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Modernity, Islamic Reform, and the of : The Contributions of Moulavi (1873-1932)

Jose Abraham Institute of McGiIl University, Montreal November, 2008

A thesis submitted to McGiIl University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

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1+1 Canada Résumé

Les changements socio-économiques et politiques effectués à Kerala par les autorités britanniques et par le discours colonial au début du vingtième siècle ont posé un défi à les structures traditionnelles de pouvoir. Ceci a enfin entraîné une mobilité sociale au sein de plusieurs communautés qui ont, par suite, adopté la modernité et ont commencé a poursuivre l'éducation moderne. Néanmoins, leur tradition de longue date de lutter contre les pouvoirs coloniaux et leur haine envers la domination britannique les ont mené à résister au processus de modernisation et par conséquence à devenir plus arriérés dans les domaines sociales et éducatives que les autres communautés à Kerala. C'était dans ce contexte que Vakkom Abdul Khadir Moulavi (1873-1932), reconnu comme le père de la réforme socioreligieuse à Kerala, a taché de convaincre les Mappilas à accueillir plusieurs aspects de la modernité, surtout l'éducation moderne. Fondée surtout sur des sources primaires, pour la plupart en langue , cette étude soutient que la pensée de a été largement formé par le discours colonial sur la modernité. Il montre comment l'auteur a réinterprété les principes islamiques et l'histoire musulmane en utilisant pour encadrement l'humanisme rationnelle, séculaire et universelle des Lumières européennes. Il en résultait en partie que son réinterprétation a exclu la possibilité de comprendre l' en tant que tradition discursive, ce qui a, à tour de rôle, réifié l'Islam et annulé la vibranee potentielle des sociétés islamiques. En même temps, son soutenance de l'éducation moderne comme moyen de modernisation a arraché l'éducation musulmane de ses racines historiques et culturelles. L'étude montre aussi que, parce qu'il a vu l'état comme un agent de la modernisation, il était avide a éduquer les gens sur leurs droits et leurs responsabilités. En somme, cette analyse de la carrière de Vakkom Moulavi démontre que, si l'on veut comprendre l'encadrement intellectuel et les

M activités de mouvements modernes de réforme socioreligieuses, ces aspects doivent être étudiés dans la lumière du discours colonial.

m Abstract

The socio-economic and political changes effected in Kerala by the British and colonial discourse at the beginning of the twentieth century challenged traditional structures of power. This eventually resulted in social mobility within various communities which, as a result, embraced modernity and began to pursue modern education. However, ' long-standing tradition of struggle against colonial powers and their hatred of British rule had led them to resist the modernization process and consequently become more socially and educationally backward than other communities in Kerala. It was in this context that Vakkom Muhammad Abdul Khadir Moulavi (1873-1932), who is acknowledged as the "father" of the Muslim socio-religious reform movement in Kerala, undertook to persuade Mappilas to embrace various aspects of modernity, especially modern education. Based mainly on primary sources written in Malayalam, this pioneering study argues that Vakkom Moulavi's thought was largely shaped by the colonial discourse on modernity. It shows how he reinterpreted Islamic principles and Muslim history using the framework of the rational, secular, universal humanism of the European Enlightenment. One result of this was that his reinterpretation precluded the possibility of understanding Islam as discursive tradition, which in turn reified Islam and negated the potential vibrancy of Islamic societies. At the same time his championing of modern education as a means to modernization eventually tore traditional Muslim education from its historical and cultural roots. The study also demonstrates that, because he saw the state is a key agent in the modernization process, he was keen to educate people about their rights and responsibilities. In sum, this analysis of Vakkom Moulavi's career demonstrates that, in order to understand the intellectual framework and activities

iv of modem socio-religious reform movements, these latter need to be studied in the light of colonial discourse on modernity. Acknowledgements

I would like to express my appreciation to my advisor and thesis co-supervisor, Prof. Sajida Alvi, for constant encouragement and insightful suggestions as to my research on the Mappila Muslims of Kerala. Her careful reading of the different drafts of this thesis has been invaluable. Similarly, I am grateful to Dr. Roland Miller for sharing the duties of thesis co-supervisor, for his valuable criticism and comments and for his suggestion in the first place to study Vakkom Moulavi. I am also deeply indebted to Prof. Wael Hallaq for inspiring me to study colonial discourse and for helping me to integrate a stronger theoretical component in my writing. Two other scholars who have taken a special interest in my work have been Prof. Stephen Dale of the Ohio State University and Dr. George Oommen of the United Theological College, Bangalore, ; I am deeply grateful for their input.

I would like to thank numerous librarians and other scholars for their assistance in procuring the materials needed for my research. In particular, I am grateful to Salwa

Ferahian, Wayne St. Thomas and Stephen Millier of the Library of the Institute of Islamic

Studies. The staff members of the inter-library loan department at McLennan Library are likewise to be commended for putting up with my seemingly endless requests for materials on Mappilas. In Kerala, the staff of Kerala and Calicut University, the Kerala

Council of Historical Research and Farooq College libraries, the Vakkom Moulavi

Foundation Trust, Shahab weekly, and Dr. Sathar Muhammad Abdul must also be acknowledged here for their help in furnishing me with materials for my research. 1 also thank Stephen Millier and Charles Fletcher for editing this dissertation and Walter Young for his help with .

vi I would like to acknowledge with gratitude the generosity of the Principal and the Executive Committee of United Theological College, Bangalore, India for granting me study leave to pursue doctoral studies at McGiII and also for arranging my scholarship. My studies at McGiII would not have been possible without the financial help I received at various times from the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, the General Board of Global Ministries of the United Methodist Church, Common Global Ministries, the

Anglican Church of Canada and the Institute of Islamic Studies. Finally I would like to thank my wife and children for their support and also for the encouragement of our parents. To them is this work dedicated.

vu Notes on Transliteration

For Arabic words the Library of Congress system of transliteration has been adopted, the only exception being that the tä'marbüta is rendered without an "h" when it is not in the construct state.

For the proper names of Mappila Muslims, I have retained the spelling they adopted. I have generally also retained the spelling of place names as they are most commonly known. For the islähj organizations in Kerala, I have likewise retained the spelling they adopted. For Malayalam words I have used the most common English transliteration. All individual terms in Malayalam have been distinguished by an asterisk (*).

Quranic Quotations All Quranic quotations are taken from Abdullah Yusuf 's translation as found on this webpage: http://wA\'w.harunyahval.com/Qiiran_ translation/Quran translation index.php

VlIl Table of Contents

Résumé i i

Abstract i ?

Acknowledgments vi

Notes on Transliteration vi i i

Table of Contents ix

Introduction 1 Hypothesis and Rationale for the Study 4 Contributions of this Study 5 Outline of the Thesis 5 Methodological Framework 7 Literature Review 8

Chapter t Inevitability of 'Modernization': The Historical Context of Vakkom Moulavi's Socio-Religious Reform Movement 14 [.Colonialism and the Transformation of Kerala Society 15 I. a. Economic Changes 17 Lb. Political Changes 18 Lc. Spread of 'Modern' Education in Kerala 19 Lc. I.The Demand for 'Modern' Education 19 I. c. 2. Christian Missionaries' Contributions to Education 20 Lc. 3 . Governmental Intervention in Education 22 Lc.4. Female Education 24 II. Modernization as an Agent of 'Liberation' in Kerala? 25 ILa. Social Status and Education 25 ILb. Education and Civil Service 25 U.c. Economic Status and Social Mobility 26 ILd. Organized Struggles for Social Equality and Education 26 III. Mappilas Attempt to Resist Modernization 28 [ILa. Mappilas' Long-Standing Tradition of Resistance to Colonialism and Their Hatred for the British 28 HLb. Centrality of Shahidi Traditions in the Religious, Cultural and Educational Life of the Mappilas 30 IiLc. Mappila Muslims' Rejection of Modern Education 33 IV. Forces of Modernization among Mappilas 38 IV.I.SayyidSanaullahMaktiTangal (1847-1912) 38 IV. 2. Shaykh Muhammad Hamadani Tangal (d. 1 922) 40 IV. 3. Calilakatt Kunjahammad Haji (1866-1919) 41 Conclusion 43 Chapter 2 The Life of Vakkom Moulavi and His Contributions to the IsIaRi Movement in Kerala 45 I. Ancestral Background 46 II. Early Education 48 II. a. His Teachers ; 49 III. Marriage and Family Life 51 IV. Vakkom Moulavi: Publisher and Manager 52 IV. a. Swadesabhimani {Patriot) 54 IV. b. Muslim 64 IV'. c. Al-Islam 66 IV .d. Deepika {Torch) 68 V. Vakkom Moulavi' s Works and Translations 71 VI. The ' 's response to Vakkom Moulavi's writings 76 VII. Vakkom Moulavi's Role in Shaping Leaders of the IsIaITi Movement in 77 Vll.a.Prominent Muslim Organizations in Travancore 80 VILb. Prominent IsIaIu Leaders of Malabar 89 Conclusion 93

Chapter 3 Vakkom Moulavi's Ambivalence towards 'Modernity' 95 La. The Pervasiveness of European Modernity 96 Lb. The Question of Agency of the 'Colonized' 98 Lc. Vakkom Moulavi's Understanding of Modernization 101 ILa. Prominence of the Concept of 'Growth' in Colonial Discourse 103 ILb. Teleology of 'Progress' in the Revelation of Islam 104 ILc. The Early Muslim Community as Archetype of 'Progress' 106 HLa. European Enlightenment and Rise of Scientific and Ethical Rationalization 113 HLb. The Compatibility of Islam with Science and Reason 1 14 II I. c. The Limitations of Science and Reason 1 17 HLd. Ethical and Moral Teachings of the Qur'an 1 19 [ILe. Vakkom Moulavi's Repudiation of Priesthood in Islam 121 IV.a. Status of 123 IV. b. Role of Muslim Women in the 'Modern' world 126 V. Creation of Knowledge and the Necessity to Defend Islam 129 V.a. Vakkom Moulavi's Response to Allegations against Islam 131 V.b. Vakkom Moulavi's Response to the Allegations of Atheists 135 Conclusion 136

Chapter 4 Utilitarian Reading of Muslim History and the Rhetoric of 'Reform' 138 A. Utilitarian Reading of Muslim History I. Orientalism and the 'Civilizing Mission' 139 II. The Orientalistic Framework of Muslim Modernists 1 42 III. Vakkom Moulavi's Analysis of the Decline of Muslims 144 HLa. Rise of Deviant Doctrinal Interpretations 144 Ill.b. Superfluity/Profusion of Law 146 III.c. Growth of Innovations {bid'a) and Belief in Polytheism {shirk). .??? IV. Factors that Protracted the Muslim Decline in Kerala 147 I V.a. Ignorance of Islamic Principles 148 IV. b. Un- Islamic Beliefs and Practices 149 IV.c. Irresponsibility of the 'Ulama'. 152 IV.d. Disunity and Lack of Community Spirit 154 B. Rhetoric of 'Reform' V. Defining Islamic Religious Renewal 155 VI. Necessity of ReI igious Reform 157 VII. Means to Propagate Religious Reform 159 VII.a. Reification of Islam in Vakkom Moulavi's Writings 159 VII.a.1. Centrality of the Qur'an and Hadlth 160 VILb. Doctrine of Ta w/i/d {Oneness of God) 161 VII.c. Worship {ibâda) 164 VII. c. I. Ritualistic Worship 164 VII. c.2.Meditational Worship 165 VlI.c. 2. i. Remembrance of God {Smarcino) 165 VII.c2.ii. Contemplation 166 VILd. 'ibâda and Popular Religiosity of Mappilas 167 Vll.e. Charity {Zakät) 169 VILf. Fasting {Sawm) 171 VILg. Pilgrimage {) 172 VIII. Religious Rituals 173 VIILa. Is Unintelligible Quranic Recitation Rewarding? 174 VIlLb. Can the Khutbci be Delivered in Malayalam? 175 IX. 176 X. A Critique of Vakkom Moulavi's Understanding of Tradition and his Reification of Islam 1 78 Conclusion 181

Chapter 5 The Discourse on ' Useful' Knowledge and Educational Reform 183 I. 'Modern' Education in Kerala: A Means Toward the 'Civilizing Mission' ...184 II. Standardization of the Malayalam Language 187 III. Educational Backwardness of Mappilas 191 IV. Necessity of Education in the Modernization Process 194 I V.a. Religious Validation to Pursue Modern Education 196 IV. b. Place of Moral Education in the Modernization Process 197 IV.c. Necessity of Religious Education: A Reflection of Vakkom Moulavi's Ambivalence Towards Modern Education 199 IV.d. 'Usefulness' of Religious Education in Travancore 201 IV.e. Situation of Arabic Education in Kerala 204 V. Vakkom Moulavi's Proposal for Reform in Kerala, 205 V.a. Fusing Modern and Religious Education at Schools 207 VI. Responsibility of the Mappilas for the Propagation of Education 209

Xl Vl.a. Establishment of a Muslim Student Hostel in Trivandrum to Promote Education 214 VI. b. Vakkom Moulavi's Contributions to Coordinating Muslim Organizations in Kerala 215 VI. c.Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham [United Kerala Muslim Association] VII. Impact of Vakkom Moulavi's religious reform 220 Conclusion 22 1

Chapter 6 Political Participation in a Nation-State 223 I. Vakkom Moulavi's Views Concerning Worldly Matters 223 II. Historical Context of Vakkom Moulavi's Political Views 227 III. New Emphasis on Human Instrumentality in the World 228 III. a. The as the Model of Action 230 IU. b. Rejection of Asceticism 232 IV. Centrality of Patriotic Thinking 234 V. Media and Social Reform 237 V. a. Objectives 240 V. b.Nepotism and Corruption 243 V.c. Contribution to the Social and Civil Rights Movement in Travancore V.d. Dewan's Report on Deportation of Ramakrishna Pillai 246 V.e. Swadesabhimani's Contributions to the Development of the Muslim Community 248 VI. The Legacy of Swadesabhimani 249 Conclusion 254

Conclusion 255

Appendix 261

Bibliography 267

xu Introduction

The Mappila Muslims of Kerala are, in all probability, the oldest Muslim community of the South Asian subcontinent. It is believed that Islam came to Kerala, soon after it originated in Arabia, through Arab Muslim traders. It is possible to trace the history of trade between West Asia and Kerala back to Phoenician times.2 Kerala's rulers welcomed Muslims and their presence grew steadily until Portuguese traders landed on the Kerala coast at the end of the fifteenth century (1498). Prior to the arrival of the Portuguese traders, the Mappilas were a wealthy and powerful trading community; however, the growing Portuguese monopoly over trade weakened them economically and socially. Eventually, most of the Mappilas became tenants of Hindu landlords in Malabar (north Kerala). The land reforms introduced by the British during the eighteenth century made them even poorer than they were before. Therefore, they began to resist British rule

Though there are different interpretations regarding its origin and meaning, the precise development of the term Mappila remains obscure. Roland E Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala: A Study in Islamic Trends, rev. ed. (Madras: Orient Longman, 1992), 30-32. According to one interpretation, supported by W. Logan, Malabar Manual, vol.1 (Madras: Superintendent, Government Press, 1887!, 191 and C. A. Mines, Malabar (Gazetter) (: The State Editor, Kerala Gazetteers, 1997), 185, the composite term Mappila is probably a combination of two Malayalam (the language spoken predominantly in the state of Kerala, South India) words: maha, which means 'great,' and pilla, which means 'child'. Mappila, 'great child,' was an honorific title given in the past to foreign traders who settled in Kerala. The natives of Kerala gladly welcomed and highly respected foreigner traders. Therefore, descendents of the Jews, Christians and Muslim traders who settled in Kerala at various times were given this title, with the Jews, Christians and Muslims of Kerala being known as JuIa Mappilas, Nasrani Mappilas as Chonaka Mappilas, respectively. According to another interpretation, supported by Lewis Moore, Malabar Law and Custom, third edition (Madras: Higginbotham & Co., 1905), 418, E. Thurston, and Tribes of India, vol. IV (Madras: Government Press, 1909), 458 and H. Gundert, A Malayalam and English Dictionary (: Basel Mission Press, 1872), the word Mappila means 'bridegroom' or 'son in law'. This interpretation probably points to the fact that foreign traders who married the local Hindu women were greatly honoured such that their offspring were called Mappilas. See also K. T. Muhammad AM, The Development of Education among the Mappilas of Malabar, 180(1 to 1965 (New Delhi: Nunes Publishers, 1990), 5; Stephen Frederic Dale, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier: The Mappilas of Malabar, 1498-1922 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), 236. However, according to Kunhali V, in Kerala (Calicut: Publication Division, , 2004), 44-45, Barbosa (1515) was the lust one to use the term "Moors Mopulars" for the Muslims of Kerala. Therefore, he argues that the term Mappila was coined probably during the sixteenth century from the Arabic word muwaliudtin, which is used to describe sons of fathers and indigenous mothers. A large number of from Hachamawt immigrated to Kerala during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Even though the term Mappila was utilized to describe the entire Muslim population of Kerala, British administrative practice eventually come to restrict the term only to the Muslims of the British controlled district of Malabar, north Kerala. "Muhammad Ali, The Development ofEducation 4.

1 and the authority of landlords, which culminated in the 1921 Mappila

Rebellion.

The Mappilas' attitude towards the British and the distinctive religious identity that they developed under colonial rule made them suspicious of British attempts to introduce modern education, which they later resisted. The socio-economic changes introduced in Kerala during the British period provided opportunities for various communities in Kerala, but it was especially modern education that eventually paved the way to greater social mobility for all. Therefore, while the Mappilas resisted modernization, other communities in Kerala were demanding more opportunities for education and employment. It was in this context that Vakkom Muhammad Abdul Khadir Moulavi (1873-1932), popularly known as Vakkom Moulavi, initiated his reform movement in order to motivate Mappilas to embrace modernity. Vakkom Moulavi was deeply concerned at the socio-economic backwardness of the Muslim community in Kerala. He regretted the fact that Muslims were not eager to make use of opportunities to improve their material condition. Therefore, he decided to spend his wealth and life on raising their profile. The most difficult task in this regard was to convince the Mappilas that modern education was essential for their growth and development as a community. Through his writings he convincingly argued that modern education was essential for Muslims and that it was not contrary to Islam to pursue it. He turned the attention of Mappilas to the fact that Muslims throughout history had pursued education and contributed to knowledge. Vakkom Moulavi's writings attracted the attention of middle-class Muslims of Kerala. They joined him in propagating his ideas and also in promoting modern education and establishing schools and libraries.

1 Vakkoni Moulavi realized that without challenging Mappilas' religious beliefs it would not be possible to persuade them to accept new forms of education. Therefore, he began to reinterpret Islamic religious principles. He argued that the Qur'än and are the sole foundations for understanding Islam. Through his journals he published his translations and interpretations of the Qur'än. He also argued that Islamic principles respect science and reason. On the basis of this framework Vakkom Moulavi initiated a religious reform to purge Islam of innovations (bkl'a) and polytheism {shirk). His reinterpretation of Islam challenged the popular religion of the Mappilas and also the authority of conservative 'ulamä\ who discouraged Muslims from pursuing education. He, along with his followers, then started several organizations dedicated to propagating the idea of religious reform and to establishing . He was also instrumental in persuading the government to teach the Qur'än and Arabic in schools so as to reform traditional religious education. Along with his religious and educational reform, Vakkom Moulavi also contributed towards the political transformation of Travancore. He saw himself as a bridge between the government and people, as one who brought people's grievances to the attention of the government and who informed people about the government's decisions. Even though his function as a mediator appeared insignificant in the beginning, eventually it assumed considerable political and moral power. His messenger role implied that the government needed to pay greater attention to people's demands and that people should know about their rights and responsibilities. This understanding of the government's duty and people's rights and responsibilities implied that people should actively engage in the political process of Travancore. Eventually this contributed to the freedom movement in Travancore and the demand for responsible government.

Hypothesis and Rationale for the Study Even though Vakkom Moulavi contributed tremendously towards the religious, educational and political lives of Muslims as well as non-Muslims in Kerala, no attempt to date has been made to analyze his writings or to study his reform movement. Therefore, this pioneering work will be significant for understanding various aspects of Vakkom Moulavi's thought and reform movement.

Even though there were different aspects to his reform movement, including religious, educational and political, it was his effect on the w/a/w movement in Kerala that won for Vakkom Moulavi the greatest attention, especially his emphasis on [¿¡wind and his call to purge Islam of bid'a and shirk. Nevertheless, it is generally held that "it was through Rasliid Rida's al-Manär that Kerala Muslims were awakened."3 The present study will challenge this commonly held notion. Similarly Vakkom Moulavi's contribution to the political transformation of Travancore has not received adequate recognition among Kerala's historians. The contributions he made through the newspaper Swadescibhimcmi, which he founded to advance the political process in Travancore, were generally credited to its editor,

Ramakrishna Pillai. This study will highlight Vakkom Moulavi's contributions to

SwadesabhimanCs ideological position.

'Miller quotes Maulavi C. K. Muhammad Shirazi. See Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala: A Study in Islamic Trends, rev. ed. (Madras: Orient Longman, 1992), 270.

4 This study presupposes that modernization was the overall purpose of Vakkom Moulavi's reform movement, which was largely shaped by the colonial discourse on modernity. This explains why his reform movement assumed religious, educational and political dimensions. All these three dimensions were important for the modernization of Mappila Muslim society in Kerala.

Contributions of this Study

This study will contribute to our understanding of religious reform movements during the colonial period. Its overall purpose is to show that the colonial discourse on modernity set the agenda for reformers. The colonial discourse on ideas such as "progress," scientific rationality, the status of women, Oriental degeneracy,' 'useful' knowledge and the significance of the nation-state became key ideas for religious reformers to understand and reinterpret their own history and religion. This study will explore how far the above-mentioned concepts were significant for Vakkom Moulavi's reform movement, not to mention other reformers like Rashkl Rida (1865-1935), Muhammad Iqbâï (1877-1938) and Fazlur Rahman (1919-1988).

Outline of the Thesis

The first chapter analyzes the socio-economic and political changes brought about in Kerala through British colonialism. These changes challenged traditional concepts of power and thoroughly transformed the society. This new context rendered modernization inevitable for all the communities in the region who competed to benefit from the changes. Yet while non-Muslim communities eagerly embraced modernization, Muslims

5 initially resisted it. As a result they fell behind other communities and in doing so inspired Vakkom Moulavi to launch his socio-religious reform movement. The second chapter is an examination of the life and work of Vakkom Moulavi from a historical point of view, introducing his writings and also his association with prominent islähj leaders and organizations in Kerala. This is a pioneering work, using the foundational texts written in Malayalam which have not as yet been studied.

Therefore, this chapter provides a detailed account of Vakkom Moulavi's life, publications and activities. However, the importance of this chapter transcends a mere recital of facts, in that it functions as a template for the subsequent analysis of Vakkom

Moulavi's thought. The third chapter focuses on colonial discourse on the idea of progress, scientific rationality and the status of women. These were key concepts that the Orientalists employed in order to legitimize colonialism and their domination of the Orient. Vakkom

Moulavi appropriated these concepts and argued that they were compatible with Islam.

He went one step further and argued that since these concepts were already present in Islam, even before Europeans ever thought about them, Islam is superior. Scientific rationality also became a tool for him to respond to the allegations of Christian missionaries and atheists against Islam. The fourth chapter analyzes Vakkom Moulavi's reform movement in the light of the 'civilizing mission' of the British. 'Oriental degeneracy' was the excuse that the British used in order to implement their 'civilizing mission.' More or less in the same way, Vakkom Moulavi used the rhetoric of Muslim decline to argue his case for initiating religious reform. His reading of Muslim history was thus informed by the rationale of

6 'oriental degeneracy.' Reinterpretation of religious principles was the most important aspect of his religious reform. However, it reified Islam and precluded the possibility of understanding Islam as a discursive tradition.

The fifth chapter demonstrates how the criterion of "useful" knowledge was employed both by British and religious reformers to argue the deficiency of the traditional educational system and to promote modern education. In his quest to reform religious education in particular, Vakkom Mordavi fused it with modern education and offered it at secular schools. However, this uprooted traditional religious education from its cultural and religious contexts.

The last chapter focuses on Vakkom Moulavi's political views as his contribution to the structural transformation of Travancore society, primarily through an analysis of his editorials published in Swadesabhimani. The ideas expressed therein questioned the corruption and nepotism of state bureaucrats and tried to educate people about their rights and responsibilities. For the first time people were told that they were 'citizens' of Travancore rather than 'subjects' of a ruler. Vakkom Moulavi's political views were shaped by patriotic thinking and his understanding of the division between religious and worldly issues.

Methodological Framework A "continuity-change" framework is usually employed to analyse socio-religious reform movements among Muslims during the modern period. This paradigm presupposes that religious reform during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is a continuation of similar reform movements in the past. Therefore, it also takes for granted

7 that universal patterns can be discovered in all reform movements irrespective of time and place. Although this framework can be utilized to explain the similarities and differences between various movements, it is not. however, suitable for explaining the unique features of modern reform movements, which were largely shaped by the colonial discourse on modernity. This latter introduced European categories and concepts into everyday habits of thought, making it impossible, thereafter, to think about religion, civil society, human rights and so on without invoking these ''silent referents." Therefore, ideas and concepts discussed by Orientalists became the frame of reference for religious reformers in trying to understand their own religious beliefs and reinterpret them. Taking this methodological framework into consideration, the foundational texts, i.e., the writings of Vakkom Moulavi in Malayalam that are available to us, will be studied, focusing on his understanding of progress, scientific rationality, the liberation of women, Muslim degeneracy, 'useful' knowledge and government and civic rights. Cross references will be made to the writings of other Muslim modernists such as Iqbäl, Riela, Rahman, etc., in order to show how far they were influenced by colonial discourse and shared almost the same ideas.

Literature Review

A. Primary Sources Vakkom Moulavi's publications included a Malayalam newspaper (Swadeshabhimani), two Malayalam journals (Muslim and Deepika) and another Arabi- Malayalam journal (al-Islam). He also wrote a book in Arabi-Malayalam entitled Lawh al-Säbah. Though he primarily disseminated his ideas of reform through these

8 publications, he also contributed many articles to other contemporary journals. In addition to writing original works, he translated important works from Arabic, Persian,

Urdu and English into Malayalam and Arabi-Malayalam, including al-Ghazäfi's Klnvyä- i Sa 'ädat.

However, we do not have at our disposal all the works published by Vakkom

Moulavi. We do have two collections of selected articles of Vakkom Moulavi; one compiled by Mohamed Kannu {Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries}) and another collected by Mohamed Abda {Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjediitha Krulhikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi]).4 It is significant to note that, even though Vakkom Moulavi came to be regarded as the 'father of religious reform' in Kerala, the first collection of his writings was only published forty-six years after his death. One article published in Muslim by

4M. Mohamed Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries] (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982). S. Mohamed Abda, Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjediitha Krulhikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi] (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979). Abda's collection contains the following articles, 1. Sural al-Fätiha 2. Qur'än Padanathinu Ou Muqavara [An Introduction to the Study of the Qur'an] 3. Islam Matha Sindhanta Samgraham [An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles] 4. Mathaparamaya Chila Chodyagalum Avaykku Moulaviyude Samadanagalum [Certain Religious Questions and Moulavi's Response to it] 5. al-Islali al-Dlni 6. Islam Mata Navikaranam [Islamic Religious Renewal] 7. Tawhidum Shirkum [TawhJd má Shirk] 8. Nammude Avasta [Our Condition] 9. Nammude Strekal [Our Women] 10. Mathavum Sastravum [Religion and Science] 1 1 . Bhayam [Fear] 12. Law/i al-Säbiih Mohamed Kannu reproduces three articles (An Introduction to the Study of the Qui" an, Islamic Religious Renewal, and Fear) already published in Abda's collection. Apart for that Kannu's collection included the following articles, 1. Moulidunabavi [Mawlid al-Nabawi] 2. Om Avatharika [A Prefece] 3. Wahhabitam [Wahhabism] 4. Islam Matathekuriche Mahakavi Valltholinte Abadha Dharana [Poet Vallathol's Misunderstanding about Islam] Kannu's collection also includes three sermons by Vakkom Moulavi. See the bibliography for details.

9 Vakkom Moulavi on educational development among Muslims of Travancore was later reprinted by K.K. Muhammad Abdulkareem entitled ("Thiruvithamkoorile Adyakala Vidyabhasa Pravarthanangal" [Early educational endeavors in Travancore])/ We also have a letter written by Vakkom Moulavi to , which was originally published in al-Manär." Vakkom Moulavi's newspaper, Swadesobhimani, was suppressed by the Travancore government. Subsequently through a government order all of its copies were either confiscated or destroyed. Therefore, copies of Swadeshabhimani are not available in any of the libraries in Kerala today. However, selected editorials from the newspaper were published in The Travancore Deportation: A BriefAccount of the K. Ramakrishna Pillai and Dewan's Note Dated 15" August 1912, on the Suppression of the

Swadeshabhimani Newspaper.

