members. Government may also provide funds for the organization. Resource mobilization theory builds on power dependency and conflict Acceptance of external funds may pose problems for the organization, theories to examine whether efforts to develop social movements will be however: effective. Specific aspects of social movements are examined: State aid to minority and dissident groups plays an important role in я Where are the resources for the movement? legitimation, in sustaining the view that the State is not the agency of ■ How are they organized? a particular social class but rather the benefactor of ail. The accep­ a How does the State facilitate or impede mobilization? tance of this view necessarily directs political activity toward conven­ ■ What are the outcomes? (Muller, 1992, p. 3) tional channels. (Loney, 1977, p. 453)

According to resource mobilization theory, organizations must be de­ Following are the basic assumptions of resource mobilization theory, veloped to recruit members, raise funds, and hire qualified staff. These or­ relevant to the commtmity organizer: ganizations must also find ways to develop legitimacy with the public and with influential decision makers. They must also be able to mobilize their 1. Social movements emerge in response to the perception that some members to take action (writing letters, signing petitions, voting, partici­ groups or ideas are not represented in the political process. pating in demonstrations). Member mobilization depends on the organi­ 2. Social protest is one of the primary methods for social movement zation’s ability to communicate its philosophy or ideology to potential mem­ organizations to gain public recognition and legitimacy. bers. The organization must be able to rely on current members to recruit 3. The effectiveness of the social movement lies in its ability to recruit others. Such recruitment usually occurs through social networks of friends, members, raise funds, and develop an appropriate organizational relatives, and neighbors.. structure to carry out these tasks. It is also essential that the social movement organization foster a sense 4. Successful social movements must create an environment that allows of collective identity among its members. Collective identity refers to the members to establish a collective identity, becoming committed to recognition of group members that they belong to and are committed to a the cause, social movement distinct from and more important than ail others. Rec­ 5. The salience of the organization’s message, increases, membership ognition of a collective identity promotes solidarity and group cohesion recruitment. among members (Hyde, 1994). In social movement organizations with high 6. Thé need to fund-raise acts as a double-edged sword. Money is levels of solidarity, members are more likely to participate in organization needed to build an organization, recruit members, and influence pol­ activities and to make personal sacrifices for the cause. icy makers. However, low-income people cannot contribute much in To successfully recruit members, a social movement organization must the way of resources. Using government funds or contributions from also be able to frame its message in ways that prospective members and the wealthy donors can lead the organization to abandon the struggle for public can easily recognize as important and relevant. Jasper and Poulsen radical reforms. (1995) argue that it is important that these recruitment messages be pre­ sented in a way that contains cultural meaning and symbolism. For example, the animal rights movement has relied on images of animals being tortured Limitations of Power-Related Theories during product or medical testing to recruit members. Power dependency, conflict, and social movement theories require that the Organizations that have large memberships and budgets are generally community organizer accept that the power and influence of the social elite 57 CONCEPTS AND THEORIES FOR PRACTICE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS FOR PRACTICE Я has negative consequences for society. Approaching community organiza­ because knowledge is socially constructed, it can vary historically over tion practice from this theoretical perspective also requires that community time and differ across cultural groups that hold diverse beliefs about organizers recognize that marginalized groups must acquire power in order human development and nature. Given that values, norms, beliefs, to meet their needs. Therefore, strategies and tactics are needed that involve attitudes, traditions, and practices vary from one cultural group to conflict with the power structure rather than efforts to establish consensus. another, so does the social construction of knowledge, (p. 25) Although these theories offer some guidance about how power functions in society and the source of competition among various constituency groups, Social constructionists argue that knowledge creation also varies from individual to individual, because each person experiences a different reality they do not present the organizer with a full range of strategic options for and interprets that reality based on his or her own values and personal resolving community problems. experiences (Chambón, 1999; Rodwell, 1998). Existing theories are a mech­ anism the dominant culture uses to maintain institutional structures that Social Constructionism oppress individuals and members of marginalized groups. Therefore, they should be discarded and new ways of understanding developed. Social constructionism is a framework for the development of knowledge In terms of social work practice, this perspective suggests that the work that is relevant to the lives of members of marginalized groups. It can be of social workers has been socially constructed as a function of society’s need argued that most of the theories used in community practice to regulate and control individual behavior (Hardcasde, Wenocur, & Pow­ were developed in accordance with Western cultural values and norms ers, 1997; Moffat, 1999). Therefore, the meaning that client groups assign (Sohng, 1998). Consequently, this knowledge has relevance to the lives of to the intervention process may be far different from the meaning of this people who are not members of the dominant culture. Specifically, they may process to the social worker. Members of the client group may internalize not be relevant to the lives of people who have little or no income, people the helping process, associating it with society’s need to control behavior. of color, women, people with disabilities, older people, and LGBT individ­ People seeking help come from a variety of income and ethnic groups. They uals. Constructionism is associated with postmodernism, an approach to often experience social oppression because of gender, sexual orientation, knowledge that focuses on overcoming oppression by constructing new disability, or age. Consequently, the meanings associated with the helping knowledge about the lives and experiences of members of traditionally sub­ process can be infinite, and the social worker must have appropriate inter­ ordinated groups (Chambón, 1999). According to Rodwell (1998), the con­ personal and research skills to examine what the helping process means to cept of constructionism implies that change com.es about through “linguistic idiese individuals and offer assistance in overcoming oppression (Rossiter, negotiation generated between individuals who judge and correct until 1996). agreement is achieved regarding meaning” (p. 254). This approach requires Epstein (1999) argues that the development of new theories and ways of that individuals and groups become engaged in a process of dialogue to understanding culture and the everyday lives of people is critical for the identify meanings associated with social institutions, social customs, and development of social work practice. This is necessary because “the standard everyday activities (Lee & Green, 1999). Some adherents of this approach liistory [of the profession] fails to analyze the effects of embracing social distinguish between constructionism and constructivism. Constructionism science in such a way that the dominance of men over the epistemology and pertains to an overall approach to generate knowledge and facilitate social purposes was given distorted power, the nature of the work ‘masculinized’” change; social workers have used the term constructivism to refer to specific (p. 15). applications of constructionism to research and clinical practice (Rodwell, A social constructionism perspective requires that the social worker be 1998). E.ble to accomplish the following: Social constructionism also has its roots in “symbolic interactiordsm,” the idea that people construct everyday activities with meanings associated 1. Understand how the social, economic, and political structure shapes with cultural norms, values, and the use of language (Chambón, 1999; Lee individual behavior and the meanings attached to cultural values and & Green, 1999). One basic assumption of this theoretical perspective is that norms knowledge is not objective; there is no one overall “truth.” Instead, knowl­ 2. Engage in dialogue with others to determine cultural symbols and edge is constructed through social interaction and dialogue within the con­ meanings that influence practice text of cui turej the political structure, the economy, and historical influ­ 3. Conduct collaborative research in marginalized communities to gain ences. Consequently, no one version of reality can be said to be better or idsiģht on how those communities interpret reality and internalize worse than another (Rossiter, 1996). Lee and Green argue that oppression by the dominant culture