B. Secondary Sources

It was Mohamed Kannu, one of the students of Vakkom Moulavi and an active

Q participant in his religious reform movement, l who wrote the first brief biography of

Vakkom Moulavi {Vakkom Moulavi (Jeevacaritram) [Vakkom Moulavi (Biography)]) in 198 1.' In addition, he wrote an article on Vakkom Moulavi entitled '''Sainudaya

Uthejakanaya Vakkom Moulavi" [Vakkom Moulavi: One who Inspire Community] in

5K. K. Muhammad Abdulkareem, "Thiruvithamkoorile Adyakala Vidyabhasa Pravarthanangal" ["Early educational endeavors in Travancore"]. in Souvenir: Majahid Siale Conference, 1997 [No publication details] 237-240. b al-Maiuir, 30 no. 2 (1348 Safar [July 1929]). Mohamed Kannun published A Malayalam translation of this letter; see M. Mohamed Kannu, Vakkom Moulaviyum Navothana Nayakanmaurum (Jeevacarithra Padanangal) [Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders of Renaissance (Biographical Studies)] (Trivandrum: By the author, 1982), 3-8. 1THe Travancore Deportation: A Brief Account of the K. Ramakrishna Pillai (Kottakkal: Ramgopal & Co., 1911); P. Rajagopala Chari, Dewan's Note Dated 15" August 1912, on the Suppression ofthe Swadeshabhimani Newspaper (Trivandrum: n.p, 1912). 8His father was a close friend of Vakkom Moulavi. 9M. Mohamed Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi (Jeevacaritram) [Vakkom Moulavi (Biography)] (Trivandrum: By the author, 1981).

10 1970. His work entitled Vakkom Moulaviyum Navothana Nayakanmaurum {Jeevacarithra Padanangal) [Vakkom Moldavi and Leaders of the Renaissance {Biographical Studies)] is highly significant for understanding various aspects of islähl movement in Kerala spearheaded by Vakkom Moulavi." The Writings of Vakkom Moulavi's close adherents also serve as pertinent sources for the life of Vakkom Moulavi and his role in the shaping of the islähl movement in Kerala. K.M. Seethi Sahib, a close adherent of Vakkom Moulavi, who actively participated in his reform movement, wrote an article detailing his memories of Vakkom Moulavi ("Vakkom Moulaviye Patti Chila Smaranakal" [A Few Reminiscences about Vakkom Moulavi]), which is one of the more important sources in this regard.12 K.M. Moulavi's "Parethanaya Muhammad Abdul Khadir Moulavi" [Late Muhammad Abdul Khadir Moulavi], written by another close adherent of Vakkom Moulavi, who stayed with him for two years, is also an authoritative source for the life of Vakkom Moulavi.13 Writings by Vakkom Moulavi's family members, who had the opportunity to know

Vakkom Moulavi at firsthand, need to be taken seriously as another important category of sources. Abda's (Vakkom Moulavi's son-in-law) article entitled "Vakkukale

Padavalakkiya Vakkom Moulavi" [Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into a Sword"],

M. Mohamed Kannu, "Samudaya Uthejakanaya Vakkom Moulavi" ["Vakkom Moulavi: One who Inspires Community"], Thirurangadi Yalheem Kahana Silver Jubilee Souvenir, 5 April 1970:1 11-116. " M. Mohamed Kannu, Vakkom Moulaviyum Navothana Nayakanmaurum {Jeevacarithra Padanangal) [Vakkom Moulavi and. Leaders of Renaissance {Biographical Studies)} (Trivandrum: By the author, 1982). '"K. M. Seethi, "Vakkom Moulaviye Patti Chila SmaranakaP' [A Few Reminiscences about Vakkom Moulavi], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruthikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abela (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979). 348-354. K. M. Seethi Sahib, "Parethanaya Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Chila Smaranakal" [Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: A Few Reminiscences], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prahharidhanga/, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], éd. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: A rafa Publications, 1982), 137-173. '1K. M. Moulavi, "Parethanaya Muhammad Abdul Khadir Moulavi" [Late Muhammad Abdul Khadir Moulavi], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], éd. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arala Publications, 1982), 174-177.

11 Shakoor's (his nephew) "Vakkom Moulavi: The Man Who Led Islamic Renaissance in

Kerala," and Bashir's (one of his grandsons), "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi," are the notable works in this category. A number of authors have used the above-mentioned writings in trying to account for various aspects of the life of Vakkom Moulavi. ~ Sharafudeen compiled a monograph on Vakkom Moulavi in English (Vakkom Moulavi (A Study)), in which the subject is portrayed as the greatest humanist, journalist, social worker and a religious reformer, the Mappilas have ever seen.16 Chunakkara Gopalakrishnan's brief biography of Vakkom Moulavi ("Vakkom Moulavi") is especially important as it provides a nationalistic

14S. Mohamed Abda, Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedulha Krulhikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi] (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979); Mohamed Abda, "Vakkukale Padavalakkiya Vakkom Moulavi" [Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into a Sword"], Madhyamam, 12 September 1988, n.p; K. M. Bashir, "'Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulaviyum' Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillayum" ['"Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi' and Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai"] (Trivandrum: Vakkom Moulavi Foundation Trust, n.p.). K. M. Bashir, "Speech Delivered by Mr. K.M. Bashir at the Inaugural meet of the Trust on 21s' June 1987," http://www.vmft.org/documents/kmbspeechl.htm, accessed on I August 2008. M. Bashir, "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi," Shabab, 27 October 2000: 6, 13, 15. M. A. Shakoor, "Vakkom Moulavi: The Man Who Led Islamic Renaissance in Kerala," http://vmmrcblogspotcom.blogspot.com, accessed I June 2008. M. A. Shakoor, "Introduction," in Vakkom Moulavi (Jeevacarilram) [Vakkom Moulavi (Biography)], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: By the author, 1981), i-viii. P.M. and M. Rasheed were other two people who highlighted Vakkom Moulavi's contributions for nationalism in Kerala. P. M. Nair, Swatanlrya Samara Senanikal [Freedom Fighters] (Trivandrum: Forward Publications, 1980). M. Rasheed, Swathanlrya Samarathile Muslim Nayakar [Muslim Leaders of Freedom Struggle] (Calicut: Yuvatha Book House, 2000?). 13P. A. Sayed Mohamed, Kerala Muslim Charithram [Kerala Muslim History] (Trichur: Current Books, 1969), 212-213. C. N. Ahammed Moulavi and K. K. Muhammed Abdulkareem, Mahalhaya Mappila Sahithya Parampariam [Great Mappila Literary Tradition] (Calicut: By the authors, 1978), 494- 498. K. T. Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education among the Mappilas of Malabar, 1800 to 1965 (New Delhi: Nunes Publishers, 1990). M. Abdul Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20lh Century (: Laurel Publications, 1998). A. Muhammad Javed, ^ Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Addehatinle Jeevithathilekhum Pravarthanangalilekhum Oru Elhinottam' ["Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: A Glimpse into his Life and Work"], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedulha Krulhikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 17-37. CK. Kareem, Kerala Muslim History, Statistics and Directory. Vol. I. History ofKerala and of her Muslims (Edapally: Charitram Publications, 1997), 576-580. A. Sliahul Hamid, "Vakkom Moulavi: Nammude Navodhana " ["Vakkom Moulavi: Our Reform Leader"], Hijra 4, no. I I (November 1985): 7-12. 16S. Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi (A Study) (Trivandrum: Samkramanam, 1983). S. Sharafudeen, "Vakkom Maulavi: A Pioneer Journalist of Kerala," Journal of Kerala Studies 8 (March-December 1981): 93-102.

12 interpretation of his life. T. Venugopal. a biographer of Swadeshabhimani Ramakrishna

Pillai and a close student of the Swadeshabhimani movement, primarily understands Vakkom Moulavi as one of the three outstanding figures in this movment, as may be seen from his work "'Swadesabhimani' Prasthanathinte Muvar Sangham" [Three-member Association of Swadesabhimani Movement].'1 N. A. Kareem, in his article ("Moulaviyum

Deepikayum (padanam)" [Moulavi and Deepika: A Study]) maintained that Vakkom

Moulavi was a product of the Indian renaissance and, therefore, embodied in his personal life and public activities its finest social and intellectual values. I9 Roland Miller, in his work entitled Mappila Muslims of Kerala: A Study in Islamic Trends, rightly acknowledges that the religious reform movement among Muslims was initiated by

Vakkom Moulavi." However, he overlooks the Kerala roots of the socio-religious reform of Vakkom Moulavi and presents it as "a conservative reform" began under the influence of Rashld Rida' s al-Manär.

l7Chunakkara Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moulavi" in Mahacharilhamaala, no. 1 56 (Biographies of Vakkom Mutilavi, Malloor Govinda Pillai, K. Kunhikkannan, V. A, Saved Muhammed) (Kottayam: Kairali Children's Book Trust, 1986), 3-42. It was published as part of a series named mahachariihamaala (garland of great stories/history), which was meant to introduce great personalities of Kerala to children. 18T. Venugopal, "Vakkom Moulaviyude Samuhya Chintakal" ["Vakkom Moulavi's Social Views"], Madhyamam, n.d. July 1988, n.p. T. Venugopal, '" Swadesabhimani' Prasthanathinte Muvar Sangham" [Three-member Association of Swadesabhimani Movement], Madhyamam, n.d. July 1988, n.p. 19N. A. Kareem, "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Abdul Khaclir Moulavi," Madhyamam, 24 March 2001, 4. N. A. Kareem, "Moulaviyum Deepikayum (padanam)" [Moulavi and Deepika: A study], in Vakkom Moulaviyude "Deepika" Oltavaliathil [Vakkom Moulavi's Deepika in Single Volume] (Trivandrum: Vakkom Moulavi Foundation Trust. 1992). 20Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala: A Study in Islamic Trends, rev. ed. (Madras: Orient Longman, 1992), 270-273.

13 Chapter 1

Inevitability of 'Modernization': The Historical Context of Vakkom Moldavia

Socio-Religious Reform Movement

Modern colonialism won its great victories not so much through its military and technological prowess as through its ability to create secular hierarchies incompatible with the traditional order. These hierarchies opened up new vistas for many, particularly for those exploited or cornered within the traditional order. To them the new order looked like -and here lay its psychological pull- the first step towards a more just and equal world.1

Towards the beginning of the nineteenth century the British were in effective control of all three constituents of Kerala, namely Travancore, Cochin and Malabar.

British rule in Kerala initiated basic changes to administration, judiciary, transportation, communication, economy and education. The socio-economic system of Travancore witnessed fundamental changes with the introduction of a market economy, while the civil administrative system in the State expanded in line with a British-style secretarial system. Economic and administrative reforms in Kerala demanded a large number of 'educated' people to fill various positions, ft was in this context that there grew increasing interest in modern education in Kerala. Christian missionaries and the State government played an active role in the development of such education making it accessible to all people, especially to the 'untouchables' and women. Moreover, mass education also answered the demands made by various ethnic and confessional communities in Kerala. Yet unlike other communities, the Muslim community for the most part rejected modern education. Muslims' attitudes towards the British and their long-standing tradition of resistance to colonialism were the major reasons behind this stance. It was in this context that Vakkom Moulavi set in motion his socio-religious

'Ashis Nandy, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery ofSelf under Colonialism (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983), ix. 14 reform movement among the Mappilas. However, during the early twentieth century, reformers such as, Sayyid Sanaullah Makti Tangal (1847-1912), Shaykh Muhammad

Hamadani Tangal (d.1922), and Calilakatt Kunjahammad Haji (1866-1919) were already encouraging Muslims to pursue modern education and embrace various aspects of modernity.

1. Colonialism and the Transformation of Kerala Society

Its strategic location on the ancient trade route of the world and the local abundance of and other brought Europeans - especially Portuguese - to Kerala, on the South-West Indian coast, in 1498. According to Kurup, the English established trade relations as early as 1611 with the . Yet even though Captain Keeling signed a treaty with the , the ruler of Calicut, in 1615, the English did not establish a regular factory in Calicut until 1659.4 It was in 1683 that they established their principal factory at Tellicherry, in northern Malabar.^ Until 1766, the British 's settlements in Kerala were small and their interests strictly commercial. However, through shrewd strategies it exerted political power in Malabar.6 As a result, by the middle of the eighteenth century, the Company had

2K. K. N. Kurup, Aspects of Kerala History and Culture (Trivandrum: College Book House, 1977), 50. 'According to which the English were to assist Calicut in expelling the Portuguese from Clanganole and Cochin. In return, the Zamorin gave the English freedom to trade in his dominions. A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, rev. ed. (: S. Viswanathan (Printers & Publishers), Pvt., Ltd, 2003), 318. The were rulers of Calicut, Malabar. 4P. J. Cherian, ed., William Logan's Malabar Manual in Two Volumes (New Edition with Commentaries) (Thiruvananthapuram: Kerala Gazetters, 2000), vol. I, 335; Stephen Frederic Dale, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier: The Mappilas of Malabar, I49S-I922 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), 94. 3Kurup, Aspects of Kerala History 50. 6lbid., 58-59. 15 monopolized the lucrative trade of Malabar. During the Mysorean period (1766- 1792), the Company fought against Mysorean rulers with the support of local rulers of Malabar.8 Eventually, in 1792 the Company defeated Tipu Sultan in the third Anglo- Mysore war (1789-1792) and annexed Malabar to the British Empire through the treaty of Seringapatam.

In 1723 a formal treaty, which laid the foundations for suzerainty in Travancore, was concluded between Alexander Orme, commander of the English East India Company at Anjengo, and Prince Marthanda Vanna (1729-1759) of Travancore,9 by which the former would supply artillery and munitions to the latter in exchange for pepper, and other spices. During the last decade of the eighteenth century the Company entered into fresh treaties with the rulers of Cochin and Travancore, assuring them British protection. Accordingly, in 1791, the Cochin Raja became a vassal of the English, and in 1795 the Travancore Raja was forced to accept British supremacy. In 1805, another treaty was signed in which the Travancore Raja agreed to acknowledge British protection for an annual tribute of 800,000 rupees." This treaty gave the British the power to interfere in the day-to-day affairs of the state.12 Thus, towards the beginning

7K. N. Panikkar, "Peasant Exploitation in Malabar in the Nineteenth Century," Journal of Kerala Studies Il (1984): 156. 8DaIe, Islamic Society on ...., 94-95. 9In 1684, the English obtained from the Queen of Attingal permission to erect a factory at Anjengo and in 1690 to build a fort. See Sreedhara Menon, A Survey ofKerala History...., 3 1 8-320. According to the eminent historian K.. M. Panikkar, the first ever treaty that the English East India Company negotiated with an Indian state was with the of Travancore. K. M. Panikkar, A History of Kerala: 1498-1801 (Annamalainagar: The Annamalai University, I960), 229. '"Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History...., 326. The British promised help in the wake of any attack by Mysorean rulers. "Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala: A Study in Islamic Trends, rev. ed. (Madras: Orient Longman, 1992), 100. l2Suresh Kumar, Political Evolution in Kerala: Travancore 1859-1938 (New Delhi: Phoenix Publishing House Pvt Ltd, n.d), 17. 16 of the nineteenth century the British were in effective control of all three constituent parts of Kerala, namely Travancore, Cochin and Malabar.

La. Economic Changes

In the first half of the nineteenth century Travancore's market became part of the world market. The socio-economic system of Travancore witnessed fundamental changes with the introduction of the market economy. ' In the process, isolation of the - bound local market was broken and agricultural products were brought directly into the international market.14 G? Travancore, British capital was directly invested in coir processing, tile manufacturing and plantations. ^ As in the rest of India, Travancore witnessed an expansion of trade in spices and hill produce, along with new plantation companies appearing on the scene. In 1865, the Raja of Travancore implemented the Pattom Proclamation, often called the Travancore Magna Carta, conferring full ownership rights on state tenants and allowing them unrestricted transfer of their properties. Land was transferred from the Nayars to the and Christians, which created the necessary pre-conditions for increasing commercialisation of agriculture -both in terms of cash crop cultivation and cultivation of food grains for selling in the market. Production of food crops like rice went down while the production of cash crops like tea, coffee and rubber went up.

I3lbid., 22. I4lbid., 24. 13P. K. Michael Tharakan, Socio-Ecunomic Factors in Educational Development: The Case of Nnineteenth Century Travancore, Working Paper no. 190 (Trivandrum: Centre for Development Studies, 1984), 64 l6lbid, 64 and 50-5 1 . See Cn. 28 for details. 17 In 1863 the Public Works Department (PWD) was organized with the arrival of

William Barton as the chief engineer. The department took up the task of constructing roads during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1876, rail transport was introduced into Travancore.'1 Moreover, in the second half of the nineteenth century many post offices were opened in Kerala.

Conforming to the British economy demanded radical changes in the traditional economic structure of Travancore. In order to widen the local market it was soon felt necessary to undertake social transformation and modernization of the educational system.19

Lb. Political Changes

The British found that modernization of Travancore could not be achieved without fundamentally changing the existing administrative apparatus. "The ancient military organization, the law and justice machinery, the selection, appointment and control of civil servants, tax collection, administrative expenses - all needed change to suit the British needs."20 Therefore, during the reign of Resident Col. John Munro (1812- 1818), the administrative system in the state underwent some major changes, primarily by expanding towards a British-style secretarial system. His reforms centralised authority in the hands of the Resident and dismantled all corporate bodies and forces that might come into conflict with the central authority. Col. Munro introduced a well defined system of administrative divisions, regular gradation of officers and separation of military and

l7Suresh Kumar, Political Evolution in Kerala, 25. I8lbid., 26. 19IbJd., 19. 20IbJd., 22-23. 18 judicial powers from revenue officers. The rule of the local chieftains was replaced with the rule of a centralized bureaucracy. The government also took over 348 major and 1171 minor temples and entrusted its administration to revenue officers. According to E. M. S.

Namboodiripad, Munro's reforms also curtailed the power of the Raja of Travancore.

The fact is that, with all the paraphernalia of a ruling dynasty, the Cochin and Travancore families were mere cogs in the wheel of British administration, real authority resting not with these rulers but with the Resident or political agent and through him, with the Viceroy of India."1

I.e. Spread of 'Modern'1 Education in Kerala

I.cl.The Demand for 'Modern' Education

According to Michael Tharakan, "it was in a situation of commercialised agricultural economy, that in Travancore, there was obvious interest in education.""

Economic changes initiated during the British period created job opportunities in the civil services and in trade and plantation companies. Thus, there was an increasing demand for people who had general literacy skills in computing and recording land documents. 3 This created a demand for basic education that could equip people to read, write and handle accounts, mortgages, contracts, agreements etc. Therefore, as Tharakan further notes, the demand for education in Travancore in the nineteenth century was mostly for primary and vernacular education."'

Tharakan also points out that Munro's reform demanded large numbers of qualified people to man the extended administrative system. People with experience of

21T. K. VeIu Pillai, The Travancore Slate Manual, vol. 2 (Trivandrum: Government of Kerala, Kerala Gazetteers Department, 1996 [first published 1940]), 509-523. "ibid. "Suresh quotes E. M. S. Namboodiripad. See Suresh Kumar, Political Evolution in Kerala..., Il- ia 24Tharakan, Socio-Economie Factors in Educational Development...., 64. 25lbid„ 4-5. 26lbid.,6. 19 working under the British were brought from outside the State to fill high-level administrative positions. However, to fill the lower and middle category jobs it was necessary to 'educate' local people. Therefore, in order to make Malayalees "better subjects and public servants," the government opened primary level vernacular language schools. In 1818 alone the government established 33 vernacular schools in Cochin.

Lc.2. Christian Missionaries'' Contributions to Education

In Kerala, mass education began with British colonization. Before 1800, education, especially higher education, was the sole prerogative of Brahmins and members of certain 'high' castes."' While "low' castes were given basic education, the

'untouchables' were given none at all. In Travancore, where the caste rules were maintained and recognized by the State, the Ezhavas and those below them in the caste hierarchy were denied access to public places, including the government schools. Therefore, the objectives of colonial educational policies were twofold:

1 . to make education accessible to all people, especially to the 'untouchables';

27lbid., 17-19. 28TMe Brahmins, who constitute the priestly caste, dominated the caste ridden society of Kerala. Traditionally the entire land of Kerala belonged to them. , who managed the estates of Brahmins, were also attributed a higher position in the caste hierarchy. Christians and Mappilas also were given a position equal to that of Nairs in Kerala society. People belonging to other castes, such as Ezhavas, and slave castes, such as, Pulayars, Parayars and Shannars, and the people of the aboriginal tribes of Kerala, were oppressed under caste rules in Kerala. They did not have access to public places, temples, bathing tanks, public paths and roads or educational institutions. The rules of the caste system also included complex rules on distance pollution (inapproachability) and included, against some castes, rules of 'unseeability'. It is believed that Christianity spread to Kerala during the first century A.D. through the Apostle Thomas, one of the disciples of Jesus Christ. They were popularly known as Syrian Christians in view of the Syriac liturgy used by them. It is believed that the earliest Christian converts were Brahmins (Namboodiris) and, therefore, they claimed a higher status in the caste hierarchy of Kerala. 20 2. to replace traditional education with 'useful' modern education and to create an

educated middle class to meet the manpower needs of the colonial state bureaucracy. Until the beginning of the 19,h century educational institutions in Kerala functioned more or less autonomously. Neither the state nor religious authorities intervened in their daily functioning. It was because of Munro, who served as the Resident in both Travancore and Cochin, that these two princely states began to assume the responsibility for mass education. He encouraged various missionary societies to establish schools in Travancore, which marked the beginning of 'modern' education in Kerala. The London Missionary Society (LMS) and Church Missionary Society (CMS)J were the two major missionary organizations that worked in Travancore. During the first half of the nineteenth century it was protestant missionaries who were mostly engaged in spreading 'modern' education in Travancore. Rev. William Tobias

Ringeltaube, who worked in Travancore (1806-1816), was in fact the one who introduced modern English education in Kerala. He was succeeded by Rev. Mead (in Travancore between 1817 and 1873), who became the Superintendent of Schools of Travancore in

1855. He established several schools and promoted female education. In 1834 the

Maharaja of Travancore visited Nagarcoil Seminary, which was established by Rev.

Mead, and started a Free School in Trivandrum. In 1866, this latter was upgraded into a

29Kurian Cherian Thottupruam, "Foundations of Kerala Education: An Investigation into Selected Historical Roots" (Ph.D. diss., Loyola University, Chicago, 1981), 254. '0K. N. Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters under Colonialism: The Case of Education in Keralam," in Culture and Modernity: Historical Explorations, ed. K. N. Ganesh (Calicut: University of Calicut Publication Division, 2004), 168. ''The CMS concentrated in Central and North Travancore and among Syrian Christians - at least initially- and the LMS in south Travancore and among Shannars and other lower castes. Tharakan, Socio- Economic Factors in Educational Development , 24. '"Thottupruam, "Foundations of Kerala Education...,'" 279. 21 college (Maharajah's College) affiliated to Madias University, which began to admit

Ezhava students from 1 874.

Protestant missionaries concentrated their activities chiefly among the so-called lower caste people and Syrian Christians. In fact, education of the lower castes such as the Ezhavas, Shanars and 'slave' castes was the exclusive preserve of missionary schools until the government intervened in educational development towards the end of the nineteenth century. Missionaries were also keenly interested in female education. The first girl's school in the State was started by Mrs. Baker and Mrs. Fenn, both wives of missionaries, in Kottayam in 1818. Missionaries also contributed to technical education in Travancore. In 1820, a school of industry was started in Nagarcoil, followed by several such schools elsewhere/3

l.c.3. Governmental Intervention in Education

In order to spread 'modern' education in Travancore, especially vernacular education, Dewan T. Madhava Rao (1862-1874) adopted a comprehensive plan. According to Tharakan, it featured three major aspects/1 1 . to establish schools run by government;

2. to introduce a liberal grant-in-aid program to encourage private agencies to start

schools; and

3. to upgrade indigenous schools.

"'''Tharakan, Socio-Economie Factors in Educational Development. , 28. "'ibid., 29. "ibid. 36IbJd., 36. 22 In 1887, the government adopted a grant-in-aide code to attract private enterprise to invest in education, especially in vernacular education/ Therefore, several individuals and agencies enthusiastically came forward to share the responsibility for propagating modern education. As a result of their work, in 1893, there were 1,375 aided schools with 57, 314 students.38 The involvement of private agencies in delivering education was so great that by 1910-1911, they owned more than two-thirds of educational institutions in Travancore/9 In 1904, the government accepted the responsibility of imparting free primary level education to all children in the state, and ordinances were passed permitting

Mow-caste' children to attend public schools, who until then had been permitted only in missionary schools. In 1894, the government established the English Normal School in Trivandrum to offer teacher's training to men and, in 1887, also founded a women teachers' training school. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, there were also many vocational training centres in Travancore that provided training in printing, book-binding, the paper industry, weaving, rearing silkworms, manufacture, handicrafts, banking, bookkeeping, typewriting, building-construction, carpentry, lace-making etc. An increase in the number of printing presses also played a major role in educational development by producing textbooks and other educational materials. At the beginning of the twentieth century Cochin and Travancore were the two most literate states in India.41 The intervention of the governments in these states was a major factor behind this phenomenon. The introduction of grant-in-aid helped private

'7Thottupruam, Foundations ofKerala Education...." 290. '8lbid., 292. :,9lbid., 295. 40VeIu Pillai. The Travancore State Manual, vol. 3, 715. 4lTharakan, Socio-Economie Factors in Educational Development...., 3. 23 parties to contribute tremendously to spreading education in Travancore and Cochin. Drawing upon the grants as well as their own funds, various Christian churches and groups, as well as other private agencies, set up several schools in southern Kerala in the second half of the nineteenth century.

I.C.4. Female Education

Changes in educational policies during the nineteenth century contributed much to the education of women in Kerala. Before the introduction of modern education, the majority of women were more or less denied access to education. However, women's schooling was a major concern of Protestant Christian missionaries, right from the beginning of their work in Travancore. With the appointment of female teachers, large numbers of girls began to attend schools. Vocational training in lace-making and embroidery were specially designed for women, which helped them to find employment.4j The English also questioned several social practices pertaining to women, such as sali, the devadasi system and pulappedi. Therefore, social changes in the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries gave opportunities to women to acquire

4;lbid.,4. 43R. J. Hepzi Joy, History and Development of Education of Women in Kerala (1819-1947) (Thiruvananthapuram: Seminary Publications, 1995), 208. uSathi is the practice through which widows are voluntarily or forcibly burned alive on their husband's funeral pyre. The term devadasi originally described a Hindu religious practice in which girls married and dedicated to a deity. They spent time in temples and engaged in sex outside of marriage. Mannappedi or pulappedi was a custom by which an upper caste woman could lose her caste if any male from castes like Pulaya, Paraya or Mannan happened to see her or touch her by any means. Then she would be expelled from the caste or had to move in with the "low caste" person, according to the discretion of the elders. This would apply especially on the night of a specific day that fell in the month of Karkalakam (roughly corresponding to the dates 15 July to I 5 August) in the Gregorian calendar. 24 education along with men so that they might work and hold responsible positions outside their homes and engage in various educational, economic, social and political activities.

II. Modernization as an Agent of 'Liberation' in Kerala?

H.a. Social Status and Education

It was with the spread of modern education that social change began to take place in Kerala. In pre-colonial Kerala society, education had nothing to do with social mobility because most occupations were hereditary. However, modern industries, new means of transport, growing urbanization, and increasing employment of women in factories and offices and the spread of education promoted social change.46 As a result, almost every special interest in Kerala of the late nineteenth century demanded the right to education. The lower castes demanded more opportunities for education because they believed that education was an important means of social mobility.

H.b. Education and Civil Service

In Travancore, the civil service was traditionally the prerogative of certain higher castes and even among them of certain privileged families. ' British administrative reforms fundamentally changed this practice. Individual merit and educational qualification gradually became the criteria for selection to government services. The principle of 'selection through merit,' however, upset the caste balance in the country. Consequently, Christians, who had hitherto been largely excluded from civil service,

45IbId., 2 1 5. 46Suresh Kumar, Political Evolution in Kerala— 37. "17KoJi Kawashima, Missionaries and a Hindu Stale: Travancore 1858-1936 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 7-8. 48Tharakan, Socio-Economie Factors in Educational Development...., 56. 25 were able to gain entry. Thus by 1891, there were more than 200 Syrian Christians employed in government service in Travancore and Cochin.49 In the second half of the nineteenth century, the civil service came to attain a special significance in south Indian society. To the emerging middle class, it became a symbol of social status and public honor.3

U.c. Economic Status and Social Mobility According to Suresh Kumar, "the penetration of capitalism made social status dependent mainly on money...."31 The introduction of a money economy challenged traditional power equations based on caste hierarchy. Robin Jeffrey has pointed out that the Ezhavas and Syrian Christians took great advantage of a commercializing economy and became increasingly affluent. As a result, the dominant position of the Nayars was greatly challenged and became unstable."5" Syrian Christian utilized the changing socio- economic conditions creatively. They took up banking, public works contracts and commercial agriculture before other communities in Kerala.3'' Social exclusiveness and caste rigidity were eroded with the advent of changes in economic status.

H.d. Organized Struggles for Social Equality and Education

Therefore, towards the end of the nineteenth century, each community in Kerala organized itself to demand social equality and rights from the government. A variety of

49Ibid, 58. 30M. Kabir, "Socio-Religious Reform Movements among the Muslims of Kerala: cl900-l930" (Paper written for Vakkom Moulavi Bibliography Project: Reform Movements, Trivandrum, [1995?]), [9]. 31 Suresh Kumar, Political Evolution in Kerala...., 37-38. 52 Rob i ? Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore, 1847-1908 (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1 976), 249, 265-9 "ibid., I 18.

26 castes and communities began to demand mote jobs in the modernized administration, challenging the monopoly of the Nayars and the Brahmins. Government jobs had been traditionally closed to Ezhavas; therefore, in 1891, they participated in the Malayali Memorial, a document signed by 10,000 'Malayalis' and submitted under the leadership of the Nayar elites, claiming representation in civil administration. When this strategy failed they submitted another memorial, signed by 13,1 76 Ezhavas, demanding admission to government schools and appointments in the civil service. The Ezhavas were inspired by Sree (1856-192S)/4 a spiritual leader who had taken to social reform, who believed that the social emancipation of the lower castes lay in education and organizational power. Therefore, in 1903, the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam was established with the slogan 'liberate through education and strengthen through organization.' As the Ezhavas continued to press their demands through the press and on the floor of the legislature, gradually, the restrictions on the backward castes fell one by one.

In Travancore, the Ezhavas' strategy of agitation was followed by other communities. Thus, numerous organizations came up with the objective of pressing their demands before the Government. In 1907, (1863-1941), renowned Pulaya reformer, established the Sadhu .Tana Paripalana Sangham [poor people welfare society].

3 Sree Narayana Guru was the most prominent socio-religious reformer in the history of Kerala. He was born into an family, at a time when Ezhavas were at the bottom of the socio-economic hierarchy in Kerala. He protested against the caste system and propagated values of social equality and universal brotherhood. In order to improve the community, he established several schools and temples. Vakkom was one of the centres of Narayana Guru's activities. 53This was an organization formed in order to propagate and promote the moral teachings (dharma) of Sree Narayana Guru. 27 which became the vehicle for social reform among the Pulayars, an erstwhile slave caste. s6

IH. Mappilas' Attempt to Resist Modernization

Why then did Muslims reject modern education in Kerala, while all other communities were demanding opportunities for education and successfully obtaining employment in the civil services?

IH.a. Mappilas' Long-Standing Tradition of Resistance to Colonialism and

Their Hatred for the British

The Mappila Muslims of Kerala constitute, in all probability, the oldest Muslim community on the South Asian subcontinent. Owing to trade links between Malabar and

Arabia, it is believed that Islam came to Kerala, soon after it originated in Arabia, through Arab Muslim traders. The rulers of Kerala welcomed Muslim traders for the valuable role they played in the lucrative foreign trade. They grew steadily in number until Portuguese traders landed on the Kerala coast at the end of the fifteenth century

(1498). The arrival of these Portuguese traders, who soon came to monopolise the maritime spice trade of the South Western Indian coast, is considered to have been "the most traumatic of events in the history of Mappilas.'0 It changed the whole course of their lives and history. Prior to the arrival of the Portuguese, the Mappilas were a wealthy and powerful trading community. However, the Portuguese monopoly over trade made them economically, socially and politically a poor and weak community. In an attempt to

36Pulayas are one of the 'outcastes', in fact the lowest in the caste hierarchy among in Kerala. "Miller, Mappila Muslims ofKerala 60. 28 withstand the Portuguese invasion, the Mappilas fought with them for 150 years.

However, at the end of the Portuguese period, after being restricted to petty trade, many of the Mappilas were forced to become tenants and agricultural labourers of Hindu landlords (Janmis).

Medieval Kerala society was a feudal agrarian society, organised on rigid caste principles, in which political authority was decentralised. It was during the Mysorean epoch (1766-1792) that the 'state' became a powerful institution in Malabar for the first time. Various measures adopted by Mysorean rulers (Hyder Ali (1722-1782) and Tipu

Sultan (1750-1799)) such as the establishment of a centralised government bureaucracy, the development of a proper mechanism to estimate and collect land revenue and the appointment of a standing army, seriously weakened the authority of traditional landed aristocracy in Malabar. However, during the British period (1792-1947) Hindu landlords

(janmis), who were formally recognized as landlords in British legal and administrative discourses, reasserted their social and economic dominance over rural societies in

Malabar. It was important for the British government to command their allegiance to legitimize their rule in Malabar. However, British land reforms and the consolidation of janmis ' power and authority severely crippled the economic prospects of Mappila peasants and made them poorer than ever before. Therefore, from the beginning of the nineteenth century they began to resist British rule and the authority of the Hindu janmi class.

The Mappilas organized and led a series of violent outbreaks, which occurred intermittently throughout the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. According to Miller, there were at least fifty-one Mappila Outbreaks' recorded between 1821 and

29 192 1.51 Nearly all of them broke out in south Malabar, especially in the taluks^ of Ernad,

Valluvanad and , which accounted for 60% of the Mappila population in Malabar

(predominantly tenant cultivators). The Mappila Rebellion (popularly known as the

Mappila lahala) of 1921-22 was the most prominent rebellion in Mappila history. The

Rebellion, which was largely confined to south Malabar, started on 20August 1921 and continued intensively for six months. The official sources record that during the rebellion

2,337 rebels were killed, 1,652 were wounded and 45,404 were imprisoned. However, unofficial sources put the figures as high as 10,000 dead, 50,000 imprisoned, 20,000 exiled and 10,000 missing.6

Ill.b. Centralitv of Shahidi Traditions in the Religious, Cultural and

Educational Life of the Mappilas

Tuhfat al-Mujahidin fi Ba'd Ahwäl al-Burtughäliyln (Gift to the Holy Warriors in Respect to Some Deeds ofthe Portuguese), was an influential work that called upon the Mappilas to undertake a jihäd against the Portuguese. The author of this book, Zayn al-Din (1467-1521), describes the Mappilas' fight with the Portuguese within the traditional Islamic theological and political framework. Therefore, the author refers to those Mappilas who died at Portuguese hands as martyrs (shahTds) and the Mappilas' struggle against the Portuguese as a jihäd. In reporting the "deaths" of these Mappilas he never used the common word "killed," but rather employed phrases such as "suffered

58[bid., 109 '9TaIiIk is an administrative subdivision of a district within a state. It exercises certain fiscal and administrative powers over the villages and municipalities within its jurisdiction. 60MT. Ansati, "Retlguring the Fanatic: Malabar 1836-1922," in Muslims. , and the Fabrications of History (Subaltern Studies, Vol. 12), eds. Shail Mayaram, M. S. S. Pandian and Ajay Skaria (New Delhi: Permanent Black and Ravi Dayal Publisher, 2005), 37. 1DaIe, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier...., 52. 30 martyrdom" or "received martyrdom." Therefore, the author wanted to convey that those killed in battle with the Portuguese did not meet an 'ordinary' death but instead an ideal death, worth being desired. The merit of "the glorious death of a martyr" is desirable even for those already in paradise; such that they would even return to earth if they could be assured of it. Therefore, there is nothing, either on earth or in paradise, worthier than the death of a shahid. 1_"

According to Dale, the phenomenon of religious suicide was the identifying characteristic of Mappila 'outbreaks.' Each attack followed more or less a set ceremonial pattern: Rituals

usually included the mujahidun, the aspiring martyrs, divorcing their wives, dressing in fresh white cloth, ... the performance of a inoiilid, a ceremony in which Quranic verses or were recited, and worship at a .... After an outbreak had actually taken place the assailants would not try to escape, quite the contrary; to ensure that their vows would be promptly fulfilled they would usually barricaded themselves in a house, temple, or mosque and wait for troops to arrive. After being surrounded, the Mappilas, usually armed with their traditional long knives, would make suicidal charges at the troops to the shout of Allahii Akbar. 6'

Dale maintains that martyrdom became an established heroic ideal in the modern history of the Mappilas.64 Thus the "sanctification of Muslims who fought Europeans was to be a recurring phenomenon in the 19" century as Mappilas martyred themselves in suicidal charges against British troops following each Mappila outbreak." 5 This ideal also found vivid expression in ballads and nerchas, which are still popular among the Mappilas.66 "The continued popularity of some of these festivals and songs over several

blTohfiit-ul-mujahideen: An Historical Work in the Arabic Language, trans. MJ. Rowlandson (London: The Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1833), 30- 3 I & 38 6OaIe, Islamic Society on ..., 122. 64lbid., 52. 05IbJd. ,6 1. 00I bid., 52-53. Nerchas are the Mappilas' largest public festivals. These are expensive and elaborate ceremonials which combine elements of Islamic and Hindu deity worship. Nercha is a vow made by a devotee to present some offering to a deity if prayers are granted. Stephen F. Dale and M. Gangadhara Menon, "Nercca: 31 centuries also demonstrates how deeply this ethic permeated Malayali Muslim society, and ... played a conspicuous role in sustaining the militant tradition among Mappilas in the 19th and the 20th centuries."67

Shahidi traditions also became central to Mappilas' religious education. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, Pontiani and Vazhakkad, in Malabar, were famous for dars (advanced education in Arabic and Islamic sciences) in Kerala. The following textbooks were used for religious education: Zayn al-Dln ibn 'Abd al-'Azlz's Fatfi al- MuIn bi-Shadi Quirat al-'Ayn and iisliäd al-'ibâcl ila Sabll al-Rashàd, Muhammad ibn

'Abd Allah Ibn Malik's Main ai-Alfiyah, Jaläl al-Dln Muhammad ibn Ahmad MahalO's ai-Jalälayn, Misbkät al-Masäblli and Pa.thiki.lab,69 the Muhyl al-Dln mala,10 the Badr mala, the Manquse mawlüd, the Muhiyyidin mawICid and Pada Palili (war songs) such as Badr Patta and Ohud Pattu. It is significant to note that most of these textbooks upheld the shahidi tradition of the Mappilas. However, study of the Qur'än and hacflth was not a major aspect of the dars system of education.

Saint-Martyr Worship among the Muslims of Kerala," in Kerala Muslims: A Historical Perspective, ed. Asghar Ali Engineer (Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1995), 174-199. Dale, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier..., 52. 6HDars were held inside the in Kerala. Accordingly, mosques were built as two-storey buildings whose ground floor was used for prayer and the first floor for teaching and accommodating deus students. 69This is a collection of ten treatises (Asharaiukiitub), dealing with various subjects, such as aqldah (creeds of faith) or sullsm {tasawwul). K. T. Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education among the Mappilas of Malabar, 1800 to 1965 (New Delhi: Nunes Publishers, 1990), 40. 70The Malayalam word mala literally means garland. However, ¡n Mappilas literature mala is a poem, which commemorates stories of martyr saints or heroic events from the history of the community. Malas are more or less like tadhkirahs in other parts of India. Malas are written in Arabic meters and praise the saintly qualities of awliyäs and their barakcihs. At the same time they are also prayers to these saints. The Muhiyid al-Din mala is the earliest existing mala, which was composed, in 1607, by Qadi Muhammad of Calicut, in praise of Muhyl al-Dln 'Abd al-Qadir al-.filârù. There are more than three hundred popular malas circulated among the Mappilas. In every house malas are sung after Maghrib prayers. Mappila women memorize many popular malas. The Muhiyid al-Din mala, which is considered second in importance only to the Qur'än, is sung reverently in every Mappila household at appointed hours, and girls were supposed to memorize it before their marriage. See Kunhali V, Sufism in Kerala (Calicut: Publication Division, University of Calicut, 2004), 10. Similarly, Haddad Rateeb could usually be recited by any Mappila from memory. 32 !U.c. Mappila Muslims' Rejection of Modern Education

Although Malabar came under British rule by the end of the eighteenth century, English education was introduced only in the second half of the nineteenth century. This was the result of Wood's despatch of 1854, which suggested that the British government should assume the responsibility for mass education in India.71 Therefore, in 1855, a government Anglo-vernacular school was established in Calicut. Several taluk schools were also opened in various parts of Malabar, the fust of which was begun at Malappuram, in 1856, in order to provide education to Mappilas. However, the school had to be closed, in 1859, due to poor enrolment.72 In 1862, the Basel German Mission opened the Brennan School for English education, which was upgraded to a second grade college in 1891. Victoria College in Palaghat, founded in 1866, was another notable school established during the colonial period. Thus, by 1931, there were 4,126 schools in Malabar and 342,000 students.74 In order to facilitate female education, in 1883, the government established the Mappila Female Normal School, which functioned briefly as a female teachers' training school, in Calicut.

Despite the Woods despatch, the British government did not assume the responsibility for mass education in Malabar.7:i Only a limited number of schools were established and directly managed by the government. Their role was limited to providing 71 Wood's Despatch on education was considered to be the "Magna Carta of Education in India". It was the first authoritative declaration on the part of the British Parliament about the educational policy to be followed in India. The despatch enunciated the aim of education as the diffusion of the Arts, Science, Philosophy and Literature of . It laid down that the study of Indian languages was to be encouraged, the English language should be taught wherever there was a demand for it, and that both English and the Indian languages were to be regarded as media for the diffusion of European knowledge. '"Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education among the Mappilas ofMalabar..., 124, fn. 13. 7,C.A. Innes, Malabar (Gazetteer), vol. I and 2, edited by F. B. Evanas, Reprinted (2IK| reprint) by The State Editor, Kerala Gazetteers (Thiruvananthapuram, 1997), 297. 74lbid., 299. 73T. Muhammadali, "Colonial Education, Public Sphere and Marginality in Kerala: The Case of the Mappilas," in Kerala Society Historical Perceptions: Essays in honour of Dr. S.M.Muhammed , ed. V. Kunhali (Calicut: University of Calicut, 2002), 95.

JJ grants-in-aid to missionary societies and local princes who were running schools in Malabar. Christian missionaries, especially the Basel Mission, took the leading role in spreading 'modern' education. But they primarily focused their attention on spreading primary education. The British government never attempted to make education affordable to everyone. Since a large majority of people could not afford school fees, owing to the absence of free schooling, only a limited number of individuals could pursue 'modern' education in Malabar. Therefore, the emerging public sphere in colonial Malabar comprised only a limited number of individuals who belonged to the dominant communities. In other words, British colonial policies precluded the large majority of people, and especially Mappila Muslims, from being part of the emerging public sphere.76 In Malabar the British made use of education as "the best safeguard against the recurrence of Mappila outbreaks."77 Imparting 'secular' Western education was considered a "rational solution" for the Mappila "menace."78 Not only the British but also many Mappila leaders thought along similar lines. In 1894, Bradley, the District

Magistrate of Malabar, asked Muthukoya Tangal, the president of Himayatul Islam

Sabha, to suggest "the best means" to prevent future Mappila 'outbreaks.' After deliberating the issue for long time, the Himayatul Islam Sabha (Society) advised the government, among other things, to concentrate more on Mappila education.79 However,

/0lbid., 95-96. 77Innes, Malabar (Gazetier)...., 300. Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education ..., 78. 79lbid., 92-93. Himayatul Islam Sabha was one of the organizations founded in 1890 under the patronage of Khan Bahadur Muthukoya Tangal, to promote modern education among the Muslims of Calicut. It demanded educational concessions for Mappilas and expressed concern about poverty among them.

34 even after introducing 'modern secular' education.80 the government did not succeed in solving the Mappila 'problem.' Outbreaks' continued to occur at irregular intervals in rural areas of Ernad and the Valluvanadu taluks of north Malabar.

In 1871, the British government appointed a committee to study various aspects of education among the Muslims in Malabar. Based on the recommendations of this committee, in 1872, the government devised a plan to 'improve' the education imparted to Mappilas in small schools attached to mosques. ' Thus, traditional mosque-schools, where "the children received no education worth the name, being taught merely to repeat by rote passages from the Koran" were brought under government inspection in order to provide them "real education." ~ The British urged mullas (religious leaders) to offer

'general' education along with religious instruction in vernacular language. In return mullas were given small salaries and grants for each child successful at an inspection held annually by the two government-appointed 'Mohammedan' school inspectors.' ' However, large numbers of these schools were closed in the I880's as they failed to qualify to receive financial aid from government and other agencies "on account of small attendance [of Mappila students] and insufficient instruction.'" The situation slightly

In 1872, the government established separate schools for Mappilas. The British government recognised the Ernadu and Valluvanadu taluks as 'backward class' for educational purposes. This provided free education for Mappila students in elementary schools under public management. Under the grant-in- aid code all Muslim schools were treated as poor. Government separated vernacular schools from the mosque and placed them under the jurisdiction of local boards. An additional 14 primary schools intended for Mappilas exclusively were opened in Ernad and Valluvanad taluks. More educational inspectors were appointed. The Government also introduced a Mappila scholarship scheme. Special scholarships were instituted for Mappila students of primary schools in Errnad and Valluvanad taluks. In 1889-90, three preparatory or sessional training schools were started in Tellicherry, Malappuram and Tirur in order to train teachers for Primary School Examination. 8llnnes, Malabar (Claietter)...., 300. 82lbid. 8'lbid. Many small madrasas took advantage of this system. Thus between 1881 and 1886 alone 380 madrasas were brought under the grant scheme. Moreover, during this time many new madrasas were established in order to receive government grants. Kabir, "Scio-Religious Reform Movements....", [8]. 84Mohammed Ali, The Development ofEducation ..., 84. 35 improved, in 1886, when the government introduced grant-in-aid code, by which Mappila schools were given some small financial aid. 8^ According to hiñes, mullas were incompetent to impart "even the small amount of instruction ¡n vernacular."86 However, despite its 'usefulness' and pedagogic authority, the majority of Mappila Muslims did not pursue 'modern' education. Conservative 'ulama' were instrumental in spreading apathy towards secular education. They were very hostile to the latter because they thought that it would weaken their faith.87 They were suspicious of English motives in disseminating secular education.88 The cultural displacement that they experienced in relation to western education was to a certain extent responsible for their increasing stigmatization of learning the English and Malayalam languages and pursuing 'modern' education. The "English language was dubbed as the language of hell and western education was considered a passport to hell."89 Therefore, conservative Muslim 'ulama' recited the following prayer: "Oh lord, make us not those who speak Malayalam language well."90 This desire eventually led to the development of the Arabi-Malayalam language, an effort on the part of Mappilas to maintain a separate socio-religious identity. Poverty, epidemics, recurring natural calamities like floods, and their refusal to attend schools opened to Hindus were other reasons that prevented Mappilas from attending schools.

85IbId., 88. 86lnnes, Malabar (Gazetler)...., 300. 87Ibid 88Mohammed Ali, The Development o/ Education..., 77. 89lbid., 77. 90Ibid., Mohammed Ali quotes E. K. Moulavi. '¦"According to Miller, Arabi-Malayalam language emerged over the course of about live centuries "as a blend of a Malayalam grammatical base, Arabic script, and Malayalam plus some Arabic, Tamil, Urdu and Persian vocabulary, a few additional orthographic symbols being utilised according to need. The literature was narrative poetry with predominantly religious themes." Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala, 289.

36 Tangals and other religious leaders of the Mappilas were very powerful, and they wielded considerable clout on the common people. Since they opposed British occupation, they did not allow people to embrace modern education. Through religious sermons {wa'z) they convinced Muslims that modern education was not compatible with Islamic faith and practices. Sermons were in fact the major source of learning for common Muslims, especially for women.93 In this socio-cultural milieu awliyas (saints) too were given a lot of importance. After their death their tombs were regularly visited and prayers were offered. In addition, shcihids were greatly respected and their tombs were sites of great reverence. Some of the Mappila religious scholars also held the views of Yusuf an-Nabhani (1849-1932), a Palestinian Islamic scholar who worked and campaigned against the Wahhabi movement and Egyptian reformers like Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1950) and Jamal al-Dui al-Afghänl (1838-1897). It was against this background that Muslim reformers promoted modern education and religious reform among the Mappilas at the beginning of the twentieth century. Mappila opposition to 'modern' education was not attributable to any specific religious reason. It resulted mainly from their attitude towards the British and their policies. It was a challenge to modernity and its ensuing culture. Mappilas' religious ideals, such as that of the shahid, were in turn shaped by their political stand against colonialism. They were unable to oppose the colonizer politically but they could do so spiritually using their religious resources. Mappilas adopted and maintained a steady,

"Tangals trace their lineage to the Prophet Muhammad and dominate the socio-religious and political society of Mappilas. Mt was common for wa'z, which were more or less like entertainment programs, to last until late in the night. 37 unyielding opposition to Western culture because for them everything Western was un- lslamic.

IV. Forces of Modernization among Mappilas

During the latter half of the nineteenth and the early decades of the twentieth centuries, even before Vakkom Moulavi began his work in Travancore, there were individuals and organizations working towards socio-religious reform among Muslims in Malabar and Cochin. They promoted modern education and madrasa reform, reinterpreted Muslim religious beliefs and practices and defended Christian missionaries' allegations against Islam. They made significant contributions to the growth and development socio-religious reform movement among the Mappila Muslims of Kerala.

The following were the prominent individuals.

IVl . Sayyid Sanaullah Makti fangal (1847-1912)

Makti Tangal, an outstanding Mappila Muslim reformer in Kerala, worked as an

Excise Inspector under the British government. However, in 1882, he resigned his job in order to devote time to defending Islam and the Prophet Muhammad against vilification by Christian missionaries in Malabar.'4 According to Mohammed Ali, they "conducted lectures on every nook and corner of the country and published several books and pamphlets caricaturing Islam and its Prophet."*0 Makti Tangal wrote several books and pamphlets delivered several public lectures to refute their charges and mounted counter-

Kabir, "Scio-Religious Reform Movements...", [7|. Mohammed Ali, The Development, ofEducation 138. 38 attacks against Christian beliefs and practices. In 1884, he published his first book entitled Kathora Kutharam, in which he challenged the Christian doctrine of Trinity. In

1892, he published another book, Parkalitta Porkkalam, in which he argued that the Old and New Testament foretold the coming of the Prophet Muhammad. In 1888, he published a weekly named Satyaprakasam from Cochin. During this time, he also published, using his improved version of the Arabi-Malayalam script, a fortnightly called

Tuhfat al-Akhyar va Hidayat al-Asrar, which severely criticized conservative 'ulama'. In

1890, with the help of several young people from Alleppey, he established a printing press in Cochin. He afterwards published a biography of the Prophet, Nubi Ncmciyain, which is said to be the first biography of the Prophet in Malayalam. Later, he also published a monthly journal, entitled Paropakari, which lasted for three years.

Makti Tangal also contributed tremendously towards the socio-religious reform movement among the Mappilas of Kerala. He called upon Muslims to renounce all un- Islamic beliefs and practices, such as the practice of offering prayers to living or dead awliyas. He promoted secular education and argued that it should be provided along with religious education. He campaigned for female education and argued that it is not contrary to Islamic faith. Likewise he appealed to the Mappilas to obtain modern education and join the government services. l He also motivated Mappilas to learn the Malayalam and English languages, though it was prohibited by conservative 'ulama'. He similarly called for madrasa reform and recommended the use of blackboards and the system of dividing students into different classes. In order to teach Arabic systematically

Due to lack of support the journal had to be stopped after nine months. Kabir, "Socio-Religious Reform Movements...", [7] 39 he published a primer entitled Talim al-lkhwan. To reform and simplify the Arabi- Malayalam language he wrote the book Muallim al Ikhwan. Makti Tangal futhermore condemned the Mappila riots and asked Muslims to be patriotic. In fact, in 1896, he was brought to Malappuram by government officials to address the Mappilas on the 'futility' of rioting with their Hindu brethren and killing them.100 He was physically attacked at Cannanore but was saved by a group of Hindus.

IV.2. Shavkh Muhammad Hamadani Tangal (d.1922) Inspired by the work of the All-India Muhammadan Educational Conference, Hamadani Tangal wanted to establish a similar organization in Kerala in order to motivate Mappilas to embrace modern education. He was proficient in Arabic, Persian and Urdu languages and published several articles in which he appealed to young men to shoulder the responsibility of spreading 'modern' education among Muslims. He served

I (Y) as a member of the Sree Mulam Praja Sabha [S ree Mulam Popular Assembly] " and used this opportunity to invite the attention of the Travancore government towards the educational backwardness of the Muslim community in Kerala. As a result, the government made provisions for teaching Arabic at schools. He visited Mohammedan

l0,lbid., 8, fn,l I. l02Sree Mulam Tirana!, who was the ruler of the Princely State of Travancore for around four decades (1885-1924), established the Sree Mulam Praja Sabha (Popular Assembly), on I October 1904, to provide increased participation by the people in the state administration. The members of the Assembly were chosen by the Division Peishkars (District heads) from among landholders who paid annual land revenue of not less than Rs. 100 and landholders or traders whose net annual income was Rs. 6000 or above. The first meeting of the Assembly was held on 22 October 1904 at the Victoria Jubilee Town Hall (VJT Hall) in Trivandrum. A landmark change took place a year later when more than two thirds of the representatives were elected from among the people. The regulation granting the people the privilege of electing their representatives was issued on I May 1905. Of the 100 members, 77 were to be elected and rest nominated. The historic first meeting of the Assembly took place on 21 October 1905. See "History of legislative bodies in Kerala - Sri Mulam Popular Assembly," http://keralaassembly.or

Sir P. Rajagopalachari laid the foundation stone for the college on 6 May 1914. He sent a delegation to Egypt to recruit teachers for the college; "' however, due to lack of community support, the college was never established.

Like Makti Tangal, he also engaged in socio-religious reform activities among the Mappilas. He wrote a book entitled lrfat al-lslam for the purpose of condemning all un- lslamic beliefs and practices. He also contributed several articles to Vakkom Moulavi's newspaper, Swadesabhimani, and the journal, Muslim. He compiled, with the help of his disciple Sayyid Muhammad Tangal, an Arabic-Sanskrit-Malayalam dictionary, although only a concise version of it was published. Towards the end of his life he settled down in (Cranganore) and established the Lajnat al-Hamadani Sabha [Assembly] at Azhikode and the Lajnat al-lslam Sangham [Association] at Eriyad. The work of these two organizations brought Muslims of Azhikode and Eriyad to the fore front of modern education in Cochin State.

IV. 3. Calilakatt Kunjahammad Haji (1866-1919)

Kunjahammad Haji is widely known as "the father of modern Madrasah and Arabic Colleges of Kerala."104 His madrasa reform movement promoted Arabic and modern education among the Mappila Muslims of Kerala. In 1909, Kunjahammad Haji was appointed the principal (sadr al-mudarriseeri) of the Tanmiyath al-Ulum madrasa of

"'"Mohammed Ali, The Development, of Education..., 142. Due to World War I, the delegation could not reach its destination. 104IbJd., 43. 41 Vazhakkad, which was established in 187L103 Kunjahammad Haji upgraded the madrasa into an Arabic college and renamed it Dar al-'Ulüm Arabic college. "As the new name of the institution suggests, it was sought to be modeled on the system of colleges that British rule had brought about in its wake." ' He started higher level classes and taught courses such as logic, astronomy, natural science, geography, Malayalam and mathematics along with traditional courses in Tafsir, Hadith, , Tasawwuf, Arabic grammar and rhetoric.

In order to teach these new courses he introduced the use of globes, atlases, maps, charts, drawings, replicas and latest dictionaries and other reference books. He divided students into four classes and offered them courses appropriate to their level of comprehension.

He also designed syllabi and compiled textbooks for different classes and introduced an examination system. He also introduced the use of tables, chairs and blackboards in the classrooms, a radical innovation for his times. A large number of people visited Dar al-'Ulüm College in order to see how

Kunjahammad Haji taught classes utilizing modern equipment and methods. While many of them appreciated the measures that he implemented to reform madrasa education, the orthodox 'ulama' severely criticized it. They issued a falwä to the effect that waqf properties could be used only to impart 'Um (knowledge) and that the use of such properties for the new styled madrasas was prohibited {haräm).y He also engaged in reforming the Arabic-Malayalam script. It is significant to note that graduates of Dar al-

'Ulüm College, such as K.M. Moulavi and E. K. Moulavi, eventually became prominent

103K. Mohammed Kutty Sahib, a liberal philanthropist and limber merchant of Vazhakkad, was the founder of this college. Ibid., 53. The madrasa was patronized by the Koyappathodi family. l06Yoginder Sikand, Bastions of the Believers: Madrasas and Islamic Education in India (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2005), 124 l07Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education,, 42. l0SKabir, "Socio-Religious Reform Movements...", 8 42 leaders of the socio-religious reform movement among the Mappilas in Kerala and launched similar experiments in other parts of Malabar, fiunjahammad Haji also engaged in modernizing primary level education. He began a madrasa in Vazhakkad with classrooms equipped with blackboards and chalk and also furniture, such as benches and desks. Some of his disciples served as teachers in this madrasa.

From the above discussion it is clear that Sayyid Sanaullah Makti Tangal (1847-

1912), Shaykh Muhammad Hamadani Tangal (d. 1 922) and Calilakatt Kunjahammad Haji

(1866-1919) made significant contributions to the growth and development of socio- religious reform among the Mappila Muslims of Kerala. Vakkom Moulavi's intellectual framework was developed by the intellectual milieu created by this movement, and so he may be thought of as a product of this movement of which he later became the champion. The argument that it was through Rasliîd Ridä's (1865-1935) al-Manär that Muslims in Kerala were awakened fails to acknowledge the significance of this dynamic intellectual milieu.

Conclusion

As we saw above, towards the beginning of the nineteenth century the British were in effective control of all three constituent regions of Kerala, namely Travancore,

Cochin and Malabar. British rule initiated in Kerala basic changes to administration, judiciary, transportation, communication, economy and education. The socio-economic system of Travancore witnessed fundamental changes with the introduction of the market economy. The civil administrative system in the state underwent some major changes, primarily expanded in line with a British-style secretarial system. Economic and

43 administrative reforms in Kerala demanded large numbers of 'educated' people to fill various positions. It was due to this situation that there was obvious interest in modern education in Kerala. Christian missionaries and the State government played active roles in the development of modern education. Their work made education accessible to all people, especially to the 'untouchables' and women. But it is significant to note that mass education was also the result of demands made by various other communities in Kerala.