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4. Develop new knowledge and theories about how social forces and * QUESTIONS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION power affect members of marginalized groups 1. How do the empowerment and strengths perspectives link commtmity organization to practice with individuals, groups, and families? Limitations of a Social Constructionism Perspective 2. Are the systems and ecological approaches consistent with the applica­ A primary limitation of this method is the view that there is no one correct tion of these theories to practice with individuals? view of reality. Holding this perspective means that .once one acknowledges 3. Is the acquisition of power consistent with basic social work principles? that knowledge is socially constructed, communication of theories associ­ Why? ated with the dominant culture should be rejected as an educational method. 4. Should government and private donors be able to influence the change Therefore, social constructionism requires that classroom education focus strategies that social movement organizations adopt? on establishing dialogue among students, exchanging ideas, and looking for 5. Do you agree with the social constructionists that knowledge is not ob­ meaning behind various situations and behaviors. Students must also at­ jective? Why or why not? tempt to reconcile a variety of different perspectives and examine their own value assumptions (Lee & Green, 1999). II SAMPLE ASSIGNMENTS AND EXERCISES In addition, constructionism requires that the practitioner develop sit­ uation-specific theories about appropriate practice interventions. These in­ 1. Divide the class into two equal groups. Flip a coin to determine which terventions should be specific to the needs and values of the constituency group vili assume the role of the haves and which will become the have- groups served. Dialogue among group members is necessary to develop a nots. The instructor announces that the haves will all receive As in. the framework that constituents can use for viewing society, the power dynamics course. The have-nots will all receive Fs. Each group should identify associated with social institutions, and the meanings associated with the strategies they will use to either (1) remain the dominant group and specific strategies and tactics used in the organizing effort. The need for a receive an A, or (2) acquire power to overturn the instructor’s decision. situation- or population-specific framework limits the degree to which an 2. Write a five-page paper that compares a low-income neighborhood to a organizer can rely on existing theories to guide practice. middle- or upper-income neighborhood. Collect most of your data using observational methods. You may supplement data collection with inter­ Summary views with residents and information from local newspapers. Compare these two neighborhoods İn terms of physical structure (condition of In this chapter, perspectives and theories associated with community or­ apartments and houses, street maintenance, parks and playgrounds, busi­ ganization practice were described. Empowerment and the strengths per­ nesses and commimity institutions, and garbage collection). What do spectives were examined in terms of value assumptions about how social these physical conditions tell you about the neighborhood residents; the workers in community practice should regard the people they serve. Rec­ level of interaction among neighbors; and access to jobs, shopping, and ognition that all people have strengths and skills that they can use to increase services outside the neighborhood? How would you apply ecological the­ their own mastery over die environment is an important value inherent in ory to what you have observed? die helping process. 3. Use resource mobilization theory to examine a social movement (for Three primary theoretical approaches to commtmity practice were also example, civil rights, women’s, Christian right, pro-life, or pro-choice examined: approaches that look at communities as systems, approaches that movement). Choose a movement for which a great deal of historical look at the role of power in society, and social constructionism. This third information sources or recent newspaper accounts are available. What theoretical perspective offers a criticism of previous theoretical approaches factors do your sources identify as critical for the success of these move­ that may not be relevant to the members of groups that are often margin­ ments? Describe, at a minimum, the methods a social movement orga­ alized by the dominant culture. None of these approaches really provides nization uses to raise funds and recruit members. the community organizer with an explicit guide to practice. In chapter 4, these theories are linked with specific practice models. The prescriptions for action in the models incorporate the basic values and ethics for com­ R eferences mtmity practice described in chapter 2. Practice models provide organizers xAJinsky, S. (1971).Rules for radicals. New York: Vintage. with action protocols and practice principles that can be used in a variety Alinsky, S. (1974).Reveille for radicals. New York: Vintage. of situations. В lai, P. (1964).Exchange and power in social life. N ew York; Wiley.

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