Unlike other groups, however, the majority among the Muslim community rejected modern education. Muslim attitudes towards the British and their long-standing tradition of resistance to colonialism were the major reasons behind this. It was in this context that

Vakkom Moulavi started his socio-religious reform movements among the Mappilas. However, several people and organizations were already working to motivate Muslims to pursue modern education and embrace various aspects of modernity.

I09lslamic reform in Kerala was very much shaped by the social reform articulated by various Hindu and Christian communities at the beginning of the twentieth century. As the Osellas have noted "all are responding to and reflecting upon similar historical contingencies and also reacting to each other - a point made by historians with reference to the emergence of (middle class) reformism in North India but somewhat lost in recent research." Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella, "lslamism and Social Reform in Kerala, South India," Modern Asian Studies 42, 2/3 (2008): 320. 44 Chapter 2

The Life of Vakkom Moulavi and His Contributions to the [siali! Movement in

Kerala

Vakkom Moulavi was the "father" of the Muslim socio-religious reform movement in Kerala. The son of an educated, wealthy merchant, he received a well- rounded education, characteristic of the children belonging to the "noble" {ashiäf) class, and was brought up in a highly intellectually informed social milieu. Like his contemporaries, he was shaped by colonial discourse and by the world-wide reform

{islahi) movement spearheaded by Egyptian scholars like Muhammad 'Abduh and

Rashld Rida through the periodical al-Manär. He began his career as a journalist and eventually bought his own printing press in 1904. In 1905, he started a Malayalam newspaper named Swadeshabhimani (patriot), which vehemently criticized nepotism and corruption in the Travancore Dewan and among government officials, and contributed tremendously towards the civil rights movement in Kerala. He also started publishing three journals - two in Malayalam {Muslim in 1906 and Deepika in 1931) and one in Arabi-Malayalam {al-lslam in 1918) - to disseminate his idea of religious reform and to motivate Muslims to embrace various aspects of modernity, especially modern education. He contributed many articles to other contemporary journals and translated some significant works into Malayalam, including al-GliazäfTs Kiniiyä-i Sa'ädat. Vakkom Moulavi's writings provoked angry response from the conservative 'ulama' and their supporters. They made organized attempts to counter their propagation among the general populace. However, his writings were warmly welcomed by the educated middle class Muslims of Kerala, whose work eventually laid the foundation for the islahi movement in

45 Kerala. This chapter is an attempt to highlight significant aspects of Vakkom Moulavi's life and his contributions for the islälü movement in Kerala .

I. Ancestral Background

Vakkom Moulavi's grandfather, Ahmad Kunju, belonged to a prominent family in Kulachal.1 It is believed that his family was originally from , , and that they migrated to Kulachal sometime during the eighteenth century. His mother was a niece of Pathe Khan, who was a high-ranking police officer (nayak) in Travancore."

Pathe Khan's family was originally from , Deccan, but they moved to

Travancore, when he received the job as a police officer. Thus, Vakkom Moulavi's ancestors were part of the colonial salariat class. Vakkom Moulavi was born in Vakkom, in the Chirayinkil Taluk of the princely

State of Travancore, South India, on 28 December 1873 (8 Dhu l-Qa'da 1290). His father, Mohammad Kunju Sahib, was a member of the Ayroor Kayippurath family in Varkkala.3 He married a certain Hashubi and went to live in her ancestral home, called Poonthran Vilakam, at Vakkom and for this reason he was later known as Poonthran. '

The household at Poonthran Vilakam was one of the few Muslim families in Travancore, who were highly regarded for their wealth, wisdom, prestige, and community service.

'Kulachal is a coastal town in the Kanyakumari district of Tamil Nadu, which was then an important centre of trade and commerce. 2M. Mohammed Kannu, Vakkom Moldavi (Jeevacarilram) [Vakkom Moulavi {Biography)] (Trivandrum: By the author, 1981), 19; Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi (A Study) (Trivandrum: Samkramanam, 1983), 15. 'Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi, 16. 4P. M. Nair, Swalhantra Samara Senanikal [Freedom Fighters] (Trivandrum: Forward Publications, 1980), 212. 3Varkala is situated about 9 kins from Vakkom. 6Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi, 15.

46 Vakkom Moulavi was one of their ten children. According to Sharafudeen, Mohammad Kunju Sahib was a wealthy merchant, who traded in coir, and coconut oil.8 He was an intellectual person and was widely acknowledged as a "man of 'progressive' thinking." He was also a devoted Muslim, deeply interested in religious issues and was a prominent community leader.10 There was an excellent library at Poonthran Vilakam containing many contemporary periodicals and books in the Malayalam, Tamil, Arabic, Urdu and Persian languages. Therefore, scholars from different regions and religious persuasions frequently visited Poonthran Vilakam. Intellectuals and seekers of wisdom gathered at this place to quench their thirst for knowledge and to engage in scholarly discussion. Often scholars, when visiting Vakkom or its surrounding areas, were invited to Poonthran Vilakam. Thus, religious tolerance and openness to the search for knowledge were part of

Vakkom Moulavi's family heritage. According to Muhammad Kannu, the Ezhava reformer Sree Narayana Guru" frequently visited Poonthran Vilakam and held in-depth discussions with Moulavi's father and his elder bother Muhammad Muhiyiddin, who was believed to be a noted scholar of Sufism. Islamic mysticism and the monotheistic understanding of God were often the subjects of their intellectual discussions. Father

Samuel Daniel, a Christian missionary, and (1873-1924), a prominent

Malayalam poet and social reformer of Kerala, were other distinguished visitors to

7lbid., 14. Vakkom Moulavi had four brothers and five sisters. 8Ibid., 15-16. Vakkom was a famous centre for the coir industry in Kerala. 9Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 13. '0M. A. Shakoor, "Vakkom Moulavi: The Man Who Led Islamic Renaissance in Kerala," http://vmmrcblogspotcom.blogspot.com, !,accessed I June 2008. 11M. P. Appan (1913-2003), a prominent Malayalam poet and literary critic, noted that Sri Narayana Guru was a friend of Vakkom Moulavi. M. P. Appan, "Vakkom Moulavi: Adyatmiyatayum Bhautikatayum Othinaggiya Mahan," [Vakkom Moulavi: The Saint who Combined Spirituality and Materialism] Vakkom Moulavi Foundation Trusl Newsletter, 4, nos. I &2 (March-April, 1993): 17.

47 Vakkom Moulavi Moulavi's ancestral home.12 Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi was brought up in a highly intellectually informed social milieu and enjoyed a unique opportunity to interact closely with contemporary leaders of the socio-religious reform movement in Kerala.13

[I. Early Education Mappila Muslims of Kerala are quite different from the other Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. It is believed that Islam reached Kerala during the lifetime of the Prophet Muhammad himself through Arab traders. According to Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella, "Kerala's Muslims have an unbroken, longstanding and deep direct connection with the Gulf region."14 As a result, Arabic was deeply entrenched among Mappilas, who were not Urdu speakers. Mappilas' contact with the Arab world brought several outstanding Hadrarru saints to Kerala who contributed tremendously towards the growth and development of the community. I:i Therefore, Mappilas were in touch with Arab Muslim intellectual traditions from the beginning of Muslim history. This explains why Vakkom Moulavi's teachers were experts in classical as well as modern Islamic thought. Vakkom Moulavi well-known work, Lawh al-Sabäh, is the best example of this uninterrupted intellectual tradition.16

'"Sharafudeen, "Vakkom Moulavi - A Pioneer Journalist of Kerala," Journal of Kerala Studies, 8 (March-December 1981): 93. JM. Abdul Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20'1' Century (KoI lam: Laurel Publications, 1998), 57. 1 Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella, "lslamism and Social Reform in Kerala...," 321. l5Engseng Ho, "Empire through Diasporic Eyes: A View from the Other Boat," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 46, 2 (2004): 2 10-246. 16In this book, Vakkom Moulavi used a number of classical and modern works to defend lbn Taymiyya (1263-1328) and lbn 'Abd al-Wahhib (1 703- 1 792) against the allegations made by conservative Muslims in Kerala. He noted that many of these works were known among Mappila Muslim scholars in Kerala.

48 II. a. His Teachers

Vakkom Moulavi mastered the Arabic, Urdu and Persian languages and acquired a profound knowledge of the Qur'an. hatfïtlu logic and Islamic jurisprudence as well as of Islamic history from prominent scholars of his time. Alappuzha17 Sulayman Moulavi (d. 1919), who was a renowned scholar of the Arabic, Urdu, Tamil and Malayalam languages, taught him Persian and Urdu.18 He learned logic and Islamic law (fíqli) from Kunji Poker Musliyar of Andathodu, Malabar. Mappila Labba Alim Sahib taught him the Islamic religious sciences, while another Moulavi, who was a revenue administrative officer {tahsildai) of Veloor, taught him Arabic grammar, poetics and ethics. An Arab scholar visiting during that time was also invited to teach him Arabic literature. His ancestral background likewise contributed to his learning and growth in several ways. Muhammad Kannu argues that this family heritage helped Vakkom Moulavi to master the Tamil and Urdu languages."1

Along with this traditional Islamic education Vakkom Moulavi also received training in classical and modern Tamil, Sanskrit and Malayalam languages, literature and poetics. This well-rounded education provided him with a unique world-view that

Alappuzha is the vernacular form for Alleppey, which was one of the ancient trading centres in Travancore. Many prominent Muslim merchants, from and parts of Malabar, lived there. Adam Sait, father of Sulayman Moulavi, was one of the famous merchants of . In 1894, Sulayman Moulavi established a litho press and a publishing house, named Amirul Islam in Alleppey. In 1899, he published an Arabi-Malayalam weekly entitled Manivilakku [a lamp that shines like a jewel], which contained several articles dealing with Islamic religious beliefs and practices. Prominent Muslim leaders of Alappuzah, such as N.M. Muhammad Kunju Sahib, P.S. Muhammad Sahib, Alappuzha Muhammad Kannu Sahib, contributed scholarly articles to this journal. Vakkom Moulavi wrote a series of articles, entitled "Muslim Community" in this journal dealing with the religious and educational conditions of Mappila Muslims. Sulayman Moulavi authored several books in Arabi-Malayalam and also established a madrasa in Alappuzha. CN. Ahammed Moulavi and K. K. Muhammed Abdulkareem, Mahalhaya Mappila Sahithya Parampariam [Great Mappila Literary Tradition] (Calicut: By the authors, 1978), 411-413. 19 Ta/isi/dai'is a revenue officer in charge of tahsil, which is a subdivision of a district. 20Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 14-15. Names and other details of these two teachers are not mentioned either by Kannu or by other Mappila historians. 2llbid., 19.

49 enabled him to appreciate non-Muslim cultures and religious traditions. Tamil scholars from Kayal Patanam22 and Kizhakara23 taught him the Kural24and Nannul.25 He learned Sanskrit from Kesava Pillai, who worked as a teacher at a vernacular middle school at Vakkom. He also learned the literary, linguistic and philological works of Kerala Varma Valiya Koyi Thampuran (1845-1914)26 and A.R. Rajaraja Varma ( 1 863-1 91 8).27 The study of the Malayalam language and literature made him an elegant and powerful writer and eloquent orator in Malayalam. He read Malayalam dailies like Malayalam Manorama and Nasrani Deepika in order to understand current socio-political events.28 According to Shakoor, Vakkom Moulavi also subscribed to Arabic daily newspapers and periodicals published in , Damascus and . Along with his command of other languages, he also acquired a working knowledge of English.29 Owing to his educational and intellectual milieu, by the time he was twenty five years old he became a scholar of the Islamic sciences.

Vakkom Moulavi was greatly influenced by Muhammad Nuh Kannu Musaliyar (d. 1903), who was proficient in several languages including Malayalam, Arabic, Tamil,

"Kayalpatnam is a town in the Tuticorin district of Tamil Nadu, India. It was the chief port of Ma'bar and was an important trading centre even before the arrival of Islam. It was inhabited by Muslim traders and had a number of prominent mosques and madrasas. "'Kizhakara (or Kilakarai in Tamil) is another prominent coastal town, situated in the southern part of Tamil Nadu. It was also an ancient port town with many mosques and madrasas and a centre of Muslim traders. "The Kural is one of the most important forms of classical Tamil poetry. It is a very short poetic form, exactly two lines, the first line consisting of four words and the second line consisting of three. Thirukkural is one of the greatest philosophical works in the written by Thiruvalluvar, is considered to be the first work to focus on ethics, in the Buddhist - Jain literature of India. Thirukkural (or the Kural, as it is popularly known) is a collection of 1330 Tamil couplets organized into 133 chapters. ~* Nannul is a handbook of Tamil grammar and an outstanding work in the Tamil grammatical tradition. It was written by Saint Pavananti in the thirteenth century. "'Kerala Varma Valiya Koyi Thampuran was a poet and essayist in Kerala. His work, Abhijnana Sakunlhalam (1898), which is a translation of Kalidasa's Sakunlhalam, is one of the most acclaimed works of poetry in Malayalam. " A.R. Rajaraja Varma was also a poet, essayist, grammarian and literary critic. He was a nephew of Kerala Varma Valiya Koyi Thampuran. "Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi, 25. 29Shakoor, "Vakkom Moulavi: The Man Who ...," I.

50 Persian and Urdu/0 Vakkom Moulavi was also a student of Sayyid Hamid Koyamma Tangal, who was one of the Bukhan saints of Kerala. It was he and Mappila Labba Alim Sahib who inspired Vakkom Moulavi to translate al-Ghazäfrs Kliniyä' al-Sa'äda into Malayalam.31

Hl. Marriage and Family Life

In 1901, at the age of 28, Vakkom Moulavi married Halima, a daughter of the Kayalpuram family in Ayroor, Varkala. She was the sister of A. Muhammad Kunju Moulavi (1890-1964) and A. Muhammad Kannu (d. 1956), who were prominent leaders of the islähj movement in Kerala. A year later, Vakkom Moulavi lost his father, which deeply affected him. Then, in 1903, his ancestral property was divided and he inherited enormous wealth and property. Unfortunately soon after the birth of his elder son, M. Abdul Salam (1905-1935)/" he lost his wife Halima. Her untimely death was a great loss for him and it made him miserable for a time. In 1905, Vakkom Moulavi married Halima's younger sister Amina. They had nine children: seven sons (Abdul Hayy, M. Abdul Wahaab (d.1953),33 Vakkom Abdul Khadir (1912-1976),34 Abdul Haqq,35

' Null Kannu Musaliyar, who was from Poovar, Travancore, wrote many books in Arabi- Malayalam such as Fathus.samad, which, first published in 1881, discusses Islamic religious beliefs and practices, remembrance of God (dhikr) and fiqh. For several years it has been used as one of the textbooks for religious education in Kerala. Fathuhimmtr fi Muhimmalhis Uiiiuur was another work, which summarizes certain parts of al-GhazäH's Ihyii' 'U/üm al-Din (Revival of Religious Sciences) and deals with aqJda (creeds of faith), sufism (tasawwuf) and fiqh. It is believed that Vakkom Moulavi was one of Muhammad Nuli Kannu Musaliyar's students. However, we don't know which subjects he taught him. See Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 55, 286-289. 3llbid., 216. ,2Abdul Salam was educated at .lamia Millia [slamia in Delhi and helped Vakkom Moulavi in his socio-religious reform activities. He contributed scholarly articles to journals such as al-Amin (published by Muhammad Abdu Rahman Sahib), Aikyam (published by K.M. Seethi Sahib and A. Muhammad Kannu) and Rasikan (published by A. Muhammad Kannu) and Yuvalokam. Ibid., 498. "Abdul Wahhab mastered several languages, including Arabic, Urdu, English and Malayalam and worked as an Arabic teacher (nwnshT). He contributed several articles to newspapers, such as the Deccan Times and Prahhatham. Ibid., 500.

51 Ubaidulla, Mohammed Eeza (1929-I999),36 and Iqbal) and two daughters, of whom the eldest died at the age of two and the second, Amina Sahiba, later married Muhammad Abda.37

IV. Vakkom Moulavi: Publisher and Manager

During the first decade of the twentieth century, Vakkom Moulavi realized that the media was potentially a powerful tool for stimulating socio-religious reform and promoting modern education among the Mappilas of Kerala. Therefore, he wrote in the first issue of Muslim that "journals also are powerful tools like schools in spreading

OQ knowledge." He believed that there was nothing more powerful than ideas to challenge age-old beliefs and practices and media was the best way to propagate these among

' Vakkom Abdul Khadir was a famous Malayalam literary critic in Kerala. In fact, among the writers and academicians of Kerala, Vakkom Abdul Kahdir came to be more widely known and respected than his father. He was a great scholar of both Eastern and Western literature and thought and wrote more than twenty books. He translated Muhammad Iqbal's Asrär-i Khü

52 common people. A multi-faceted development of community and individuals would be the end-result of their encounter with new ideas and knowledge. According to Robinson, even from the beginning of the nineteenth century Muslim reformers from the Indian subcontinent realized the potential of print media. It was the weapon that reformers used in order to help Muslims to understand the 'true' meaning of Islam and how to behave responsibly. [B]y the I820's in the Indian subcontinent Muslim reformist leaders were busily printing tracts. By the 183Os the first Muslim newspaper was being produced. By the 1870s editions of the Qur'an and other religious books, were selling in tens of thousands. In the last thirty years of the century, over I 700 newspapers and magazines in Urdu were started. All who observed the world of printing noted how Muslims understood the power of the press. In Upper India at the beginning of the 20lh century 4000-5000 books were being published in Urdu every decade and there was a newspaper circulation of tens of thousands."J During the last three decades of the nineteenth century Mappila Muslims also were actively engaged in the printing industry.40 According to Ahmad Moulavi and Abdul Kareem, Tipoothil Kunjahamad was the first Mappila to learn printing technology and to set up a printing press. ' Tellicherry was the centre of the Muslim printing industry in the Malabar during this time. Later printing presses were established in Ponnani, Tirurangadi and other cities, probably under the patronage of traders of these coastal towns. With the growth of printing, a number of Arabi-Malayalam works were produced dealing with various aspects of religious beliefs and practices. Even dictionaries and newspapers were printed and published in Arabi-Malayalam. The first Malayalam translation of the Qur'än was published in 1870 by Mayan Kutty Elava of Arackel in

"' Francis Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print," Modern Asian Studies, 27, no. I (1993): 232-233. 40Muhammadali, "Colonial Education, Public Sphere and Marginality in Kerala ...," 96-97. Tipoothil Kunjahamad learnt printing technology fro m Basel missionaries at Tellicherry. Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdul kareem. Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 45-46.

53 Cannanore. The printing industry therefore contributed to the growth and development of Arabi-Malayalam language.

IV. a. Swadesabhimani (Patriot) In August 1904, Vakkom Moulavi opened a print shop with a modern printing press J at Anjuthengu, [Anjengo].44 The press was inaugurated by Pylopol, who was serving as the magistrate of Anjuthengu.4' Even though Anjuthengu was two miles away from the Vakkom town, he chose this location considering the location of local post office, which was vital for receiving news reports and articles and also for circulating newspapers. Soon after the inauguration of the press, Malayalam newspapers, such as , carried an announcement about the launching of Swadesabhimani^ introduced it as "the only Muslim newspaper of Travancore and Cochin." It was also stated that Swadesabhimani would be an independent Malayalam weekly focusing on political, social, educational and religious issues.48

"S.A. Shanavas, "Translations of Qufân in Malayalam," Islam and the Modern Age 24 (1993): 271-272. Mayan Kutty's translation of the Qur'an was in six volumes and was printed in Bombay. Shanavas claimed that it was the first translation of the in any Dravidian language. 4 'Vakkom Moulavi bought the printing press for 12,000 rupees from London through his brothers, who were prominent merchants and had close contact with companies in England. The equipment was imported by the Pears Lesley Company in Alleppey, Kerala. According to contemporary standards, it was a highly sophisticated printing machine. The Kerala government owned the only other press with same features; see Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 29-30. In 1905, there were 28 privately owned printing presses in Travancore. Thottupuram, "Foundations of Kerala Education. . .," 300. Anjengo is located 36 kilometres north of Trivandrum and three kilometres south-west of Vakkom. It was a historically significant town for the Portuguese, Dutch and English traders. In 1684, the English East India Company chose Anjuthengu to establish their first trading centre in Kerala. 43Sharafudeen, "Vakkom Maulavi - A Pioneer Journalist of Kerala," 95. Pylopol was famous for his publication of a dictionary of literature (stories of Hindu Puranas), which came out in 1899. 46Chirayinkil CP. Govinda Pillai, "Vakkom Moulaviyum and Swadesabhimaniyum" [Vakkom Moulavi and Swadesabhimani], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prahhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: A rafa Publications, 1982), 196-197. K.M. Bashir, '"Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulaviyum' Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillayum" ["Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi" and Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai], Trivandrum: Vakkom Moulavi Foundation Trust, n.d), 2. 4Slbid.

54 Chirayinkizhu CP. Govinda Pillai, who was the editor of a newspaper entitled Kerala Vipanchika^ was appointed as the first editor of Swadesabhimani. Vakkom Moulavi held the responsibility of managing editor, hi order to promote the circulation of Swadesabhimani in Cochin and Malabar, Vakkom Moulavi and his friends visited many people in these regions, which enabled him to cultivate friendships with several prominent religious and community leaders.30 It also made it possible for him to have a closer look at the socio-economic issues faced by the Muslim community in Kerala.51 He received enthusiastic support from all sections of the population, irrespective of caste and creed. Swadeshabhimani was launched on 19 January 1905 as an eight-page newspaper with the following editorial.52

We are presenting before the general public the first issue of Swadeshabhimani. After making all arrangements that a Malayalam daily deserves, we travelled to many places in Malabar. As a result, we received pieces of advice from many prominent people. Moreover, we added large a number of people as subscribers, unlike other Malayalam newspapers of the recent past. If we look at the number of subscribers, our arrangements would not be sufficient. [Therefore] we have been thinking to begin the publication only after satisfactorily finishing all arrangements. However, now we are publishing Swadeshabhimani like this because we thought that it is inappropriate to delay its publication any longer as the announcement about it came out several days ago, and also because many people encouraged us by writing that the early difficulties will be pardoned by the public. We would like to inform the general public that at least for few days it will not be possible to publish [Swadesabhimani] on the scheduled days. We are taking active interest in resolving all difficulties as early as possible. We are not at all worried about the future of Swadeshabhimani because, apart form the assurance of God's blessings, Malayali communities, living at various places

Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 3 I . 3 CP. Govinda Pillai took the responsibility of promoting the newspaper at various places in Travancore. Govinda Pillai, "Vakkom Moulavi and Swadesabhimani," 196-197. 3 Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi, 33. ^'Swadesabhimani started as a weekly newspaper, published every Wednesday.

55 where the Ma laya lam language has spread, in general, and Muslim community, in particular, extended their support to us.33 Prominent people in Travancore, both Muslim and non-Muslim, welcomed its publication with many of them, including Uloor S. Parameswara Iyer, Doctor Palpu, C. Sankaran Nair, Justice A. Govinda Pillai, Muhammad Nuh Musliyar, Kerala Vanna Valiya Koyi Thampuran and A.D. Shamsudeen sending greetings and offering their help and support.54 Swadesabhimani tapped into all possible resources in order to get up-to-date information and news reports. During the first decade of the twentieth century, Malayalam newspapers generally depended on English newspapers to obtain their international news, lacking the resources to acquire it directly. Swadesabhimani was the first Malayalam newspaper to establish a direct link with Reuters, which disseminated

news of international events.

In addition, Swadesabhimani had all the characteristics of a 'modern' newspaper, such as special features on agriculture, medicine, history, handicraft, arts, and literature. It also had articles dealing with trade, commerce, social reform, journalism and political affairs. Book reviews, articles on community affairs and other cultural and educational issues also filled its pages. Some of these well-written articles were later reproduced in the Travancore Stale Manual, as an indication of the quality and relevance of the articles published. Several prominent writers in Kerala, including Justice C. P. Govinda Pillai of Travancore High Court, published articles in Swadesabhimani^

x'Kannu, Vakkom Moldavi, 31-32. 54lbid., 33. 3Bashir, '"Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi" and Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai," 2.

56 Search for a new editor

While working as the editor of Swadesabhimani, CP. Govinda Pillai had also served as the manager of the Kallara Madam (monastery). During that time Kerala Brahmans started a monthly journal, entitled Arya Bhushanam, and Govinda Pillai was also appointed as its manager. Since he found it difficult to carry out all his responsibilities he decided promptly to quit Swadesabhimani, which temporally interrupted the newspaper's publication.56 During this time, Vakkom Moulavi was also seeking ways to improve the work of Swadesabhimani. Since Anjuthengu was a small island and one had to travel by boat to reach it, his immediate concern was to relocate the press to Vakkom. Therefore, in 1906, he erected a new building close to his house and relocated the press there. Fortunately, an anchal post office had also just opened in the vicinity/7 In order to resume the publication oí Swadesabhimani, Vakkom Moulavi began to look for a fearless and upright editor with a patriotic inclination. Learning about his need, C. Raman Pillai, who was the Attingal District Assistant School Inspector, suggested that he consider K. Ramakrishna Pillai (1877-1916) as an ideal candidate for the post of editor.58

As someone engaged in journalism for about a year, with more or less the same concerns, Vakkom Moulavi was probably already familiar with Ramakrishna Pillai's writings and line of thinking. At this instance it is also significant to note Ramakrishna

36Govinda Pillai, "Vakkom Moulavi and Swadesabhimani," 198. 3 Anchal was the postal service of the Travancore government, which operated independently from the British postal system in Kerala. 3iThe Regional Records Survey Committee, Kerala State, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala (1885-1938), vol. 2 (Trivandrum: Department of Cultural Publications, Government of Kerala, 200l),2l-22.

57 Pillai's first editorial of Kerala Panchika, dated 22 April 1901, where he explained the basic responsibilities of a newspaper.

There are two primary responsibilities for newspapers. Firstly, to formulate an organized public opinion. Secondly, to comply with public opinion. It is the first responsibility that needs to be fulfilled seriously in this land. What more responsibility that newspapers have other than to make people understand government policies, to point out their detrimental [policies] among them, and to inform government when people suffer from corruption from public servants or when they have some needs.3

With hindsight it is easy to speculate this was the very reason why Vakkom Moulavi decided to offer him an opportunity to work with Swadesabhimani. At first, he sent Vakkom Veli V ilakam P. Krishna Pillai, who was then the manager of Swadesabhimani press and newspaper, to meet Ramakrishna Pillai and to offer him the editorship of Swadesabhimani, but Ramakrishna Pillai refused. Realizing the significance of Ramakrishna Pillai's insights for achieving Swadesabhimani'' s stated objectives, Vakkom Moulavi went to meet him in person. He offered him total authority over the management of the print shop and assured him "unrestricted freedom to express his views."1 Vakkom Moulavi only required that Ramakrishna Pillai manage the newspaper well and publish it regularly. He expected him to publish relevant and valuable articles, paying attention to public welfare, to uphold truth, justice and morality and to educate people about their rights and responsibilities.61 Vakkom Moulavi's concern for public welfare, a 'modern' world-view, sincerity and wisdom persuaded Ramakrishna Pillai to work with him. His ¡deals were in total agreement with Vakkom Moulavi's vision for

Swadesabhimani. It seemed that both of them had finally run into the kind of person with

D.C. Kizhakkemuri, Swadesabhimani Ramakrishnapillai (Trivandrum: Department of Publication for the University of Kerala, 2000), 30. 60lbid., 40; The Regional Records Survey Committee, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, 22. 6lChunakkara Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moulavi," Mahacharithamaala, no. 156 (Kottayam: Kairali Children's Book Trust, 1986), 16-17.

58 whom they were seeking to work. At the end of their meeting, Ramakrishna Pillai accepted the invitation and assumed the editorship of Swadesabhimani. He moved to Vakkom and occupied a house newly built by Vakkom Moulavi's brother, Muhammad

Ismail.

The first issue (vol. 2, no.l) of Swadesabhimani under Ramakrishna Pillai's editorship was published in 17 January 1906. The following is an English translation of the editorial, entitled, "It is we, indeed" [Njangal Thanne] Swadesabhimani has entered its second year. We are grateful to the general public for helping and blessing Swadesabhimani, despites its failures and shortcomings, considering this as typical of early infancy. Mr. CP. Govinda Pillai, who was responsible for the rise and the growth of Swadesabhimani for the last year, has left. With this issue, the Swadesabhimani has come under the management of another person. Since readers have already known about the state and circulation of this newspaper under the leadership of Mr. Govinda Pillai, we don't think that we should explain it. The staff [of this newspaper] will be always grateful for his service. We believe that the readers will forgive us for the delay in bringing out the first issue. [This] was because the office had to be relocated to Vakkom and difficulties encountered due to change of editors and the delay in appointing a new editor and changes made in the size of the newspaper. We would like to know readers' opinions concerning how to improve the newspaper.62

Relocating Swadesabhimani to Trivandrum

On 17 July 1907, after being at Vakkom for more than one and a half years, the Swadesabhimani press was relocated to Trivandrum in order to allow Ramakrishna Pillai to pursue his studies in law while managing the newspaper.63 The next issue of Swadesabhimani carried the following notice.

6?Kannu, Vakkom Moldavi, 38-39. 'According to Govinda Pillai, since it was fell that the countryside was not suitable for modern journalism, the press was moved to Trivandrum. Govinda Pillai, "Vakkom Moulavi and Swadesabhimani," 199.

59 From I July 1907, it was decided to jointly hold proprietorship of 'Swadesabhimani' newspaper by M. Abdul Khadir [Vakkom Moulavi], the owner of the above press and newspaper and editor Ramakrishna Pillai and to handover to Ramakrishna Pillai management of the newspaper and editorship.64 Thus, Vakkom Moulavi and Ramakrishna Pillai became jointly responsible for all affairs of Swadesabhimani. However, after the relocation of the press to Trivandrum, Vakkom Moulavi no longer deeply engaged in its day to day running. Occasionally he went to Trivandrum and visited Ramakrishna Pillai and enquired about the work of the newspaper. ,3 Thus, in effect, the print shop and the newspaper came under the complete control of Ramakrishna Pillai, who was given total freedom in handling all its affairs.66 There was a cordial and brotherly relationship between Vakkom Moulavi and Ramakrishna Pillai. On the one hand, Vakkom Moulavi had sincere faith in and love for Ramakrishna Pillai while on the other, Ramakrishna Pillai considered Vakkom Moulavi as his elder brother.67 It is generally believed that the kind of relationship between Swadesabhimani'' s owner and its editor was rare in the journalistic history of Kerala. Therefore, according to Piithupally Raghavan, "Kerala has not seen before and will not see in the future an editor and a proprietor working in such complete collaboration and harmony."68

Bashir, '"Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi' and Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai," 3. ''According to Kalyanikutty Anima, Ramakrishna Pillai's wife, whenever Vakkom Moulavi visited Ramakrishna Pillai, they did not spend much time together. B. Kalyani Amma, "Moulaviyum Swadesabhimaniyum" [Moulavi and Swadesabhimani], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjeclulha Kruthikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 345. Kizhakkemuri, Swadesabhimani Ramakrishnapillai, 45. 6 John Ochaduruth, "lslamika Navodhanavum Vakkom Moulaviyum" [Islamic Reform and Vakkom Moulavi], Matrubhoomi, 4 November 1982, n.p. Puthupally Raghavan, Kerala Patrapravarthana Charitram [History of Newspapers in Kerala] (Kottayam: D.C. Books, 2001), 207.

60 In the beginning the press was set up in a building adjacent to Ramakrishna Pillai's house. Later it was relocated to another building on Road.69 The work of Swadesabhimani became in fact more active and effective after the relocation of the press to Trivandrum. The new location was convenient for sending and receiving news items, especially about the activities of government officials.70 In the first year, Swadesabhimani was published on a weekly basis, but Ramakrishna Pillai gradually increased the facilities at the press and started to publish it two and then three times a week. During the sitting of the state legislative assembly he even managed to publish it daily.71

Government crackdown on Swadesabhimani

Swadeshabhimani vehemently criticized nepotism and corruption among the Dewan and government officials of Travancore. When Ramakrishna Pillai's criticism became sharper and sharper, they began to devise plans to control the paper. The government chose to believe that Ramakrishna Pillai was being used by wealthy adversaries of the Dewan. He was "a poor man; and though he was the nominal owner of the Press, he must have obtained his funds from the wire pullers who guided his policy." Therefore, the government initially exerted pressure on Vakkom Moulavi to tame his editor. However, Vakkom Moulavi was fully convinced that Ramakrishna Pillai had not done anything wrong. Therefore, he did not act against the will of Ramakrishna

Kizhakkemuri, Swadesabhimani Ramakrishnapillai, 45-46. 70Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moulavi," 20. Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 39. Ramakrishna Pillai also set up a bookstore along with the press. Thus, Ramakrishna Pillai became a publisher, author, distributor and journalist. Along with the newspaper, Ramakrishna Pillai also published, from the Swadesabhimani press, Keralan, a women's journal entitled Saradha and a youth journal entitled Vidyarthi. See Kizhakkemuri, Swadesabhimani Ramakrishnapillai, 45-46. "P. Rajagopala Chari, Dewan's Noie Dated 1 5'1' August 19/2, on the Suppression of the Swadeshabhimani Newspaper (Trivandrum, 1912), II.

61 Pillai; rather, he gave him a free hand and affirmed that his path was true and just. Nor did he ever advise Ramakrishna Pillai to blunt his criticism of government officials in order to decrease the pressure. Vakkom Moulavi believed that his criticism was not directed at any individual but against a socio-political structure that negated the rights of common people. Therefore, Ramakrishna Pillars work would be ultimately beneficial for millions of people in Travancore. When the government realized that they could not persuade Vakkom Moulavi by threats they asked him to sell the press and its property to them for whatever price he demanded. However, Vakkom Moulavi remained adamant and the government could not persuade him even with these enticements. Next, they tried to interfere with the circulation of Swadesabhimani. Post offices expressed reluctance over delivering newspapers, forcing Ramakrishna Pillai to hire agents to distribute them.73 Then, the Dewan took steps to enact a rigorous press regulation to stifle Ramakrishna Pillai's accusations against government officials although in the end it had to drop the plan.74 Things had reached the point where even Vakkom Moulavi's well-wishers, friends and relatives began to express their concerns about Swadesabhimani 's criticism of government officials.7'' They were of the opinion that Swadesabhimani should moderate its criticism. Many of them wrote to Vakkom Moulavi and tried to persuade him to control Ramakrishna Pillai. Some of them even told him to fire that latter from the job. Vakkom Moulavi, however, believed that "Ramakrishna Pillai would never bow down his head in front of any one except before '"'Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moulavi;' 18-19. Ramakrishna Pillai wrote an editorial about the losses that post offices suffered due to this alternative arrangement. However, the postal superintendent insisted that Ramakrishna Pillai's report was faulty and that he should apologize for his comments, which he ignored completely. 74In his editorial dated 8 July 1910, Ramakrishna Pillai sarcastically condemned the proposed press regulation. 'According to Kannu, Makti also sent a letter to Vakkom Moulavi in this regard. Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 42-43.

62 God;" and so he remained adamant and continued to defend Ramakrishna Pillai. If Vakkom Moulavi had any disagreement with his editor's writings, he could easily have dismissed him from his post.77 Finally, the Dewan succeeded in getting a Royal Proclamation signed by the Maharaja to exile Ramakrishna Pillai.78 Thus, on 26 September 1910, the Dewan arrested and deported Ramakrishna Pillai to Madras. The Proclamation even denied Ramakrishna Pillai his basic right to appeal before a civil court.79 Swadesabhimani was suppressed and the printing press and all its paraphernalia were confiscated.80 The Proclamation even made it illegal to possess copies of Swadesabhimani. Thus all such copies were either destroyed or appropriated by the government.8 ' The confiscation of the press and deportation of Ramakrishna Pillai were widely discussed across Kerala. South Indian newspapers deliberated the event in their editorials/" The government decision deeply dismayed the readers of Swadesabhimani

"Ibid., 50. 77K. Gomati Anima, "Vishista Vyaktitanr [Unique Personality], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruthikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi}.. eel. S. Mohamed Abela (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 334. Ramakrishna Pillai's wife and two children joined him after a few months and they lived in Madias for few years without any regular income. Then they moved to Palaghat, where they lived with Taravath Ammaluamma for a few months and finally settled down in Cannanore, where his wife took a ¡ob as a school teacher. On 28 March 1916, Ramakrishna Pillai died at Cannanore at the age of thirty eight due to tuberculosis. On 26 September 1948, his mortal remains were brought to Trivandrum and on 13 August 1957, his statue was erected there. It is significant to note that there was no popular protest in Travancore following the confiscation of Swadesabhimani or the deportation of Ramakrishna Pillai. Kizhakkemuri, Swadesabhimani Ramakn'shnapillai, 9- 1 0. ^According to Muhammad Kannu, A. Balakrishna Pillai's (1889-1960) Kesari was the only other newspaper which can claim the journalistic heritage of Swadesabhimani. Kesari, which expressed patriotic views, also fought against the Dewan's rule. Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 52-53. 80Even though many people insisted that Vakkom Moulavi request the government to return the printing press, he never did it. In 1958, the then Kerala government returned the press to his son, Vakkom Abdul Khadir. Ibid., 53-57. Therefore, copies o\ Swadesabhimani cannot be (bund in libraries in Kerala. '"In a confidential report submitted to the durbar on 15 August 1912, Dewan P. Rajagopalachari claimed that while there were certain "disagreements" among newspapers from Madras, newspapers from the western coast - "whose editors directly read Swadesabhimanr - generally endorsed the decision. The second appendix of his report reproduced those editorials. The newspapers were The Western Star

63 and many of them tried to console Vakkom Moulavi. While he was unmoved about the material loss of the press, he was deeply depressed over losing his friend and colleague Ramakrishna Pillai.

IV. b. Muslim

The publication of Muslim had in the meantime begun on I January 1906 at the Swadesabhimani Press. Vakkom Moulavi was originally planning to bring out Muslim along with Swadesabhimani. However, the first issue of Muslim came out only after the first year of the publication of Swadesabhimani. According to him, it was merely due to technical difficulties that the publication of Muslim was delayed. The following is from the first editorial of Muslim.

Now Muslim is being presented before the general public. We deeply regret delaying this magazine which we thought of bringing out one year ago. It was because of the heavy losses and difficulties that the Swadesabhimani press and the newspaper, which were also managed by the owner of this journal, suffered during the last one year that the publication of Muslim magazine was delayed. The changes that were made to the administration of the above press and newspaper have nonetheless made it possible now to publish "Muslim" as the desire of Malayalee Muslims.8,

In the first editorial of Muslim, Vakkom Moulavi noted that "as the number of Malayalam newspapers and magazines is increasing day by day someone may probably think that a "Muslim" journal is unnecessary."84 However, in his opinion, this did not preclude the need for publishing Muslim. Rather the historical context of his time made the launching of Muslim more significant and relevant than ever. He further noted that

(Trivandrum), The West Coast Spectator (Calicut), The Subhashini (Trivandrum), The Swadharma (Trivandrum), The Malayala Manorama (Calicut), The Keralalharaka (Thiruvalla), The Cochin Argus (Cochin), The Malabar Daily News (Calicut), The Travancore Times (Nagarcoil), The Nazranideepika (Mannanam), and The Travancore Ahhimani (Nagarcoil). Rajagopala Chari, Dewan 's Note..., (2"d Group) 8''Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 57-58. 84lbid.

64 "[i]ii these days as each community is working for their own prosperity" and that they had all "begun to do the needful for their progress."83 As we noted in the first chapter, at the beginning of the twentieth century non-Muslims in Kerala were actively engaged in promoting modern education among their communities and organizing themselves to demand their rights and privileges from the government. According to Vakkom Moulavi, in this context "Muslims also need to work like them [non-Muslims]." Therefore, he believed that an "endeavour like this [launching of Muslim) is absolutely essential for Muslims."86

In writing "[a]nybody can attempt to bring modernization (pariskaram)* by suggesting the areas where the community needs it and making it understand them,"87 Vakkom Moulavi pointed to the primary objective of Muslim. The ultimate concern of his writings was to motivate Mappilas to embrace various aspects of modernity. In this regard his responsibilities were to suggest the areas where Muslims ought to embrace modernization as well as to make aware of the community about the need to undertake it.

Therefore, he intended to include the following subjects in Muslim. Issues which are relevant for Muslims, such as questions regarding social reform, religious issues and education, will be covered in this journal. From time to time, articles that are informative to people in general will also be included. News and reports from Muslims countries will be incorporated in it. It is also noticed that non-Muslims have misunderstanding about Islamic law and other subjects. "Muslim" will also try to deal with this issue.88 Muslim campaigned to include the teaching of Arabic in the school curriculum, to make facilities available to improve methods of teaching Arabic, to promote arts and science-based education, to promote women's education, to make the English language

85IbId. 8<5lbid. 87IbId. 88lbid. 58.

65 learning and higher education compulsory and to create opportunities to teach the fundamentals of Islamic belief in the light of scientific findings.89 As in the case of Swadesabhimani, the publication of Muslim was not a commercially lucrative venture for Vakkom Moulavi. Since subscriptions were not regularly paid, he could not bring out Muslim regularly. Moreover, Mappila Muslims' unfamiliarity with Malayalam script was a major hurdle in making the journal popular, especially among women and the general public. Eventually, in 1916/1917, Vakkom Moulavi ceased publication of Muslim. However, in 1917, A. Muhammad Kunju Moulavi (1890-1964), the brother-in-law of Vakkom Moulavi, took over Muslim and published it as a weekly journal from Alleppey. It was regularly published until 1920 by Muslim Publishing Company.90

LV. c. Al-lslam

In order to propagate his ideas among women and the general Muslim public, Vakkom Moulavi decided to publish another journal in Arabi-Malayalam script. Therefore, he bought a litho press in 1916, despite his financial difficulties at the time, and established it in Vakkom. He also improved the Arabi-Malayalam script in order to make it accommodate the sounds of all the letters in the Malayalam alphabet in its varied forms.

It was during this time that Vakkom Moulavi quite accidentally came into contact with Rasliid Ridä's al-Manër. Muhammad Kannu described this dramatic event in the following way.

89IbJd., 62. Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 558.

66 One day, N. A. Muhammad, who was one of the close relatives of Vakkom Moulavi, visited him along with an Egyptian Arabic scholar named Rappid Rida. ' Vakkom Moulavi got into intelligent conversation with Rappid Rida about various aspects of Islamic beliefs and practices. After the lengthy discussion, Rappid Rida presented to him a copy of al-Manâr92 The ideas of al-Manär greatly influenced Vakkom Moulavi and challenged his thinking and beliefs. According to Samad, al-Maim's position on tawhlci and shirk ana its condemnation of saint worship attracted Vakkom Moulavi.93 His contact with aI- Manär became a turning point in his life. Therefore, he wrote the following in a letter to

Rashld Rida.

I cannot forget even for a moment that it was one of Allah's great blessings in my life that he made me one of the readers of a/-Manar. Al-Manär gave me a new life. It provided insight to my heart and stimulation to my mind. I have started a magazine, named cil-Islam, in Malayalam for the propagation of the ideas deliberated in al-Manar.

However, here it is significant to note that Vakkom Moulavi began his religious reform movement in the first decade of the twentieth century and only in the second decade that he came in contact with al- Manär. This challenge the common notion that "it was through Rashld Rida's al-Manärihai Kerala Muslims were awakened".95 The primary purpose of al-hlam was to propagate the concepts and opinions expressed in al-Manär. The first issue of cd-lslam, which was published in April 1918, Vakkom Moulavi stated that "its real aim was to explain Islam authentically and to point out false and fake beliefs and practices."

91 Vakkom Moulavi wrote a letter to Rashld Rida which was published in al-Manâr, 30 no. 2 (1348 Safar [July 1929]). See the appendix I. According to this letter, it was in 1913 that Vakkom Moulavi sent his first letter to Rashld Rida, expressing his desire to subscribe to al-Manar. In fact, it was before this date that Rappid Rida came to Vakkom. Therefore, his visit could have been in 19 1 2/1 9 1 3. "Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 108. 'Sainad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 2Ú'1' Century, 67. ^al-Manâr, 30, no. 2 (1348 Safar [July 1929]). According to Shakoor, Vakkom Moulavi preserved beautifully bound volumes of al-Manâr in his personal library. M. A. Shakoor. "Vakkom Moulavi: The Man Who....," I. 'Miller quotes Maulavi CK. Muhammad Shirazi. Miller, Mappila Muslims ofKerala, 270.

67 Unfortunately, due to ill health, Vakkom Moulavi could not publish more than five issues of al-hlam. Like his previous publications, this, too, weakened him financially. Since the ??/amä' had great influence among common Muslims they succeeded in restricting the propagation of al-hlam. Therefore, like Muslim, al-hlam likewise did not widely circulate among the general public as Vakkom Moulavi would have liked.

IV.d. Deepika (Torch) In 1931, Vakkom Moulavi founded the Islamic Publishing House at Vakkom. Its objective was to impart knowledge, and especially to increase the general understanding among Muslims of the principles of the Qui' an. It was also intended to print material that would remove the misunderstanding and ignorance about Islam among non-Muslims. According to Samad, Vakkom Moulavi launched the Islamic Publishing House at a time when the journals brought out in different parts of the state by islähj organizations had stopped, which "created a vacuum in the intellectual activities of the Muslims. This opportunity was seized by the critics of Islam to mount their attack on Islam, wittingly or unwittingly, and almost all their denouements and misunderstanding were left unanswered."96 The Islamic Publishing House published the Malayalam translation of Shibfi Nu'mänl's (1857-1914) famous biography of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab (581-644), entitled al-Firüq (1899). The Malayalam translation made by M. Abdul Salam (1905- 1935) was published in two volumes.

'Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 2(f' Century, 7 1 .

68 Deepika was another publication of the Islamic Publishing House. It was the third and the last journal published by Vakkom Moulavi during his lifetime. The first issue of Deepika came out in January 1931. However, he became ill and suffered a serious financial crisis even before completing the first year of publication. Since he had already collected one year's subscriptions from many people, he published twelve issues of Deepihi. However, it was with great difficulty that he brought out the last issue in December 1931. Each issue of Deepika contained articles dealing with various subjects, including socio-political issues and literature, excerpts from local and international newspapers, notable studies, prominent comments and news reports taken from Arabic, Urdu and English publications. Deepika had a regular column entitled "Quotations," where Vakkom Moulavi quoted scholarly studies on various issues such as religion, community, education, science, literature, history and morality. Almost all the issues of Deepika had a regular feature entitled "Miscellaneous," which contained hadith quotations and wise sayings. Deepika also reviewed books published in different parts of the world and published Malayalam translations of parts of Stoddard's The New Wold of /slam, Sayyid Sulaymân NadwTs (1884-1953) well-known Madras Speeches, and Muhammad Yakub Khan's article on "Islam and Religious Conversion in India." Many articles were translated from other journals such as Ma 'a/if and a/-Manär and from noted scholars like Shibfi Nu'mäni and Gustave Le Bon (1841-1931), a French social scientist and philosopher. Through Deepika, Vakkom Moulavi introduced to his readers new books, journals and magazines that were published in different parts of the world, especially those

69 brought out in Muslim countries. In doing so he provided them with a unique opportunity to understand various intellectual trends. He offered in his articles scholarly discourses on religion, society, science and literature.97 He wanted to challenge the traditional beliefs of his readers and stimulate them to embrace new ideas that were crucial to their social and religious transformation.98 His readers were mainly educated middle class Muslims of Kerala who did not have any models to relate their faith to contemporary discourse. Through Deepika Moulavi tried to fill this gap. Deepika is known for its serialization of Vakkom Moulavi's Malayalam translation of and commentary on the Qur'an. He wrote the Arabic text in elegant and superb calligraphic style.99 Sürat al-Fäliha was completed with the third issue of Deepika, while the material for Silrat al-Baqava was begun in the fourth issue. However, the last issue of Deepika contained no translation or commentary. Vakkom Moulavi's Quranic exegesis posed too much of a challenge to Muslims' popular understanding of

Islam.

Prominent scholars of Kerala also contributed articles to Deepika, including A. Muhammad Kannu, A. Shahul Hamid, M. Abdul Salam, M. Abd al-Sakhur and H.

Husain. Vakkom Moulavi himself contributed two or more articles. The names of authors did not always appear with some of the articles, while in others the full name was suppressed and instead the initial letters of their first and last names were given. It is, therefore, often very difficult to identify these authors. The articles furthermore dealt with a variety of subjects, including atheism, the status of women in Islam and various aspects

97M. Bashir, "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi," Shabab (27 October 2000), n.p. N. A. Kareem, "Moulaviyum Deepikayum (Padanam)" [Moulavi and Deepika: A study], in Vakkom Moulaviyude "Deepika" Otlavaliathil [Vakkom Moulavi's Deepika in Single Volume], (Trivandrum: Vakkom Moulavi Foundation Trust, 1992), xi. "Shakoor, "Vakkom Moulavi: The Man Who ....," 4.

70 of Muslim history. According to Samad, Deepika denounced the un-Islamic celebration of Muharram and strongly endorsed the move against the practice of marumakka(ayam.i0i Therefore, when P.S. Muhammad, who was a member of the Legislative council, tabled a bill to revoke marumakkaltayam, Vakkom Moulavi supported it wholeheartedly.102 Vakkom Moulavi primarily disseminated his ideas of reform through Muslim, ai- Islam and Deepihi. However, he also contributed many articles to other contemporary journals.

V. Vakkom Moulavi's Works and Translations

Vakkom Moulavi believed that it would be impossible to promote the is/äh/ movement in Kerala without having enough Malayalam books explaining theoretical and doctrinal issues in Islam. Therefore, in addition to writing original works, he worked tirelessly on translating important works from Arabic, Persian, Urdu and English into Malayalam and Arabi-Malayalam. His publications, both original and translated, include:

Lawh al-Sabäh (Light of the Dawn)

In 1930, Vakkom Moulavi wrote an epistle {risala), which was published as a book by Islam Dharma Paripalana Sangham, Nilakyamukkum, Travancore, entitled Lawh al-Sabäh. This risala was written in Arabi-Malayalam in response to conservative 'ulamä's allegations against Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328) and Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhäb (1703-

l00The Muharram festival commemorates the martyrdom of Imam Hussain, the grandson of the Prophet. This festival starts on the 1st day of Muharram and lasts for 10 days until the 10th of Muharram. m Mariimakkûlayam is the inheritance by the children of the sister. "Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in ¡he 20' ' Century. 72

71 1792). It was an attempt to collect prominent Muslim scholars' opinions about them and publish them in Malayalam. This book quickly became the main text for his disciples to promote the islaliJ movement in Kerala. Since it was written primarily for 'ulama', it contained -unlike his other writings- many quotations in the Arabic language with their Malayalam translations.104 Vakkom Moulavi devoted several pages of his book to narrating the opinions of prominent imams, 'ulama' and Qur'än memorizers {huffaz) who highly respected and praised Ibn Taymiyya. Vakkom Moulavi meticulously compiled their opinions to prove that Ibn Taymiyya was a häfiz, righteous {salili), a servant ( 'abd), an heir of the prophets {anbiyâ), a blessing to Islam, an enemy of bid 'a, and a restorer of Sunna. Vakkom Moulavi also responded to five objections raised against Ibn Taymiyya by conservative ??/amä'. He argued that, throughout history, many people had raised objections against Ibn Taymiyya but all those allegations had been convincingly defeated by scholars. However, the 'ulama' in Kerala neither paid serious attention to these counter arguments nor allowed Muslims to read and understand them. In Lawh al-Sabäh, Vakkom Moulavi also responded to allegations against Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhäb. In addition to providing a brief biographical note about him, he compiled in his defense the opinions of several prominent imams, 'ulama' and huffazand argued that he was well respected and praised by them. From their opinions, Vakkom

'^Conservative 'ulama' published a tract condemning Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhäb and Ibn Taymiyya. However, we do not know details of this tract. Scanty information from the book suggests that the tract was written by Kunjammu Musaliyar in response to certain questions raised by Aarukutty Muhammad Musai ¡yar. Vakkom Moulavi, "Lawh al-Sâbah," in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Knahikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Man/avi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 241 &200. 1 4Mohamed Abda did not include original quotations from Arabic but only its Malayalam translations. Also he printed the book in Malayalam script. In footnotes, he explained the meaning of most of the technical Arabic words.

72 Moulavi asserted that lbn 'Abel al-Wahhäb followed the din of "people of the Sunna and majority community" (ah/ al-suima wa-1-jamä'a). Vakkom Moulavi also responded to thirteen accusations that were raised against [bn 'Abd al-Wahhäb.

Vakkom Moulavi's translations include: (i) al-Ghazä[i's Kimiyä' al-Sa'äda, translated from Persian into Arabi- Malayalam to enable Mappilas to understand Islamic principles deeply and authoritatively. According to Abda, this book (which was his first) was published in 1918. However, Shahul Hamid has argued that the book was translated in 1897 but was printed and published at a later time, perhaps in 1918. 3 It is believed that it is the first Malayalam translation of a Persian

book.

(ii) Vakkom Moulavi also translated Ahl-i Sunnat wa-Jamâ'at, which was an Urdu book written by Sulaymän Nadwl to counter orthodox Muslims' allegations against the isläly movement. Nadwl originally published it as series of articles in his journal Ma'ärif, which were later compiled as a book. In the introduction to his translation, Vakkom Moulavi wrote that Muslims often use the phrase ahi a/sunna wa-1-jamä "a and believed that, among all the sects in Islam, it was the one sect that embraced the right path. However, he held that there were only a few Muslims who knew the true meaning of ahi al- sunna wa-1-jamä'a and who deserved this name and who had it as their

1 'Mohamed Abda, "Vakkukale Padavalakkiya Vakkom Moulavi" [Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into Sword], Mctdhyamctm, 12 September 1988, n.p. According to Shahul Hamid, Vakkom Moulavi was only 24 years old when he made this translation, making the date of composition to 1897. A. Shahul Hamid, "Vakkom Moulavi: Nammude Navodhana Nayakan" [Vakkom Moulavi: Our Reform Leader], Hijra 4, no. I I (November, 1 985): II. objective. Therefore, in his opinion, it was a valuable book in that it explained these issues and also showed how bid'a crossed the threshold of Islamic beliefs and how Muslims were divided into many sects and sub-sects.106 (iii) Vakkom Mou lavi also translated NadwVs Payghäm-i Islam {Message of Islam) into Arabi-Malayalam. (iv) Similarly, he translated Nadwi's eight lectures on the life of the Prophet Muhammad,107 which Naclwi had delivered in Madras, in October-November 1925. Initially Vakkom Moulavi translated theses lectures into Malayalam and published them serially in Deepika. Later, these translations were compiled and published as a book, entitled Prophets. (v) He also translated parts of Lothrop Stoddard's (b. 1 883) New World of Islam and published these serially in Deepika m However, his intention was to translate the entire book into Malayalam. Vakkom Moulavi also published translations of excerpts from several English, Urdu, Persian and Arabic books in Deepika.

Abda, "Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into a Sword," n.p. lll7These lectures, which were a masterpiece of erudition, were later published as Khutbät-i Madras. 1 8Stoddard was an Islamic scholar and author of, The New World ofIslam, in 1 92 1 . In the preface, Stoddard noted that "the entire world of Islam is today in profound ferment... A gigantic transformation is taking place whose results must affect all mankind. This transformation was greatly stimulated by the late war. But it began long before. More than a hundred years ago the seeds were sown...." (p. v).The book, which discusses the religious, cultural, political, economic and social aspects of this transformation, contains nine chapters apart from an introduction entitled "the decline and fall of the old Islamic world" and a conclusion. Lothrop begins the book with a brief general sketch of the rise of Islam, then procees to a somewhat more detailed account of Pan-lslamism, which he held to have begun in its modern form with the Wahhäbi movement. It follows the emergence of a large number of movements so that the "world of Islam, mentally and spiritually quiescent for almost a thousand years is once more on the march" (p 355). In Lothrop's analysis, the Western influence upon Islam was responsible for the political, social and economic aspect of this 'great transformation.' The Western impact moved the "Immovable East" to its verv depths (p. 355).

74 Arabie text books

Vakkom Moulavi also compiled textbooks for teachers and students on how to teach and learn the Arabic language. Ta Tim al-Qiiä'a was his textbook for instruction in Arabic aimed at primary classes, and Abkam al-Tajwld served as a manual for teachers of the Qur'än to improve their Arabic reading skills. Though he succeeded in this publication endeavor to a certain extent, he still had many unfulfilled dreams. He wished to translate Lord Headley's A Western Awakening to Mam into Malayalam.109 In a letter dated 5 February 1915, Vakkom Moulavi wrote to Ramakrishna Pillai entrusting this work to him."0 He likewise wanted to write a major book on islamic principles and another book on rbn Taymiyya's life and work.1" It was also his aspiration to translate the entire Qur'än into Malayalam and publish it along with his own commentary. ~ However, he could not undertake any of these works due to financial difficulties, ill health and other commitments and responsibilities towards his family and community.

Lord Headley (1855-1935) was a leading British soldier, peer, statesman and author. Educated at Cambridge University, lie became a peer in 1 877, served in the army as a captain and later as Lieutenant- Colonel. He embraced Islam in 1913 and adopted the name Shaikh Rahmatullah al-Farooq and became a proponent of the movement. In 1914, he established the British Muslim Society and served as its president. He was the author of several books on Islam, including A Western Awakening to Islam and Three Great Prophets of the World. He was a widely travelled man and twice made the hajj and visited India in 1928. In the preface to the book Headley narrates his conversion experience to Islam and explains the reasons why he converted to Islam. The book, which was written to defend allegations against Islam, contains twelve chapters. See appendix one. Unfortunately Ramakrishna Pillai could not translate this book. "' Vakkom Moulavi, "Islam Matha Sindhanta Samgraham" [An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruthikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 85. Hereafter "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles." Also Abda, "Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into Sword," n.p. "2A. Shahul Hamid, "Vakkom Moulavi: Our Reform Leader," 9.

75 VI. The 'Ulama''s Response to Vakkom Moulavi's Writings Vakkotn Moulavi's writings thoroughly challenged the beliefs and practices of the conservative Muslim establishment. It critiqued popular un-Islamic beliefs and practices associated with awliyä' and visitation to their tombs. According to Muhammad Kannu, the ideas expressed through al-Islam "created the sense of a bomb exploding" among conservative Muslims in Kerala."3 The conservative 'ulama' saw in his writings a major threat to their position as religious leaders. Therefore, they and their supporters among the Muslims strongly opposed Vakkom Moulavi's views, especially those that he expressed through al-Islam. Consequently, even after only two issues had been published they proclaimed that reading al-Islam would enfeeble one's faith (). 'Ulama''went to the extent of issuing fatwäs, describing al-Islam as sacrilegious and advised Muslims against reading it. They made organized attempts to counter its propagation among the general populace. According to Sikand, at several places members of islälfi movement were socially boycotted. Conservative 'ulama' also discouraged marriage with these Muslims and even denied them the right to be buried in Muslim graveyards."4 Vakkom Moulavi explains their reaction in the following way in his letter to Rashìd Rida

When the light of al-Manärw&s reflected through it [ol-Islum] people deplored it. It began to cause an uproar among them. They spread word that I had gone astray, that I am a wrongdoer, and so on. They began to call me by the nickname, 'wahhäbT. However, once the light of truth enters hearts it doesn't depart from there. Thus, it had already shaken the beliefs of so many people. Many people had been rejuvenated in their spirits. In short, it opened the door of reasoning and religious reform in the land of Malayalam, which was rigidly closed in conservatism. However, many who associate with religious knowledge began to oppose these ideas. They commanded that no one should read my magazine. They also warned the people to be cautious in reading al-Manir. But they would not have seen even its cover page.

JM. Mohammed Kannu, Vakkom Moulaviyum Navolhana Nayakanmaunim (Jeevacarithra Padanangai) [Vakkom Moldavi and Leaders of Renaissance (Biographical Studies)] (Trivandrum: By the author, 1982), 3 I, 5 1-52. Sikand, Bastions ofthe Believers, 125.

76 VII. Vakkom Moulavi's Role in Shaping Leaders of the IsIaIu Movement in

Travancore

Despite conservative 'ulamä's opposition, islahl movement gathered strength and momentum in Kerala. Vakkom Moulavi's writing attracted the attention of small group of educated people among the Mappilas, who eagerly read the journal."3 Many of them were already familiar with Vakkom Moulavi's translation of al-Ghazäfl's Klmiyä' al- Sa 'äda and were subscribers to Muslim and Swadesabhimcmin6 It was they who became the leaders of istalli movement in Kerala, during the early decades of the twentieth century. Apart from Vakkom Moulavi's sons, some members of Vakkom Moulavi's family also contributed towards the development of the islahl movement in Kerala. The following are some of the few who were instrumental in the growth of Muslim socio- religious reform movement in Travancore.

A. Muhammad Kunju Mordavi (1890-1964) Vakkom Moulavi's brother-in-law and a colleague in his reform activities, A.

Muhammad Kunju Moulavi was also a close friend of Ramakrishna Pillai and K.M. Seethi Sahib. He studied under Vakkom Moulavi"7 and worked as the editor of Muslim from 1917 onwards, when it was published as a weekly journal."8 In 1921, he became a Khilafat-Congress worker and published a journal entitled Khiläfat Pcitrikci [Khiläfat Journal]. In 1921, he accompanied Vakkom Moulavi to the Ottappalam Congress "5IbJd., 3. "6KaIIiUi, Vakkom Moulavi, 89. K.M. Seethi Sahib, "Parelhanaya Vakkom M. Abdul Khac/ir Moulavi: Chiia SmaranakaF [Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 155. Later, A.M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi worked as its editor, when it was published as a biweekly journal from Alleppey. Until 1920, it was published regularly by the Muslim Publishing Company.

77 meeting. In 1940, he published another weekly journal named a/-Manär from Chirayinkil. In 1956, he published a book, entitled Moulaviyum Musaliarum Puthiya Velichalhil [Moulavi and Musaliar in the New Light)"9 He also worked as an Arabic scholar (Pandit) in the Education Department of the Travancore Government.120

A. Muhammad Kannu (d.1956)

Muhammad Kannu was the youngest brother of Vakkom Moulavi's wife. He received a B. A. degree from Trivandrum Arts College. Later, he joined the editorial board of the journal, al-Amin, which was published by Muhammad Abdu al-Rahman Sahib. He also worked as the editor of another journal, entitled Prabhalam [Dawn], which was published from Quilon. He, along with K.M. Seethi Sahib, published a journal, named Aikyam [Unity], from Ernakulam. Later, he also produced an entertainment journal, entitled Rasihm [Entertainer]. He wrote the following books: Palestine Prasanam [Palestinian Issue], Antya Pravacakan [Last Prophet] and translated the following books: islamic Belief"by Abdullah Quilliam (1856-1932) and a book by Sir Oliver Lodge, which was published under the title Prethalokam adava Almavadam [Spirit World or Spiritual Claims)

A. Ahmed Kunju (1899- 1 954)

Ahmed Kunju was Vakkom Moulavi's nephew the holder of a B. A. degree from Trivandrum Arts College. He had studied Arabic under Vakkom Moulavi and later became an Arabic School Inspector. He also worked as assistant educational officer and

"9Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great. Mappila Literary Tradition, 558. l20Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 142.

78 headmaster of Kollam Government High School.121 He compiled an Arabi-Malayalam dictionary but did not publish it. He wrote a poem {Sahakarana Thyagi) and a novel {Mohan) for Khilifat PalrikcL22

N.A. Muhammad Kunju Sahib. A close relative of Vakkom Moulavi and a business man, N. A. Muhammad Kunju Sahib was a source of inspiration for the Alappuzha Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya and worked as its general Secretary.123 He presided over the Travancore Muslim Mahasabha meeting on 21 August 1921 at Aryasala Hall, in Trivandrum.124 He was instrumental in bringing Rappid Rida, an Egyptian Arabic scholar to Poontran Vilakam, to meet Vakkom Moulavi, who introduced him to ¿iI-Manârn^

A.M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi

Abdul Khadir Moulavi was Vakkom Moulavr s brother-in-law and studied Arabic and Islam under him.126 He was a scholar in the Arabic, Urdu, English and Malayalam languages. He worked as the editor of Muslim, when it was published as biweekly journal from Alleppey. Then he pursued higher studies at .lamia Millia [slamia in Delhi and al- Azhar in Egypt, receiving an M. A. degree from the latter. Following this he returned to India and joined Government Muhammadan College, Madras, as an Arabic lecturer.127

" Kannu, Vakkom Moldavi and Leaders ofRenaissance, 73. ,22Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 559. '"'Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 144-145. Kannu, Vakkom Montavi (Jeevacaritram), 95. I25lbid., 108 ~6Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 155-56. I27ibid, 143.

79 Vtl.a.Prominent Muslim Organizations in Travancore

In order to promote modern education and socio-religious reform among the Mappila Muslims, Vakkom Moulavi believed that along with his writings it was essential to set up various organizations. Therefore, he motivated those who had been influenced by his writings to establish organizations. As a result, several organizations emerged in different parts of Kerala, especially in Travancore. Through the work of these organizations several schools, libraries and bookstores were established, all of which provided opportunities for Muslims to embrace modern education and to digest the ideas of islalfi movement. The following are some of the prominent organizations, established by Vakkom Moulavi and his disciples.

I. Alappuzha Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya

Alappuzha Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya was founded in 1915 by Muslims in Alappuzha, under the leadership of N. A. Mohammed Kunju, a philanthropist and merchant inspired

by Vakkom Moulavi's writings. According to Muhammad Kannu, this was the first organization formed in Travancore and it enthusiastically acted upon his ideas.128 Therefore, "Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya is a standing monument of the cultural renaissance of the Muslims of Travancore."1"9 In April 1915, when Maharaja Sree Mulam Tirunaal visited Alleppey, members of the Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya submitted a memorandum, detailing the difficulties that the Muslim community experienced in their pursuit of modern education. The Maharaja considered the petition favorably and, as a result, seventy five schools were established in different parts of Alappuzha. Moreover,

l28lbid., 79-80. 12 Mohammed Ali. The Development o)'Education..., 153.

80 the Government also appointed Qur'ân and Arabic teachers (from 1915-1916) to schools which had a minimum strength of twenty-five Muslim students. A Muhammadan school inspector was also appointed (from 1918-1919) to encourage Muslim education and evaluate the performance of schools. Ij0 S. Sulaiman Sahib B. A. of Kotta, Travancore, was the first inspector. He was a close friend and disciple of Vakkom Moulavi. According to Seethi Sahib, with the appointment of Sulaiman Sahib, Arabic learning received needed encouragement and thereby Muslim education made considerable progress in Travancore.131 In 1915, Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya started a lower primary school in Alappuzha, which was the first school established in Travancore under the management of Muslims. In 1918, the school was upgraded to a high school, renamed the English High School for Mohammedans, and a graduate of Aligarh Muslim University was appointed there to teach Arabic, the first Arabic teacher appointed in Travancore State.1'2 The association instituted scholarships in order to help poorer students to pursue higher studies in professional and arts and science colleges. In its early days, the association provided clothing, food, books and writing materials to poor students. ljJ The Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya also formed a sub-organization called Nusrat al-Isläm with the intention of promoting education among Muslim youths who had hardly any schooling.134 The cultural and education activities of the Association had gone a long way in eradicating

''°Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 81. '"'' Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 150. '""The buildings required for the school were constructed by the Association and handed over to the Government. Janab Haji Ibrahim Rawther, the one-time pepper king of Alleppey, donated three acres of land to the Association in the heart of Alleppey town. The main source of income of the Association was 34 shop-rooms and three markets. An annual income of Rs. 45,000 accrued to the Association from this building." Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education..., 153. See also Samad. Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20' ' Century, 69. '"Mohammed Ali, The Development ofEducation...., 153. 1 '4Samad. Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20'1' Century, 69.

81 superstitious and irreligious practices from the Muslims of the area. '"^ The Association has a well-stocked library with more than six thousand books. Vakkom Moulavi continued his association with kthe Alappuzha Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya. He was the chairperson for the first (1916) and sixth (1922) annual meetings of the association.136 He had an ambition to make it a state-wide organization and expressed this in his presidential address delivered on the occasion of its first anniversary in 19l6.lj7

2. Baiakät al-Muslimin

Since the work of Lajnat al- Muhammadiyya was seen as beneficial for Muslims in Alleppey, attempts were made to launch similar organizations and establish schools in different parts of Travancore where Muslims were concentrated. Edava was another important centre of the islälil movement in Travancore. ljS The Muslims of Edava,

inspired by Vakkom Moulavi's ideas of religious reform, started Baiakät al-Muslimin. A.R.. Muhammad Kunju Srakh, Aliyar Kunju Srakh, N. A. Yousuf,139 and E.A. Habib

Muhammad were its leaders. On the advice of Vakkom Moulavi, Muhammad Kunju

Srankh established a Muslim school at Edava. Vakkom Moulavi laid the foundation-stone

L'5Mohammed AM, The Development ofEducation..., 154. 1 '6It was at the first annual meeting that K.M. Seethi Sahib met Vakkom Moulavi for the second time (the first time he met him was in 1912, when Moulavi stayed at his home with Ramakrishna Pillai). It was at the sixth annual meeting that K.M. Moulavi met Vakkom Moulavi met for the second time (the first time was at the Ottappalam Congress meeting) and he became his disciple and friend and began to stay at his home. Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 141; Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance, 47-48. Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal. Smaranakal. 1 ,8Edava is nearly 15 kins from Varkala. ''9He was also an active member of Chirayinkil Taluk Samajam and worked as its president for some time. Both he and Muhammed Kunju Srankh were close friends of Vakkom Moulavi. Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 157-158.

82 for the school.140 The work of Barakât al-Muslirrurt transformed Edava and it helped to spread the idea of reform in other parts of Travancore.141 Schools and libraries were established and Muslims began to pursue modern education. Young people embraced the mantra of 'progress'. Muslims in Edava soon started a high school, a modern madrasa and a printing press. From this press, named the CM. Press, they began publishing journals such as Hilan and Yuvakesari. This is believed to have been the first printing press, in the region to have used the improved Arabi-Malayalam script. A Malayalam translation of the Qur'an was also printed from this press. As a result of the work of Barakät al-Muslinfin Muslim youths in Edava became artists, writers, leaders and lawyers.

3. Nilakkaimikku'42 Muslim Samajam (Association)

Disciples of Vakkom Moulavi, such as Pandikasala Purath Abdul Rahman Sahib and K.M. Ismail Sahib led the islähl movement at Nilakkamukku. They started an organization named Islam Dhcirma Paripalana Sanghamu} It was this organization that published Vakkom Moulavi's acclaimed work, Lawh al-Säbah, in 1930. M. Malak Muhammad Labba, who contributed tremendously to the spread of ideas of reform in and around Nilakyamukku, also started a Quranic school, which in 1916 was upgraded to a secular school. Gradually a Muslim Samajam was established in Nilakyamukku. It was in this school that all the meetings of Nilakyamukku Muslim Samajam (association) were

Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 82-83. l42Nilakkamukku, which ¡s a Muslim majority area, is situated two miles north-east of Vakkom. Mt seems that this organization was formed in line with Sree Narayana Dharmaparipalana yogam, an organization formed in 1903 to propagate and promote the ideas of Sree Narayana Guru, the greatest socio-religious reformer of the twentieth century Kerala.

83 held. Vakkom Moulavi was chosen to be chairperson of the Samajam and he attended almost all of its meetings. K.M. Seethi, A. Muhammad Kunju Moulavi, S. Sulaiman Sahib and J. S. Daniel etc. were the other prominent participants in those meetings. It was in one of the Samajam's meetings, held in Pandikasala Purath Abdul Rahman Sahib's garden, that the famous freedom fighter and Indian National Congress leader A. K. Pillai preached for the first time.144 The meeting was also attended by Vakkom Moulavi, Muhammad Mytheen, A.M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi and A. Muhammad Kunju Moulavi. In response to Pillai's oratory, a group of volunteers, who accepted Gandhi's ¡deals and leadership emerged in Nilakkamukku. Vakkom Moulavi provided leadership to this group and worked to establish similar organizations in other parts of Kerala to spread the message of patriotism.

4. Manasid al-Tslam Sangham and Travancore Muslim Mahasabha (Association)

Manasid al-Islam Sangham was founded in Muslim Street, which was a Muslim- dominated area in Travancore's Kollam (Quilon) district. Soon, an aided school was established there. The first anniversary of the Sangham was held at this school in February, 1921 with Vakkom Moulavi as its chairperson. Muslim leaders from various parts of Travancore were invited to this meeting. Its purpose was to establish an umbrella Muslim organization with branches spread throughout Travancore. Vakkom Moulavi maintained that the unification of Travancore Muslims under the banner of a strong

In 1920, when the Non-cooperation Movement had just started, A. K. Pillai, a native of Travancore, was a law student at the Oxford University. In England he took keen interest in Indian affairs, speaking at public meetings and writing in the British Press. He was a very popular figure in the Indian Majlis at Oxford, which he represented at the inter-varsity debates on more than one occasion. At the insistence of Mahatma Gandhi he left his studies in England in 1921 and returned to India to take up Congress work. Soon after his return he was put in charge of organizing the new Congress Province of Kerala, comprising Malabar, Travancore and Cochin. To facilitate organizational and propaganda work, he started a vernacular paper, the "Swarat", which was the first nationalist journal on the west coast.

84 organization was important to the educational-cultural and communal development of Travancore Muslims. The assembled elites readily agreed with his idea and held a special meeting for this purpose after the conference, which eventually led to the formation of

Travancore Muslim Mahasabha.

5. Chirayinkil Taluk Muslim Samajam

According to Samad, in 1912, Vakkom Moulavi convened the Muslims of Chirayinkil Taluk in order to gather funds to assist martyrs of Balkan war. Following this, the Muslims of Vettur, a village in Chirayinkil taluk, formed an organization and adopted a resolution to convert it into Chirayinkil Taluk Muslim Samajam}^ The first meeting of Chirayinkil Taluk Muslim Samajam was held at Perumathura on 5-6 May 1923. A detailed census was taken by the Samajam in the taluk for their future activities. At the time there were 24,217 Muslims, including 12,296 male and 1 1,921 female, dwelling in the forty seven mahals146 spread between Perumathura and Perunguzhi of Chirayinkil taluk. Among them only 3,762 men and 422 women were literate. Though there were 3,790 boys and 3,515 girls, of which only 447 boys and 367 girls attended school.147 Therefore, promoting modern education among these Muslims was one of the primary objectives of the Chirayinkil Taluk Muslim Samajam. Vakkom Moulavi presided over the first meeting of the Samajam. The following decisions of this meeting were significant and had wide-spread consequences:

Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20' ' Century, 70 'Mahal is a smaller revenue unit, a subdivision ola taluk Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 96-97.

85 a. to take a census of Muslims living in each mahal, indicating age, educational (both religious and secular) qualification, job, area of land (that each family owns), and annual income; b. to provide modern education to girls and boys and to encourage them to pursue higher education;

c. to keep a register in mosques to note dates of marriage, divorce, birth and death; d. to start units of the Chirayinkil Taluk Muslim Samajam in each mahal. e. to carry out renovation work on mosques and, alongside that, to establish a madrasa, a bookstore, and a library in every mosque; f. to appoint 'progressive scholars' as preachers (kliaflbs) in mosques; g. to adopt Malayalam as the language of sermons {kliutba); h. to stop superstitious practices; i. to submit a memorandum to the government to establish urgently more schools to encourage Muslims to pursue modern education and to appoint Arabic teachers at schools; j. to start an appropriate cottage industry in each mahal to alleviate unemployment and to meet the financial crisis among Muslims; k. to publish Islamic books in Malayalam and Arabi-Malayalam; 1. to launch a publication house and a newspaper. I4fi Though the Samajam was a short-lived body, the Muslims of the locality had advanced a great deal and had gone ahead of the Muslims of other areas, thanks to its sustained

• · · 149 activities.

I48lbid., 97-98.

86 6. Chitmakada Jamä'at-i Islämi Sangahm Chinnakada Jamä'at-i Islämi Sangahm was established with Kallumkadavil P.P. Kunjahammad Moulavi, A.K.S. Bukhari Sahib, Haji M. M. Abdul Khadir, Tholkada Umar Sahib and A. Ahmad Kunjii Moulavi were its leaders. When Bukhari Sahib served as president of the Sangham, he initiated certain reforms, including delivery of the khufba (sermon) in Malayalam and reduction of the larawih prayer1 ?0 to eight rak 'as (the act of bowing), which had a long lasting effect on the islähj movement across Kerala. 1^1

7. Chirayinkil Jamä'at-i lrshad

This was an organization founded in 1930, about two years before the death of Vakkom Moulavi. Its first meeting was held in Chirayinkil Bava Saif s bungalow under the chairmanship of Vakkom Moulavi. K.A. Yusuf Kunju Moulavi, A. Muhammad Kunju Moulavi, Kalium Mootil Kunjahammad Moulavi, V.Muhammad Thampi Munshi 5 and Muhammad Qasim Munshi were the other leaders who attended this meeting. The key objectives of this organization were to purge Islam of superstitious beliefs and practices, to exhort Muslims to practice Islamic rituals with 'true' understanding of Quranic teachings, to organize religious debates and to publish books and pamphlets in order to encourage Muslims to observe rituals strictly.1 ^ The first meeting of the Chirayinkil Jamaat-e-lrshad elected Vakkom Moulavi as president, Perumathura A. Muhammad Ibrahim as general secretary, Pallipuram P. Muhammadali

Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20'1' Century, 70. 13 Special prayers performed at night during the month of Ramadan. I5'lbid., 98-99. 13He was the elder brother of Prem Nasir (1926-1989), greatest Malayalam film actor, whose original name was Abdul Khadir. 3jKannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders of Renaissance..., 42.

87 as joint secretary, and Perumathura S. Muhammad Mytheen as treasurer. In 1926, they organized a one-week public debate on Islamic religious teachings. The event was attended by thousands of Muslims in and around Chirayinkil. However, conservative Muslims strongly opposed, physically attacked and generally ridiculed the supporters of the istilli movement. ' ^4

8. Pallipuram 33 Hadiyyul Islam Sangham Vakkom Moulavi's Muslim attracted the attention of several Muslim youths of Pallipuram. They regularly read Muslim and, as a result, pursued modern education.

Some of them went to Vakkom Moulavi's home and learnt Arabic and Islam under him.

Vakkom Moulavi's al-lslam subsequently spread across Pallipuram through their efforts and gradually the istilli movement began to take roots there. As a result, a Muslim association and a library, both named as Munawir al-lslam, were established there. Pallipuram P. Muhammadali, Muhammad Mytheen and Muhammad Qasim Munshi136 played leading roles in this endeavor. In 1925, K.M. Moulavi, who was then living at

Vakkom Moulavi's home, inaugurated an organization, named Nur al-Isläm Sangham, and also a library at Pallipuram. Later, another organization, named Hadiyyul Islam, was formed in order to help Muslims to eschew superstitious beliefs and practices. In order to promote the work of the istilli movement further, Hadiyyul Islam published P.

Muhammad Mytheen's Malayalam translation of al-GhazäH's Ihyi' 'UlCim aI-Dm {The

"Ibid., 42-45. ''Pallipuram is a Muslim populated area in Trivandrum District. 6AII of them were also associated with Jamamat-e-irshad.

88 Revival ofthe Religious Sciences), under the title Hridayalhinte Athbhuthangal [Wonders of the Heart].157

VH.b. Prominent islälu Leaders of Malabar

Through his writings, Vakkom Moulavi influenced many other Muslims in Kerala. Muslims who lived in prominent centers in Malabar, such as Calicut, Cannanore, Tellicherry, Palghat and Edvanna, had regularly subscribed to Swadesabhimani, Muslim and al-Islam. Vakkom Moulavi's translation of al-Ghazäfi's KlmyiV al-Sa'äda and other works were also circulated in these places. Through these publications Moulavi's ideas also spread in Cochin State. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi's influence was not confined to Travancore and through his writings he affected many generations of Muslims throughout Kerala.1 ^8

K.M. Moulavi (1886-1964)

K.M. Moulavi occupies a prominent place in the history of the islälu movement in

Kerala during the twentieth century. It was his followers, who formed in 1952, Kerala Nadvat-ul-Mujahideen to promote modern education and the socio-religious reform movement among the Mappilas. ^ He was a scholar well respected for his authority on tafsir and fiq/i, for his important fatwä, and for his efforts to establish the All Kerala Jamiat-ul-Ulema.160 It was, in 1921, at the Kerala Majlis a I- Ul ama conference, which was chaired by Sayyid Murtaza Sahib that K.M. Moulavi met Vakkom Moulavi for the first

1^ Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance..., 39-41. 5 Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance..., 53 and 72; Miller, "Mappila," in Encyclopaedia ofIslam 2'" ed., 6: 462. l59Mohammed AM, The Development ofEducation..., 152. l60Miller, Mappila Muslims ofKerala..., 273-274.

89 time.161 Later, the British accused K.M. Moulavi of having instigated Mappilas to participate the Malabar Rebellion. In order to escape from the British, he led a secret life for quite some time in Azhikod and Eriyad.16" Later, he moved to Travancore and stayed there for two years, at Alleppey, Trivandrum and Vakkom. At Trivandrum he stayed at the Muslim Hostel16' and also with Sulaiman Sahib and at Vakkom he stayed at Vakkom Moulavi's house. It was Vakkom Moulavi, who introduced him to the al-Manar journal and tafslr. Vakkom Moulavi and K.M. Moulavi respected each other greatly, with K.M. Moulavi regarding Vakkom Moulavi as his teacher (ustäcf) and Vakkom Moulavi always addressing K.M. Moulavi as "Moulavi Sahib."165 He became involved in Vakkom

Moulavi's activities from 1923. K.M. Moulavi maintained close contact with Vakkom

Moulavi, even after he left Travancore. According Shahul Hamid, on the death of

Vakkom Moulavi, he wrote an obituary of the latter and sent it to Rashld Rida foi- publication in al-Manär.m

K.M. Seethi Sahib ( 1 898- 1 960)

Seethi Sahib was another prominent leader of the islähi movement in Kerala. He, too, was greatly influenced by Vakkom Moulavi. He met Vakkom Moulavi in 1916 at the first annual meeting of Alappuzha Lajanat al-Muhammadiya. The paper that Seethi Sahib

' Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance..., 47. l62During those days he was protected by Manappatt Veetil Kunjahammad Haji, Seethi Muhammad Haji and K.M. Seethi Sahib. ""Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 168-169. ""1KaIiIiU, Vakkom Moulavi, 46-47. See also Shahul Hamid, "Vakkom Moulavi: Our Reform Leader," 11-12. lfoKannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance..., 46-47. l66Shahul Hamid, "Vakkom Moulavi: Our Reform Leader," 1 1-12. We do not have any details about this obituary.

90 presented during this meeting was later published in Muslim}**1 In 1919, he joined the Maharaja's college, Trivandrum and during his time he stayed in the Muslim Hostel. It was here that he came in close contact with Vakkom Moulavi. He also accompanied Moulavi to various places in connection with islälilactivities. He went with him to Edava and preached at the occasion of laying the foundation stone for the school established by Muhammad Kunju Srank.1' He also accompanied him to Vachiyoor to meet Kalyani Amma, Ramakrishna Pillar's wife. While studying at Ernakulam, he also had an opportunity to attend a meeting with Vakkom Moulavi, at , and to preach there.1 ' K.M. Seethi Sahib served as the speaker of Kerala Legislative Assembly (1960- 1961).

Edavanna/Arakkal Muhammad Sahib (1880-1927)

Edavanna/Arakkal Muhammad Sahib was another prominent Muslim leader and a friend of Vakkom Moulavi. He established friendship with the latter and maintained his close contact with him through letters. He was one of the regular subscribers of both the Swadesabhimani and Muslim. He also encouraged his adherents to subscribe and read Muslim. Consequently, both al-lslam and Vakkom Moulavi's translation of al-Ghazafi's Kîmiyâ' al-Sa'äda received wide circulation among his disciples. Thus, the seeds of

Muslim socio-religious reform began to sprout and take root in Edavanna, in south

Malabar. Later, it became one of the prominent centers of the islähi movement in Kerala.

According to Seethi Sahib, Muhammad Sahib was a "muslih" and a subscriber to al-

' Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 141 ,8lbid., 158. ,9lbid., 148

91 Manar for a very long time. Therefore, he argues, he might have been Vakkom Moulavi's first fellow-sympathizer from Malabar.171 According to Abdul Kareem and

Ahammed Moulavi, he stayed with Vakkom Moulavi, studied many books with him and returned to Edvanna as a highly 'progressive' Muslim.172 In 1926, after the Kerala

Muslim Aikya Sangham annual conference, held at Tellicherry, Muhammad Sahib and his disciples invited Vakkom Moulavi to Edavanna and gave him an enthusiastic reception.

S. Muhammad Sulaiman Sahib

S. Muhammad Sulaiman Sahib, another close friend of Vakkom Moulavi, was a prominent religious reformer in Travancore. He was the first Muslim to receive a B. A. degree in Travancore. He was appointed as a "Muhammadan School Inspector" in 1918, and he worked closely with Vakkom Moulavi. After his appointment, he became a student of Vakkom Moulavi and spent a few months with him to improve his command of Arabic.174 He stayed in the Muslim Hostel for quite some time and played an important role in the hostel's management.

We don't know when he began to subscribe to ¿¡/-Manar Miller notes that it was from Muhammad Sahib that Vakkom Moulavi received copies for the tust time. However, according to Mohammed Kannu, it is from Rappid Rida that Vakkom Moulavi got a copy of ¿¡/-Manar for the first time. Miller, Mappia Muslims ofKerala, 270. l7lSeethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 148. l72Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 562. l7jKannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders of Renaissance..., 72. See Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 562. l74Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 148.

92 Yiisiif Assuddin Moulavi (d.l934)

He stayed with Vakkom Moulavi for some time and was his student. He played an important role in spreading the islälu movement in Malabar during the early 1930s. He published two Malayalam booklets, entitled Sanmarga Bhodini and Sathya Bhodini, to establish the doctrine of tawlild and to denounce un-Islamic beliefs and practices.173

P. Abdul Khadir Moulavi (d. 19461

He, too, stayed with Vakkom Moulavi, to learn Arabic literature, Qur'an and Sunna from him. Then he served as an Arabic teacher (munshi) at Payyannur High School, in the Cannanore district of Kerala. In 1931, he published a famous book,

Ziyaratili Qubui; which was strongly criticized by conservative Muslims. In 1944, he published another book entitled, al-Tawlud. He also was one of the early subscribers to al-Manär from Kerala176 and was the founder president of AU Kerala Jamiat-ul-Ulema.

Conclusion

Vakkom Moulavi was a socio-religious reformer, an educator, a prolific writer, a pioneering and fearless journalist, a noted scholar, a linguist in many languages (Arabic,

Persian, Urdu, Tamil, Malayalam, and English) and above all else a true patriot. He was taught by prominent Mappila Muslim scholars and was shaped by contemporary colonial and nationalist discourse in Kerala and also by the world-wide islälu movement spearheaded by Egyptian scholars like Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashìd Rida, through al-

Manär. His major contributions were his writings, through which he influenced the islälu

'^Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 552. 176IbId., 555.

93 movement in Kerala. As we discussed above large numbers of local organizations were formed through Vakkom Moulavi's initiative. The leadership came from the local middle class and in most instances they drew inspiration from Vakkom Moulavi. One common feature that bound them together was their emphasis on modern education and indeed a few of them at least took the initiative to found schools under their direct management.

These organizations also aimed at the social advancement of Muslims and at the propagation of patriotic thinking among them. The islälu movement was a middle class movement because it spoke for the concerns of the middle class alone or issues, such as access to education, establishment of schools, instituting scholarships, access to the public service, modern understanding of religion, etc. It was a movement that appealed to the government for greater participation by Muslims in education and government jobs.

94 Chapter 3

Vakkom Moulavi's Ambivalence towards 'Modernity'

The West is now everywhere, within the West and outside; in structures and in minds. Modernity is not only technology and science, Hollywood, McDonald's, and Calvin Klein jeans but also a psychology, an ethic, a set of values, an epistemology, and, in short, a state of mind and way of life."

The colonial discourse on modernity3 changed the world for ever. Lt introduced European categories and concepts into everyday habits of thought. It soon became impossible to think about religion, civil society, human rights and so on without invoking these "silent referents."

Vakkom Moulavi, the father of Muslim modernism in Kerala, likewise reinterpreted Islamic principles and Muslim history using this framework of rational, secular, universal humanism of the European Enlightenment in order to motivate Muslims to embrace various aspects of modernity. He believed that Islam is fully compatible with modernity and that Islamic principles never contradict science and reason. Therefore, modernization was the overall purpose of his socio-religious reform movement. However, Vakkom Moulavi had fairly ambivalent feelings towards modernity. On the one hand he understood modernization to be "the first step towards a more just and equal world."5 On the other, he was very critical of its ill effects on European societies. He noted that modernization ushered in individualism and the decline of religion in Europe. Therefore, while promoting modernization, he also made a

'Nandy, The Intimale Enemy, xi. 2Wael B. Hallaq, "Can the Sharï'a be Restored?" in Islamic Law and the Challenges of Modernity, eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Barbara Freyer Stowasser (Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press, 2004), 45. "Modernity in this context refers to post-medieval European history. Generally the beginning of the modern period is marked in the eighteenth century by the emergence of Enlightenment thought. Some of the hallmarks of modernity include notions of progress, secularism, utility and capitalism. 4Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Poslcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 28. 5Nandy, The Intimate Enemy, xi.

95 conscious effort to build his community and to make Islamic principles relevant for the Muslims in Kerala. Moreover, he condemned those forces that challenged community building among Mappilas and responded to European missionaries'1 allegations against islam as well as atheists' attempt to challenge religious faith. At the same time, he also condemned 'un-Islamic' beliefs and practices among Muslims and invited them to return to the values of the Qur'an in order to build a unified community. This chapter is an attempt to throw more light on Vakkom Moulavi's ambivalence towards "modernity' by analyzing his understanding of 'growth', scientific and ethical rationalization, the discourse on women's issues, and his response to allegations against Islam.

I.a. The Pervasiveness of European Modernity

The phenomenon of "political modernity" - namely, the rule by modern institutions of the state, bureaucracy, and capitalist enterprise - is impossible to think of anywhere in the world without invoking certain categories and concepts, the genealogies of which go deep into the intellectual and even theological traditions of Europe. Concepts such as citizenship, the state, civil society, public sphere, human rights, equality before the law, the idea of the subject, democracy, popular sovereignty, social justice, scientific rationality, and so on all bear the burden of European thought and history. One simply cannot think of political modernity without these and other related concepts that found a climactic form in the course of the European Enlightenment and nineteenth century.' Here Chakrabarty uses the term 'Europe" to denote a particular mind-set associated with values which originated with the European Enlightenment and which became indispensable categories and concepts in the everyday habits of thought in non- European societies. Therefore, according to Nandy, colonialism was much more than mere economic and political domination by Europe. He believes that "colonialism is a matter of consciousness"7 and that the "crudity and inanity of colonialism are principally

6Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 3-4. 7Nandy, The Intimate Enemy, 63

96 expressed in the sphere of psychology." Therefore, Europeans colonized not only bodies but also minds, thereby "generalizing] the concept of modern West from a geographical and temporal entity to a psychological category. The West is now everywhere, within the

West and outside; in structures and in minds."

The master narrative of European modernity became the dominant paradigmatic framework of the social sciences the world over. European models of history writing and themes served as guides for producing the history of non-European communities and nations. "Europe" became a "silent referent" in historical enquiry, with "all non-

European histories being analyzed from the vantage point of this ideal type, and characterized in terms of their differences from it."

The rational, secular, universal humanism of the European Enlightenment historically provided a strong foundation on which to erect critiques of socially unjust practices all over the world. Both Marxist and liberal thought are legatees of this intellectual heritage.1" Therefore, Chakrabarty concluded that "there is no easy way of dispensing with these universals in the condition of political modernity. Without them there would be no social science that addresses issues of modern social justice." ' It was the European Enlightenment critique of socially unjust practices and "its ability to create secular hierarchies incompatible with the traditional order" that made modern colonialism appealing to the people of the East. As we discussed in the first chapter, this point is highly significant for caste-ridden Kerala society. Social hierarchies

8IbJd., 2. 9lbid., xi. '"Jacques Pouchepadass, review of Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference, by Dipesh Chakrabarty, in History and Theory 4 1 (October 2002): 38 1 -382. 'Mbid. l2Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 4-5 "ibid. l4Nandy, The Intimate Enemy, ix.

97 created by modern colonialism "opened up new vistas for many, particularly for those exploited or cornered within the traditional order. To them the new order looked like ... the first step towards a more just and equal world."13 This is the reason why socio- religious reformers like Vakkom Moulavi appropriated colonial discourse and encouraged Muslims to embrace various aspects of modernity.

I.b.The Question of Agency of the 'Colonized'

Vakkom Moulavi's appropriation of modernity cannot be read within the framework of a simple cause-and-effect trajectory, in which the colonizer acted and the colonized reacted. Such a reading would take away Vakkom Moulavi's agency and delineate him as one of the "simple-hearted victims of colonialism." ' lnderpal Grewal contends that colonial history was not an "oppositional discourse" between the colonizer and the colonized but rather a continuous set of discursive practice in which both the parties engaged in a negotiation of power. Indeed, the choice of binary terms such as

"colonizer" and the "colonized" itself is problematic from this perspective because it would ultimately negate any agency on the part of the "colonized." A closer reading of Vakkom Moulavi's writings would help us to understand that he evaluated, judged and appropriated certain aspects of modernity. Such an appropriation was not a blind imitation, but an active engagement in colonial discourse. ' Therefore, according to

l5Ibid. I6lbid., xiv. I7lnderpal Grewal, Home and Harem: Nation, Gender, Empire, and the Cultures of Travel (Durham: Duke University Press, 1996), 13. l8Sumit Sarkar, A Critique ofColonial India (Calcutta: Papyrus, 1985), 38.

98 Nandy, "the Occident may survive as a civilization partly as a result of this ongoing revaluation."19

Vakkom Moulavi's appropriation of modernity, like that of other Muslim modernists of the early twentieth century, was due to a deep awareness about the rise of

Europe and the decline of the . Therefore, modernist Muslims sought ways to make Islam compatible with the challenges of the modern age. Al-Manär was one of the most important journals in this connection given that it "strove to stimulate a

70 — — reinvigoration of Islam and of the world of Islam."" Rashid Rida believed that "the sciences and techniques of the West" were essential for Muslims to regain their lost glory and prosperity. Therefore, he argued that "it is ... the duty for Muslims to study the sciences and ways of the modern world.""1 However, according to Haddad, Manarists opted for "selective modernism." Their consensus "did not see a problem in accepting modern thinking and found it compatible with Islam in certain areas. In others, it refused modern, or more precisely western thinking or behavior as incompatible with Islam."

Partha Chatterjee's analysis of the Indian national movement is thus highly significant for an understanding of the question of the agency of nationalists such as Vakkom Moulavi. According to Chatterjee, nationalists made a distinction between the material (outer) and spiritual (inner) domains of life.23 While the material is understood to

Nandy, The Inumate Enemy, xiv. 20Stephane A. Dudoignon, Komatsu H ¡sao, and Kosugi Yasushi, eds., Intellectuals in the Modern Islamic World: Transmission, Transformation, Communication (London: Routledge, 2006), vin. 21 Albert Habib Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 235-236. 22Mahmoud Haddad, "The Manarists and Modernism: An Attempt to Fuse Society and Religion," in Intellectuals in the Modern Islamic World: Transmission, Transformation, Communication, eds. Stephane A. Dudoignon, Komatsu Hisao, and Kosugi Yasushi (London: Routledge, 2006), 60. 23This distinction between the material and spiritual domains of life made another division between the West and the self, which in turn led to the distinction between the world and the home. The

99 be the domain of the economy, statecraft, science and technology, the spiritual is the domain of culture and spirituality. The West on the other hand has proved its superiority in the material domain. Therefore, nationalists acknowledged Western superiority in the latter domain, appropriating much of the material attributes of colonialism. They carefully studied and replicated Europeans' material accomplishments. However, they maintained that the culture of the colonizer is "decadent," and that of the colonized morally superior. Consequently, Chatterjee argues, they believed that "the greater one's success in imitating western skills in the material domain, therefore, the greater the need to preserve the distinction of one's spiritual culture."" This leads to the rise of anti- colonial nationalism which attempts to invent a nationhood and a "modern" national culture which is not western, excluding the colonial state from the heart of national culture. In this regard it is significant to note that, in Fazlur Rahman's (1919-1988) understanding, many modern Muslim theorists thought that the acquisition of modern knowledge should be limited to the technological realm, because in their opinion, "at the level of pure thought Muslims do not need Western intellectual products."^

The discussion of the question of agency by Vakkom Moulavi is important for us in two ways. It enables us to explore Vakkom Moulavi's understanding of modernization and also to analyze his defense of Islam against the allegations of European scholars and

Christian missionaries.

public sphere becomes the area of modernity, a material world. The spiritual, private sphere of home became the area of tradition, where indigenous culture might be preserved in an uncontaminated way. 24Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 6. 23Fazlur Rahman, Islam & Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1982), 46.

100 I.c.Vakkom Moulavi's Understanding of Modernization

Sociologists generally believe that the basic elements of what we conveniently refer to as 'modernization' fundamentally altered the nature of religion, including its beliefs, practices, and organization and place in the world.26 Modernization hastened the rise of individualism and of rationality. It also resulted in fragmentation of societies and of social life and the disappearance of close-knit, integrated, small-scale communities. This was accompanied by the emergence of large-scale industrial and commercial enterprises and the rise of modern nation-states coordinated through massive and impersonal bureaucracies. "Individualism threatened the communal basis of religious belief and behavior, while rationality removed many of the purposes of religion and rendered many of its beliefs implausible.""' Moreover, as life became increasingly enmeshed and organized under nation-states, religion lost much of its purpose.29

Being aware of the fact that modernization caused individualism and the decline of religion in European societies, Vakkom Moulavi argued that material progress should not be its sole objective. He insisted that modernization should not be allowed to pave the way for the secularization of societies. He believed that liberalism, a dominant political and moral concept in the West, leads to immorality, especially among women, and the rejection of community concerns, values and beliefs. Vakkom Moulavi maintained that religion is an essential component of human life and a cornerstone of society and the community. It is also an important source of identity for human beings. According to his

" Steve Bruce, Religion in the Modern World: From Cathedrals Io Cults (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), I. 27lbid., 43-44. 28lbid., 230. 29lbid., 44.

101 understanding, its rejection made Europeans less compassionate towards their own brethren, who suffered in their streets and neighborhoods.

Many Muslim modernists held similar opinions about secularism and Western culture. For example, Rahman did not approve of secularism or the liberalism of Western societies. He was seriously concerned about the socio-moral degradation of the West and believed that, even though Western societies might be stable, both politically and economically, they are generally obsessed with economic values. Such an obsession may result in social deformities and decline and eventually assume the character of a crucial moral issue/ Therefore, for him secularism is necessarily atheistic and of no use in establishing an ethically-based social-order. It seems that, in his opinion, it was the

"secularist" attitude of Western societies that destroyed the sanctity and universality of moral values.

Similarly, in Sir Muhammad IqbäTs (1877-1938) understanding, there is no bifurcation between secular and sacred, matter and spirit, church and state and God and universe. Based on this understanding he maintained that it is impossible to retain Islam as an ethical ideal while rejecting it as a polity. J_ Islam should be a complete way of life encompassing both the secular and sacred domains of life. Moreover, Islam was a civil society from the beginning, even as the Islamic social order is organically related to its religious ideal.33 European understanding of territorial nationalism reduced religion to the status of private individual experience. However, according to Iqbal, "religion is a power

j0Rahman, Islam and Modernity, 28. 3,Ibid-, 15. 32Muhammad Iqbal, "Presidential Address Delivered at the Annual Session of the All-India Muslim League at Allahabad on the 29lh December 1930," in Iqbal, Jinnah, and Pakistan: The Vision and Reality, ed. CM. Nairn (Syracuse: Syracuse University. 1979), 193. ''Ibid, 193-194. Also, Muhammad Iqbal, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan and Institute of , 1989), 123

102 of utmost importance in the life of individuals as well as states, and ... Islam is itself a destiny and will not suffer a destiny."34

For Vakkom Moulavi, the goal of modernization was to bring material progress, modern education, freedom of expression, elevation of the status of women, awareness about rights and responsibilities, and so on, but without causing the decline of religious faith and practices, moral and religious education, community consciousness, etc. Modernization should empower Muslims to respond to Christian missionaries' allegations about Islam, help Muslims to perform religious rituals fully while realizing their meaning, and free Muslims from the authority of ulama' and un-Islamic beliefs and practices. In short, according to Vakkom Moulavi, Muslims need to be 'modern' yet recognizably different from Westerners.

H.a. Prominence of the Concept of 'Growth' in Colonial Discourse

The idea of 'growth' was one of the key concepts in colonial discourse. A variety of terms, such as development, cultivation, improvement, refinement, progress and elevation of character, were used in order to express the different aspects of the idea of 'growth'.35 John Start Mill (1806-1873), an outstanding British intellectual of the nineteenth century, was one of the key persons to articulate this concept in order to legitimize colonialism. According to his understanding, growth is "a process of desirable, positive change" for individual, which brings them "nearer to some ideal standard such as excellence, nobleness, or perfection."j6 As far as an individual was concerned, the

34lqbal, "Presidential Address ...," 193. j5Don Habibi, "The Moral Dimensions of .1.S. Mill's Colonialism," Journal ofSocial Philosophy, 30, no. I (1999): 125. 36IbJd.

103 concept of growth involves becoming educated, refining a talent or skill, and elevating character or consciousness/ However, an individual's growth is dependent on having an environment conducive to progress. According to Mill, the liberal society is ideally suited to perform this task. ' The freedom to experiment and explore, to question traditional sources of authority (such as religion and government), to engage in open inquiry and to maintain a positive attitude towards tradition and change, economic development, technological achievement, political institutions, contributions to civilization, easy access to information and a wide range of opinions, combined with a serious commitment to education, excellence, and the pursuit of truth, are the hallmarks of liberalism. Mill believed that a society that encouraged forward looking values, such as creativity, innovation, and the growth of knowledge, would be a dynamic, progressive society.39 Vakkom Moulavi's writings, which we will discuss below, clearly exhibit the impact of colonial discourse on 'progress' and 'development.'

LLb. Teleology of 'Progress' in the Revelation of Islam

Vakkom Moulavi maintains that the development of human society is in many ways analogous to the growth of an individual human being. From infancy, each and every human being slowly grows and develops into a child, a youth and finally an adult.

Similarly, the human community has gradually grown up from primitive infancy to its present stage. In the case of an individual human being, instructions and advice given for the sake of his/her physical and mental development and the methods chosen to impart them

17IbId. 3Slbid.,l32. 39lbid., 132-133, 126.

104 are always supposed to be suited to a person's age and growth. In the same way, the religious regulations that God has commanded, at various times (through prophets), for the moral vision and salvation of human beings were also relevant to the stage of development of a particular society at that particular time. This implies that the fundamental principles of all religions, such as belief in tawlud, rejection of evil, observance of morality, etc., are always the same.40 However, religion also falls within the purview of the divine plan that every thing in the world should "develop gradually." This means that religion also has to mature in relation to gradual development in the human ability to know truth and morality. Therefore, when the human community reached maturity, religion had also fully developed. It also implies that Islam is the religion that God gave to human beings on reaching maturity. This is the reason why it is said that Islam is the last religion, the

Qur'ân the last scripture, and the Prophet Muhammad the last prophet.

Since the Qur'ân is the last scripture, it revokes certain religious laws of earlier scriptures. Now that human beings have reached maturity, there is no need to grow any further. Similarly, after Islam, there is no need to have a new religion in order to guide human beings along the right path. Islamic principles are broad enough to resist all changes that will happen due to alterations of time and place. They are appropriate for human nature, and its methods are apposite to leading an earthly life in the best possible

Vakkom Moulavi, "Sural al-Fatiha," in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjeditlha Knilhikal [SelecledWritings of Vakkom Mutilavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 57-58. According to Vakkom Moulavi, the ciïn of Allah is the same among all communities: the differences lie only in branches of law (ñuv' ahkäm), rituals and practices.

105 way in peace and happiness and to purify their souls in order to achieve heavenly bliss in the hereafter.41

U.c. The Early Muslim Community as Archetype of 'Progress' According to Vakkom Moulavi, Islam originated thirteen hundred years ago when the entire world was groping in the darkness of ignorance and immorality. Polytheism prevailed in the world and all religions were corrupted by it in one sense or another. In order to counter it, Islam originated with the slogan lä ilälia ilia Allah (there is no god but God) and introduced the doctrine of tawlud. Vakkom Moulavi quotes the following verses in this regard. "Say: He is Allah, the One and Only; Allah, the Eternal, Absolute" (112:1-2). "And there is none like unto Him." (1 12:4). "If there were, in the heavens and the earth, other gods besides Allah, there would have been confusion in both!" (21:22). "...Say: ? am but a man like yourselves, (but) the inspiration has come to me, that your Allah is one Allah. Whoever expects to meet his Lord, let him work righteousness, and, in the worship of his Lord, admit no one as partner'..." (18:1 10). "Say: 'Truly, my prayer and my service of sacrifice, my life and my death, are (all) for Allah, the Cherisher of the

Worlds: No partner hath He....'" (6:162-163). "Say: ? People of the Book! come to common terms as between us and you: That we worship none but Allah, that we associate no partners with him; that we erect not, from among ourselves, Lords and patrons other than Allah.'" (3:64). "And who is more astray than one who invokes besides Allah, such as will not answer him to the Day of Judgment, and who (in fact) are unconscious of their call (to them)?" (46:5). "... for Him is the Command, and to Him shall ye (all) be brought

4lVakkom Moulavi, "Qur'an Padanathinu Om Muqavara " [An Introduction to the Study of the Qur'än], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruthikal. [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 82-84.

106 back." (28:70). "They serve, besides Allah, things that hurt them not nor profit them, and they say: 'These are our intercessors with Allah.'" (10:18). "Who is there can intercede in

His presence except as He permitteth?" (2:255).

Vakkom Moulavi asserts that by analyzing the conditions under which the lived before they embraced Islam and the revolutionary changes that happened to them in the ensuing years, one can understand the power of Islam to transform the human spirit. Arabs, who were idol worshippers for many centuries, held many superstitious beliefs and practices. They lost their religious consciousness and became a community with the

"meanest intelligence" and led an immoral life. They were bitterly jealous and engaged continuously in lighting with each other. Islam was revealed in Arabia because it was here that wretchedness was most advanced in the world. However, when the light of

Islam pierced their hearts, the darkness that covered them vanished into thin air.

Consequently, religious and moral consciousness descended upon the Arabs. They came to the realization that God is the creator and sustainer of the whole universe and He alone is worthy to be believed in and worshiped. Therefore, they purged themselves of all forms of idol worship, declaring God to be omnipotent and omniscient such that no one except him is able to bless or harm human beings. They understood that God is one and holy; therefore, associating any creatures or imaginative powers with God is shirk43

Quranic teachings on tawlud awakened the Arabs who were idol worshippers and enlightened their hearts about God's glory and holiness. It liberated their minds and thoughts from being enslaved to religious leaders, wicked rulers and a plurality of gods

42Vakkom Moulavi, "Islam Matatliekuriche Mahakavi Valltholinte Abadha Dharana" [Poet Vallathol's Misunderstanding about Islam], in Vakkom Moulavi: Pvabhandhangal, Smaranaka/ [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arata Publications, 1982), 121. Hereafter "Vallatilo I" 43IbJd.

107 and locked the doors of superstition. Belief in enabled them to realize their potential and to use their God-given abilities to achieve freedom and prosperity.44

Yet while leading Arabs to the path of Allah, Vakkom Moulavi argues, Islamic principles did not teach them to neglect worldly matters or lead an ascetic life. Rather, it integrated both the religious and worldly realms of life and enabled them to live a complete human life. 4^ The Arabs came to extol virtues, abhor evil and increase in spiritual strength. They achieved greater unity and genuine brotherly love in the manner that was hitherto unheard-of in human history. In short, with the arrival of Islam, the

Arabs, who had almost descended to a "beastly nature," were transformed into "angels" in human form.

The early Muslim community came to occupy a high level of attainment in every aspect of human life, including spirituality, scientific knowledge, religious conviction, moral discipline (nishtct)* virtue {salgunwn)* right conduct (sadacharam),* communal harmony, unity, political and territorial sovereignty (rajadipatyam),* power and authority (adikarasakti),* education, civilization, sense ofjustice, diligence and entrepreneurship. ' The early generations of Muslims spread the light of Islam across the world and removed the darkness with religious consciousness. They rekindled the moral light which was about to fail in the world. In a very short time, the bright light of Islam shone all over the world and gave a new life to human beings. Muslims, according to Vakkom Moulavi, established their authority in the Asian, African and European continents. They enhanced

44Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 103-104. See also Vakkom Moulavi, "SCirat al-Fätiha," 53. 43Vakkom Moulavi, "Upakrama Piasangam I" [Opening Remarks I], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 19. 46Vakkom Moulavi, "Nammude Avasta" [Our Condition], in Vakkom Mau/aviyude Thiranjedutha KnUhikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Man/avi], éd. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 182.

108 all the lands that came under their dominion with the light of civilization and knowledge. He quotes the Qur'an in this respect: "Ye are the best of peoples, evolved for mankind, enjoining what is right, forbidding what is wrong, and believing in Allah. If only the People of the Book had faith, it were best for them: among them are some who have faith, but most of them are perverted transgressors." (3:110)

Islam created an understanding among the Arabs that no community in the world could fulfill the expectations of God to the same degree as they could, according to

Vakkom Moulavi. This empowered them to defeat the mighty empires of Rome and Persia and to give a new leadership to the world. It enabled them to translate the ancient wisdom of the Greeks and Romans and propagate it. Islamic principles also motivated them to pursue education to the extent that they came to be known as "teachers of wisdom". Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi contends, the sciences that the Europeans spread in the modern period were copied from the Arabs. He also claims that it was the Arabs who laid the foundations of modernization (naveena parishkaram)* 49 It is significant to note here that Vakkom Moulavi echoes a thought which had fust been expressed by Rifa'a Bey al-Tahtawl (1801-1873)50 and Khayr al-DTn Pasha (1822/3-1 890)51 and later again by 'Abduh and Rida that "in accepting European civilization, the Muslims are only

47Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 10-13. 48Vakkom Moulavi, "Swagatha Prasangam" ["Welcome Speech"], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 2-4. 49Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 12. Vakkom Moulavi used the Malayalam word naveena parishkaram. The word parishkaram can be translated as modernization. 30Tahtäwi was one of the earliest Egyptian scholars to write about Western culture in an attempt to bring about reconciliation and understanding between Islamic and Western civilizations. Tahtâwï was bom in 1801 in the village of Tahta, Egypt. His work influenced that of many later scholars including 'Abduh. K. Öhrnberg, "Rifa'a Bey al-Tahtawl," in Encyclopedia ofIslam 2'"' ed., 8: 523. Hereafter El2. 51 Khayr al-Din argued that the Arab world needed to adopt Western institutions, especially those which protected individual liberty and property rights, and to promote free inquiry and education. G. S. van Krieken, "Khayr al-Dïn Pasha," in El2, 4: 1 153.

109 accepting what had once been theirs, for Europe had only progressed because of what they had learnt from the Muslims in Spain and the Holy Land.'0" Vakkom Moulavi emphatically stated that it was Islamic principles that revived and transformed Arabs as the ideal community, which was moribund in the darkness of ignorance and which had lost ethical and moral prowess. ^3 According to him, faith in tawind secures spiritual freedom and enlightenment for anyone who is enslaved by evil powers and thoughts. It prevents unbelief from entering the heart and subjugating it.?4 Therefore, although Islam originated in Arabia thirteen hundred years ago, it was relevant not only to a particular people in a certain place. Its characteristics are such that it can function as a general religion, beneficial to any people, anywhere and anytime. Whoever leads a life in the path prescribed by Islam will achieve prosperity and happiness. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi held the opinion that there is an "essential connexion between religious truth and worldly prosperity." However, this position was also maintained by Rida and other Egyptian reformers of the nineteenth century. According to Rida, "the teachings and moral precepts of Islam are such that, if they are properly understood and fully obeyed, they will lead to success in this world as well as the next- and to success in all the forms in which the world understands it, strength, respect, civilization, happiness."""0 Vakkom Moulavi took a step further and argued that no one will be able to achieve prosperity unless they lead their life following the path of Islam, knowingly or unknowingly. Therefore, whenever the world achieves progress it comes

32Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 235-236. "Vakkom Moulavi, "Moulidunnabavi" [Mawlicl al-Nabawi], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 81; Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 15. 54Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 1 00. "Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age. 228.

110 closer to Islamic ideals. In other words, modern development is helping people to enter the Islamic sphere, though they are not always aware of it/6

Vakkom Moulavi's analysis of early Muslim community demonstrates that he was greatly impacted by the colonial discourse on scientific rationality, religious convictions, morality, politics, education, civilization, development and so on. However, it is also significant to note that, in his opinion, the early Muslim community was the ideal community in human history. Compared to the early Muslim community, he seems to imply, Europeans are not the most developed and best civilized society. Therefore, for Vakkom Moulavi, in order to be a "modern individual," there is no need for a Muslim to imitate the British. A true Muslim will always be 'modern'. This challenged the very basis of the "civilizing mission" of the Europeans. In this connection it is significant to note the argument of Chakrabarty that the nationalist elites rejected the Utilitarians'

"waiting-room" version of history in which the British temporarily denied "self- government" to the colonized,5 believing that Indians should be more 'civilized' before becoming eligible for self-rule.

At this juncture it is also worth noting that, throughout his writings, Vakkom Moulavi overlooked both the colonial and pre-colonial history of the Mappilas. In fact, the

Mappilas were one of the foremost trading communities in the pre-colonial Muslim world. Therefore, they had a glorious history, which Shaykh Zayn al-Dln, who authored Tuhfat al-Mujähidln fi Ba'd Ahwäl al-BiirtughäliyJn (Giß lo the Holy Warriors in Respect to Some Deeds of the Portuguese) exploited in order to motivate Mappilas to fight against the Portuguese traders. It is true that, unlike Zayn al-Dln, Vakkom Moulavi

56Vakkom Moulavi read this opinion, which he fully supported, in a book. However, he does not mention the name of the book. Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks 1," 17. 37Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 9.

Ill was not appealing to Mappila traders to fight for their trading rights. Therefore, the trading history of the Mappilas was comparatively less significant for him. History is a narration of the past used to highlight events: for him, its purpose was to motivate Mappilas to embrace various aspects of modernity and to shape their future. Therefore, for Vakkom Moulavi, reinterpretation of Islamic principles and narrating the history of the early Muslims were more significant for his socio-religious reform movement. The beginning of the twentieth century was a period of religious and national identity-formation throughout India, especially in Kerala. In this regard, the collective memory of the early Muslim community was more relevant than Mappilas' ethnic or trading history. Moreover, Islam was able to bring together all Mappilas as a religious community. In this regard, it is significant to note that he used the titles Muslim and al- lslam for his journals. According to Robinson, it was only in the late nineteenth century that Muslims began to use for the first time the term 'Islam' "not just to describe their relationship to God but also to describe an ideal religious pattern, or a mundane religious system, or even just Islamic civilization."1' Therefore, by choosing the titles Muslims and al-lslam, Vakkom Moulavi was claiming 'true' Muslim identity for his followers but was also affirming their pan-Islamic identity. Vakkom Moulavi 's narrative of Islamic history also challenged the hierarchical divisions among Mappilas and appealed for unity.

Vakkom Moulavi's historical narration of the early Muslim community highlights yet another important aspect of colonial discourse, namely, the preference for absolute and universal values, concepts and history over provincial and local ones. The objective of his reform movement was not "re-localization" of Mappilas but their globalization and

5SFrancis Robinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in ," Modern Asian Studies 42, 2/3 (2008): 275. modernization. Therefore, a "context-free" historical narrative was preferred over a "context-based" one.5" However, by choosing Islamic universal history Vakkom Moulavi also challenged British universalism and their ignorance of Muslim history. Even though Orientalists' historical narrative claimed "to embrace the entirety of humanity," it was often "produced in relative, and sometimes absolute, ignorance of the majority of humankind - that is, those living on non-Western cultures."60

HLa. European Enlightenment and Rise of Scientific and Ethical Rationalization

According to Bruce, Peter Berger has argued that it is possible to trace back the origins of rationality in the West to the religious culture of ancient Israel.61 While religions of surrounding cultures were profoundly cosmologica!, negating any sharp distinction between human and non-human, Judaism introduced the idea of a radically transcendent God. It implied that God of the Old Testament is beyond magical manipulation and cannot be bribed, cajoled, or tricked to fulfill human desire. Instead God made ethical demands upon believers. Therefore, "pleasing God became less a matter of trying to anticipate the whims of an erratic force and more a matter of correct ethical behavior."' Therefore, according to Bruce, "by simplifying a supernatural menagerie to one God and supposing him distant from the material world" Judeo- Christian tradition paved the way for modern science. '"' Though the medieval church

3Kosugi Yasushi. "Al-Manar Revisited: The "Lighthouse" of the Islamic Revival," in Intellectuals in the Modern Islamic World: Transmission, Transformation, Communication, eds. Stephane A. Dudoignon, Komatsu Hisao, and Kosugi Yasushi (London: Routledge, 2006), 31, Fn 13. 60Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 29. 6lBruce, Religion in the Modern World, 9. 62Md., 10. 6jlbid., 20-21. However, he argues, "just as the medieval Church related and temporarily reversed the ethical rationalization inherent in Judaism and early Christianity, so the development of science was retarded by the Church's imposition of orthodoxy on all fields of thought.... The Reformation, by breaking

113 remythologized the cosmos by teaching that it is possible to manipulate God through rituals, confessions, and penance, the Protestant Reformation "demythologized the world, eliminated ritual and sacramental manipulation of God, and restored the process of ethical rationalization." Therefore, in Protestant tradition life is regarded as linear and irreversible. Thus a regular observance of religious and ethical teachings became highly important in day-to-day life. '^

Science and rationality are arguments grounded in theories of systematization, calculability, regularity, secularly, logic and rules. Therefore, routines, procedures, predictability and order are assumed in modern scientific and ethical rationality.66 This implies that "modern science is not easy for cultures which believe that the world is pervaded by supernatural spirits or that the divinities are unpredictable."67 However, in colonial discourse, scientific and ethical rationality was considered to be a universal human value, representing the authentic way of being human. Therefore, it condemned the 'superstitious' beliefs and practices of the colonized and emphasized imparting moral and ethical education.68

ULb. The Compatibility of Islam with Science and Reason

Vakkom Moulavi maintains that religion was originated by God for the spiritual guidance of human beings. Therefore, all religions share more or less same basic principles. However, since religious traditions were revealed at various times to communities living in different places, there are slight variations in religious rituals. the power of the Church ... made way for a variety of thought and for the questioning of tradition which is so vital to natural science." Ibid., 2 1 . 64lbid., 9-10. 65IbSd., 15-16. 66Ibid., 47-48. 67lbid., 20. 6SPouchepadass, review of Provincializing Europe, 384.

114 Vakkom Moulavi claims that God's religion can never be contradictory to science because the God who stipulated religious principles is the same God who commanded natural principles, which constitute the foundations of scientific enquiry. Therefore, in his opinion, it is difficult to see any scientific principles that contradict the principles shared by all religious traditions. However, Vakkom Moulavi did hold that the encroachment of the priestly class and the passage of time had disfigured all religious traditions to such an extent that, ultimately, it became difficult to differentiate the God-given original principles from later man-made ones. Therefore, throughout history, people have observed various superstitious beliefs and practices, which have hindered the real progress of human beings, as true religious principles. Vakkom Moulavi admits that such beliefs contradict scientific principles and can be seen in all religious traditions. However, he insists that the liability of contradicting science and reason is the question of particular religious traditions and cannot be shared by all religions.

According to Vakkom Moulavi, Islam maintains that faith should be validated with the proper raison d'etre. It condemns those whose faith is based on mere assumption and is not substantiated with proofs. Therefore, faith based on hypothesis, convention and imagination, without proper reasoning, is proscribed in Islam.6 He quotes the following verses to explain the Qur'anic injunctions against those who follow others' opinion without understanding. "But they have no knowledge therein. They follow nothing but conjecture; and conjecture avails nothing against Truth." (53:28) Islam strongly criticizes those who blindly believe and follow the words and traditions of past ancestors, without proper examination: "When it is said to them: "Follow what Allah hath revealed:" They 69Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of islamic Religious Principles," 92.

115 say: "Nay! we shall follow the ways of our fathers." What! even though their fathers were void of wisdom and guidance?" (2:170). Islam teaches with determination to think about this universe and everything in it and its principles. It also praises those who think in this way. "Say: "Behold all that is in the heavens and on earth"" (10:101). "Do they see nothing in the government of the heavens and the earth and all that Allah hath created?" (7:185). "Behold! in the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the alternation of night and day,- there are indeed Signs for men of understanding - Men who celebrate the praises of Allah, standing, sitting, and lying down on their sides...." (3:190-191). Islam sharply condemns those ignorant people who do not use their reason to know truth of matters. "They have hearts wherewith they understand not, eyes wherewith they see not, and ears wherewith they hear not. They are like cattle,- nay more misguided...." (7:179). Vakkom Moulavi argued that a religious principle can be considered as true only when it is possible for us to interpret it in such a way that it does not contradict science and reason. Sometimes it is possible to find verses in the Qur'än or hacfith with an apparent meaning that seems contradictory to reason. But Vakkom Moulavi contended that this apparent meaning cannot be what was originally intended there. There should be another meaning which does not contradict reason. Vakkom Moulavi noted that there are two hermeneutical positions available to 'ulama' to deal with such verses. The early

'ulama' held that such verses must have a meaning that does not contradict reason, however difficult they may be to understand. In that case we should leave the matter to

God. However, the later 'ulama' opined that we must interpret such verses using linguistic principles and elucidate its meaning in such a way that it does not contradict reason. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi concluded that if there seems to be a contradiction

116 between reason and authority {promana)* then one must accept one of these hermeneutical positions and interpret scripture giving prominence to reason.

Robinson noted that rationalization of religious belief and practices was one of the major characteristics of Islamic reform. ° Therefore, Muslim reformers generally emphasized interpretation of the Qur'an and hadith using rational principles. At the same time they attacked local customs, such as the practice of intercession at Sufi shrines.

Consequently, traditional values thought to be incompatible with science and reason were declared to be un-Islamic. In other words, compatibility with science and reason served as the yardstick to measure authenticity of values and beliefs.

[U.c. The Limitations of Science and Reason

Vakkom Moulavi also argued that religion involves moral and ethical principles for the nourishment of the spirit. The secrets of these matters are not, however, comprehensible to the human mind. ' Therefore, science cannot understand the supernatural teachings of the Qur'an, hadith and other divine religions. For instance, certain religious doctrines, such as the following, are beyond the scope of science and reason.

• Islam teaches that there is an omnipotent and omniscient God, who is the creator

and sustainer of this world.

• Soul is an immortal and independent thing.

Robinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 274-275. 7lVakkom Moulavi, "Mathavum Sastravum" [Religion and Science], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruthikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 191.

117 • There is a world beyond death where human beings will receive reward or

punishment for their deeds.

However, Vakkom Moulavi contended that the inability of reason and science to comprehend these doctrines does not disprove them or make them logically contradictory. He asked, "Has science ever concluded that there is nothing beyond its scope? Is it possible for science to arrive at such a conclusion?'"72 It is true that until now the science have not discovered any evidence to prove God's existence. But it cannot be a proof to argue against God's existence because science, from all the discoveries it has made so far, cannot find any evidence to disprove God's existence. It is interesting to note the place that Vakkom Moulavi assigned to science and reason as tools for human beings to understand religious principles. On the one hand he argued that religious principles are not contradictory to science and reason, while on the other maintaining that religious principles are beyond their scope. Is there any contradiction in Vakkom Moulavi's understanding? How should we understand it? As I read it, Vakkom Moulavi was a Muslim modernist who used scientific and rational tools in order to defend allegations against Islam and religions in general. He never diluted the importance of science and religion in a modern society. However, he believed that science and reason cannot be used as arguments to disprove religion or to secularize society. He seems to be agrees with Asad's position that religion is an inseparable aspect of social life. J Religion should have its own place in the personal and communal lives of human beings. Religious principles do not need any endorsement from science and reason.

72lbid, 189. 7jOvamir Anjum, "Islam as a Discursive Tradition: TaIaI Asad and His Interlocutors," Comparative Studies ofSouth Asia, Africa and the 27, no. 3 (2007): 659.

118 Ill.d. Ethical and Moral Teachings of the Quran According to Vakkom Moulavi, human reason, which other living beings do not share, proclaims that humans are the most unique beings in the world. Therefore, what they accomplish with their lives is much greater than what animals are supposed to achieve. For this reason they must lead their lives seriously, without going astray, by following the ethical teachings stipulated by Islam74 on various issues such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, business and other engagements.7' The ethical principles in the Qur'än prohibit vices, advising the following: do not tell lies, do not injure others, do not cheat, do not drink intoxicating liquors, do not commit adultery, do not cheat in weight and measurement, do not covet others' wealth, and do not charge ¡nteiest. At the same time, other ethical principles promote virtues, such as benevolence, mutual aid, and public welfare.76 The ultimate purpose of Islam is to purify the soul with virtues and right conduct. Therefore, throughout the Qur'ân there are many verses that promote virtues and morality and forbid vices and evil deeds. "Let there arise out of you a band of people inviting to all that is good, enjoining what is right, and forbidding what is wrong." (3:104). " Verily Man is in loss except such as have Faith, and do righteous deeds, and (join together) in the mutual teaching of Truth, and of Patience and Constancy." (103:2). One of the most important moral principles of Islam is that human beings should teach each other right things and prohibit what is not permitted. If human beings do so, how can evil take root

Hourani notes that a special section of each issue of al-Manär was dedicated to answering questions on morality and practice sent by readers of the periodical - and perhaps sometimes contributed by the editor himself. "There is scarcely any problem in the moral life of the community which is not touched on somewhere in the Manar." Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Libera/Age, 237. 75Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 87. 76Ibid., 125.

119 in the world? Or if people belonging to a community act properly, will there be a community purer and superior than them in the world? God has said the following about the Prophet and his followers, who acted faithfully: "Ye are the best of peoples, evolved for mankind, enjoining what is right, forbidding what is wrong, and believing in Allah." (3:110).

According to Vakkom Moulavi, the following verses from the Qur'än are the best examples of the Islamic teachings on virtues and morality. "Hold to forgiveness; command what is right; but turn away from the ignorant." (7:199). "The good deed and the evil deed are not alike. Repel the evil deed with one which is better, then lo! he, between whom and thee there was enmity (will become) as though he was a bosom friend" (41:34). "O ye who believe! Let not some men among you laugh at others: It may be that the (latter) are better than the (former): Nor let some women laugh at others: It may be that the (latter are better than the (former): Nor defame nor be sarcastic to each other, nor call each other by (offensive) nicknames." (49:1 1). "O ye who believe! Avoid suspicion as much (as possible): for suspicion in some cases is a sin: And spy not on each other behind their backs. Would any of you like to eat the flesh of his dead brother?"

(49:12) "O ye who believe! cancel not your charity by reminders of your generosity or by injury,- like those who spend their substance to be seen of men...." (2:264). "And do not eat up your property among yourselves for vanities, nor use it as bait for the judges, with intent that ye may eat up wrongfully and knowingly a little of (other) people's property."

(2:188). "Those who unjustly eat up the property of orphans, eat up a Fire into their own bodies: They will soon be enduring a Blazing Fire!" (4:10). "Nor come nigh to adultery: for it is a shameful (deed) and an evil, opening the road (to other evils)." (17:32).

120 "Devour not usury, doubled and multiplied...." (3:130) "Allah will deprive usury of all blessing, but will give increase for deeds of charity " (2:276). "O ye who believe! Give of the good things which ye have (honourably) earned, and of the fruits of the earth which We have produced for you, and do not even aim at getting anything which is bad, in order that out of it ye may give away something...." (2:267). "It is not righteousness that ye turn your faces Towards East or West; but it is righteousness- to believe in Allah and the Last Day, and the Angels, and the Book, and the Messengers; to spend of your substance, out of love for Him, for your kin, for orphans, for the needy, for the wayfarer, for those who ask, and for the ransom of slaves; to be steadfast in prayer, and practice regular charity; to fulfill the contracts which ye have made...." (2:177). '"Allah doth command you to render back your Trusts to those to whom they are due; And when ye judge between man and man, that ye judge with justice." (4:58). " Thy Lord hath decreed that ye worship none but Him, and that ye be kind to parents. Whether one or both of them attain old age in thy life, say not to them a word of contempt, nor repel them, but address them in terms of honor. And, out of kindness, lower to them the wing of humility, and say: "My Lord! Bestow on them thy Mercy even as they cherished me in childhood.""

(17:23-24).

Therefore, by quoting these verses, Vakkom Moulavi highlighted ethical and moral teaching of the Qur'an. It seems to be implied that Muslims required to follow these teachings and live and ethical and moral life. Vakkom Moulavi's emphasis on ethics and morality needs to be seen against the popular religiosity of Muslims, which did not underline the importance of these things.

121 IlI.e. Vakkom Moulavi's Repudiation of Priesthood in tslatn According to Steve Bruce, rejection of the institution of religious professionals was "the first and most important innovation of the Reformation."77 Therefore, Protestant reformers placed a greater emphasis on the constant obligation for every individual to live moral and religious lives. It created the need for ordinary people to become better informed about religion. Understanding the Bible at a personal level became the key to live one's religious and moral life. Consequently, establishing printing presses, translating the Bible into vernacular language, and promoting literacy among natives became major objectives of the Protestant missionaries in the colonies.

According to Robinson, Muslim religious reform movements "made it clear that there was no intercession for man with God." l As far as Vakkom Moulavi's position on the priesthood in Islam is concerned, we can say that Robinson's observation is true.

Vakkom Moulavi insisted that the Qui' an and hadîth were the fundamental authorities to decide upon religious and moral issues in Islam. Therefore, it precluded the possibility for a group of people to obtain special rights and authority to resolve religious issues without substantiating their arguments from either of these authorities. As a result, in

Islam, unlike in other religious traditions, there was no priestly class with autonomous authority over religious affairs. Even though it was held that Caliphs or Sultans have religious authority, according to Vakkom Moulavi, it simply means that they have special responsibility in enriching religious faith and in enforcing religious laws. '

Robinson also argued that "erosion of authority of ulama as interpreters of Islam" was one of the characteristics of Muslim reform movements of the nineteenth and

77Bruce, Religion in the Modern World, 13-14. 78Robinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 269. 79lbid., 132-133.

122 twentieth centuries.80 This in turn made Muslims personally responsible for the way in which they practiced their faith. Thus, Muslim reformers like Maulänä Ashraf ?? Thânawî (1863-1943) "paints a horrific picture of the Day of Judgment and the facts that will befall on those who have not striven hard enough to follow God's guidance. To help believers avoid this fate, he instructs them in regular self-examination, morning and evening, to ensure purity of intentions and to avoid wrongdoing."81 By negating the priesthood in Islam, Vakkom Moulavi entrusted greater responsibility to individual Muslims in order to learn how to live a religious and moral life. He also held that from an Islamic perspective every one has an equal right and the freedom to understand the principles of the Qur'än and hadith using their reason and, therefore, there is no need for the 'ulama' to interpret Islam for the common people. Islam only prescribes laypersons to learn religious principles from experts. However, the experts are not permitted to teach anything other than what is prescribed in the Qur'än and hadith. He rejected intermediary functionaries in Islam and the authority of legal schools, which he believed would take away people's freedom.

IV.a. Status of Women in Islam

Throughout history, men all over the world subjugated women and violated their legitimate right to be treated as human beings, according to Vakkom Moulavi. Among the Greeks, the status of women was not very different from that of a household slave.

Francis Robinson, "Technology and Religious Chancre...," 243. Robinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 263.

123 The Romans believed that the "yoke of women should not be given rest." The Portuguese considered women as a commodity and they bought and sold them. There is evidence to believe that women were not considered as free persons in India. The Jewish people treated women as highly inferior to men and women enjoyed not much better a status among Christians. Christian priests despised women because they believed that the woman was the root cause for sin.Sj Even philosophers like Plato and Socrates would have denied women the same status as men. Indeed, Plato, who accepted reincarnation, believed that when a cruel man dies he will reborn as a woman.84 Arabian women were in no different situation than women in other parts of the world. Arabs had complete contempt for women, which is evident from the fact that when a girl child was born her father's face darkened and he would hide from others. Arabs also used to bury alive their female infants in order to avoid dishonor from society.83

Vakkom Moulavi argued that it was Islam that granted women their "right status" for the first time in history. Islam recognized independent rights of women, who were disgraced equally by both the Eastern and the Western peoples. "O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female...." (49:13). "Ye proceed one from another (women are from men and men are from women)" (3:195).'6 In these verses, the

Qm' an reminded human beings that women are not despicable and that both men and women are of the same class. Therefore, women have equal rights with men in all aspects

82Vakkom Moulavi, "Om Avatharika" [A Preface], in Vakkom Montavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 84. 8'Here Vakkom Moulavi might be referring to the first act of human sin recorded in Genesis 3. 84IbId. S5Ibid., 85. 86This is PicktalTs translation, which is close to Vakkom Moulavi's Malayalam quotation. "English translation of the Holy Quran," http;:{/.vvvvw J^ , accessed on 3 January 2008.

124 of life. The Qur'än also granted them rights when it was believed throughout the world that women only had responsibilities to fulfill. "And women shall have rights similar to the rights against them, according to what is equitable...." (2:228). It is significant to note that the Qur'än's declaration, which gave women equal rights to men, was sufficiently able to make a worldwide revolution. Among Arabs, women did not have any right over the wealth of either their parents or the relatives after death. Therefore, the Qur'än established that "unto the women a share of that which parents and near kindred leave" (4:7)87 Therefore, along with men, Islam also raised the status of women, who were the most downtrodden element in Arabian society. Islam put an end to many primitive and meaningless social customs among the Arabs that were oppressive to women in many ways. Then Islam established new rules which ultimately contributed to their well-being. Consequently, during the early days of Islam, Muslim women occupied a higher status in society. Vakkom Moulavi concluded that no other religion had contributed to the betterment of women's status as Islam had done.88

Vakkom Moulavi also acknowledged that the status of women in the West had changed tremendously due to modernization (naveena parishkaram).*89 Therefore, he compared the status of women in western society during the modern period with that of women during the early Muslim community. According to his understanding, thirteen hundred years ago Muslim women enjoyed the same rights and privileges that women

87This is Pickthall's translation, http://www.ishwar.com/islani/holy_quran_(pickthal I), accessed on 3 January 2008. Vakkom Moulavi, "A Preface," 85-86. This was the preface that Vakkom Moulavi wrote for the Malayalam translation of the book Women under Islam by Shaikh Mushir Hosain Kiclwai. The book was translated by Pir Muhammad Sahib and M. Ahmad Kannu and was published in 1920. The first Indian edition of the book was published in English by Seema Publications, Delhi, 1976. 88Ibid., 86. 89lbid., 87.

125 held in modern western societies. Therefore, Islam elevated the moral and social status of women long before western societies even thought about it. Moreover, even in the modern period, western women do not have some of the rights that Islam granted to them. According to Vakkom Moulavi, Islam never overlooked the womanhood of woman. Therefore, it proposed a lifestyle that suits women. In the Islamic understanding, chastity is the greatest wealth of women. Thus, Islam eschewed any customs and practices that could lead to the immoral behavior of women. As it did to men, it denied women the freedom to transgress the limits of moral behavior.90

IV.b. Role of Muslim Women in the 'Modern' world

Vakkom Moulavi affirmed that "no man, without woman, or no woman, without man, is born in the world. It is difficult for man, without woman's help or for woman, without man's help, to live in the world."91 Therefore, he argued that men and women need mutual help and support to lead their lives in this world. He believed that there is no disparity between men and women as far as their human status is concerned. Even though there are certain differences between men and women in biological nature, physical strength and temperament, which only demonstrates that their physical obligations and lifestyles are different. Women are as intelligent as men and are equally bound by religious rules. They too have the understanding of vice and virtue and feeling of

'"Ibid., 87-88. 9,lbid., 83.

126 happiness and sorrow. Therefore, like men, it is necessary for women also to acquire religious knowledge ( ?'/?t? and to observe religious etiquette {ädäb)P In order to improve the status of women, Vakkom Moulavi argued that women should be given the opportunity to pursue both religious and modern education. Their religious and social conditions (nadapadi)* also should be improved. However, he regretted the fact that conservative Muslims opposed all attempts to improve the status of women. In his opinion this implied that they think that women do not need modern education and social upliftment. They hinder women's progress by appealing to the hadith which asserts: "Don't teach handwriting to women". However, Vakkom Moulavi claimed that this hadith was not only declared weak by some of hadith experts, but also contradicted another sound hadith. When a sound hadith, which states that there is no objection in teaching women handwriting, he wondered, why was it not preferred over a weak hadith! If it was due to their sincere religious belief that they should not act against religion, then he argued, the sound hadith should be held firmly. Moreover, he noted that the weak hadith raised objection only about teaching handwriting to women. It did not challenge teaching women to read.94 Vakkom Moulavi maintained that the status of women is integrally related to the status of men. He affirmed the position that the '"status of women will not improve until men improve their status. If the status of men is improved, then the status of women will also improve and not deteriorate."93 It is not possible for men to improve the status of women until they themselves realize the necessity to improve their status. When men

''Vakkom Moulavi, "Nam mude Strekal" [Our Women], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedulha Knithikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi), ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 186. 94lbid., 186-187. 95lbid., 185.

127 begin to improve their status, they will not be satisfied to keep women at a lower position and the women will not be satisfied to remain at a lower status. Rather they will teel the need to achieve a status equal to that of men.96 Vakkom Moulavi's journal, Muslim, made substantial contributions to the education of Muslim women. In an article entitled "The Duty of Muslim Women," Kalyani Anima highlighted biographical details of noble Muslim women to motivate Kerala Muslim women to embrace modern education and culture. Through several such articles, Muslim challenged the notion that Islam dissuaded education of women. In another article,97 Hamadani Sheikh reminded Muslim women that

Women were equally bound to discharge their religious duties like men. Without sound knowledge they could not perform it well. Moreover, as long as our 'kitchens' are full of darkness, our life would not be comfortable. Hence our womenfolk must be provided with ample facilities of education.98 Vakkom Moulavi's advocacy for women needs to be seen in the light of contemporary Egyptian and North Indian Muslim reformers' positions on women's issues. According to Robinson, [i]n the reformed world, the will of women was emphasized no less than that of men. Indeed, under colonial rule, the responsibility for fashioning a Muslim society fell particularly heavily on women. As non-Muslims dominated public space, women moved from their earlier position of being threats to the proper conduct of Muslim society to being the mistress of Islamic values and symbols of Muslim identity. Rashid Rida held that Muslim women ought to take part in the communal life of Islam. Their faith, religious and social duties are just the same as that of men. However he maintained that there is an "equality of rights," but "men are stronger, more

y6lbi<±, 186. 97The article was published in Muslim, 5 no. 8-9 (Meenam-Medam [March-April], 1091 ME (Malayalam Era), [1916]). 98Quoted by Samad. Samad, Islam in Kerala..., 63. "Robinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 269.

128 intelligent, more apt for learning and most type of action. So they have predominance over women."100

V. Creation of Knowledge and the Necessity to Defend Islam Vakkom Moulavi believed that information, interpretation and images play a major role in the social construction of a modern society. In his understanding, ideas or interpretations are powerful enough to impact the attitudes and actions of common people. The opinions of scientists, poets and other prominent members of a society are especially significant in this regard. As such being highly respected members of a society, their opinions are given higher value in a modern society. People often believe that their opinions are the end result of their careful thinking, observation and judgment. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi argued that they should be held responsible for expressing their opinions in public. Since they have a large following, if their opinions are wrong they will ultimately be misleading their followers and making them believe errors and falsehood.101 Vakkom Moulavi regretted that the 'modern' world is filled with misinformation and invented stories. With the invention of printing and mass media these stories spread promptly among common people. Vakkom Moulavi urged that scholars should confirm the truth of the matter through their own research and findings before expressing their opinions in public. However, he regretted the fact that only a few scholars in this world care to confirm their beliefs and opinions. The majority of them borrows the findings of other peoples

Hourani, Arabic Thought in (he Liberal Age, 238-39. 'Vakkom Moulavi, "Vallathol," 118.

129 uncritically and come to a conclusion on this basis.102 Vakkom Moulavi totally rejected the idea that opinions and interpretations are objective. He agreed that all knowledge is partial and socially constructed and that is never neutral. Therefore, he argued that opinions can be expressed with evil intentions and plans. In an article entitled "Science and Religion" he wrote that All the opinions of scientists cannot be viewed as science because they may often express their opinions based on inferences. However, upon further investigation, their followers may prove that opinions of scientists could be wrong. Therefore, in order for an opinion to be scientific truth, it should emerge from the certainty gained through many experiments."'0' Vakkom Moulavi was especially concerned with the allegations of Christian missionaries and European scholars against Islam and the Prophet Muhammad. He was equally apprehensive about the challenge of atheists against religious beliefs and practices. He believed that their contentions were baseless, irresponsible and were made with the intention to tarnish the image of Islam. They articulated their opinions and spread their ideas among common people through printing technology and through their constant criticism they demoralized Muslims. Therefore. Vakkom Moulavi argued that it is the responsibility of Muslims to respond to these allegations and to make people aware of the true state of Muslims and the Islamic principles. At the same time Vakkom Moulavi noticed a lack of willingness among Muslims to respond to these allegations.104 He argued that only a few Muslim religious leaders are in touch with the modern world and that most of the other Muslims who are in touch with the modern world are ignorant about their religion. In his opinion this is the reason why there is a paucity of scholarly Muslim publications to respond to allegations against Islam. Thus, Vakkom Moulavi

IMlbid., 119. 'Vakkom Moulavi, "Religion and Science," 189-190. l04Vakkom Moulavi, "Vallathol," 1 17.

130 considered responding to their criticisms as equally important as reinterpreting Islamic principles. In a multi-religious and modern society, it is highly important for Islam and Muslims to be represented positively. Vakkom Moulavi's defense of Islam also needs to be seen as part of the construction of a Muslim identity. He wanted to affirm that Muslims are rational human beings, who are able to defend their faith. They know how 'knowledge' is created and how biased it can be. Though they appropriate science and reason they do not confirm to interpretations of every scientist and intellectual. They do not follow unscientific beliefs and practices. Their beliefs and practices can be proved scientifically as true. By arguing that knowledge is created and that even scientific knowledge is relative, Vakkom Moulavi challenged the absolutism of colonial discourse.

V.a.Vakkom Moulavi's Response to Allegations against Islam Vakkom Moulavi responded to several allegations against Islam that were raised by Christian missionaries, European intellectuals and non-Christians. The following are some of the allegations and his responses.

• Muslims are idol-worshippers

VaIIathoI Narayana Meno? (1878-1958), one of most famous poets of Kerala, claimed that Muslims are idol worshipers like Hindus because when they visit the mosque at Mecca they devotedly kiss a sacred stone.101 In his response, Vakkom Moulavi argued that the black stone (al-hajar al-aswad) was placed in the Ka'ba to remind Muslims that it was Abraham who originally built it. Despite being destroyed

l03The poet VaIIathoI made this claim in 1929 during a meeting which was held to celebrate the sixtieth birthday of Mahatma Gandhi. Ibid.

131 many times before and after Islam, the black stone was the only object from the original Ka'ba that endured.106 The stone is also important for Muslims because the circumambulation (Jawaf) of Ka'ba begins by kissing or touching it. Therefore, Muslims have a great respect for the stone, which they express by kissing or touching it. According to Vakkom Moulavi, it is like showing a token of respect to a person by standing up or taking off hat or hugging or bowing down or placing hands on one's forehead. However, it cannot be treated as worship ('/badai) because Muslims do not believe that the black stone has any power to bless or curse. They do not show the same devotion to it as they do before God. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi contended that to express respect in any manner towards a person or thing is not necessarily 'ibädat. In order to say that someone worships a thing just because he kisses it, would imply that one believes that every kissed object has divine power.107 • The doctrine of zakät makes people lazy A group of Europeans opined that giving money to people other than in the form of a wages for work will make them lazy. Consequently, the number of people who hate working and prefer to live on the wealth of others will increase. When the number of this kind of people increases in a community, that community will eventually decline under the evils of poverty, laziness and dependence on others among other things. Vakkom Moulavi did not reject the relevance and truth of this opinion. However, he believed that this opinion emerged out of ignorance about the doctrine of zakät. In his opinion, the basic rationality of this argument failed because the above evils are a consequence of charity only when such charity is given to those who are able to work and able to make a

l06lbid., 124. I07lbid„ 127. See also Vakkom Moulavi, "Sural al-Faliha," 48-49.

132 living. However, Islam does not allow giving zakàt to such kinds of people. When a person approached the Prophet for zakät, he gave it only after teaching them that those who are capable of work and rich enough to have livelihood are not eligible for zakät. Moreover, Islam makes begging haräm fov those who are able to work. He further argued that Europeans consider a virtue to help financially those who wage war for justice and help those slaves who seek freedom. In the same way, they may not disagree to accept that it is the duty of religious people to extend hospitality to new converts and to help them financially in order to make them satisfied. Rational people will find that, as far as the powerless are concerned, the above opinion of the Europeans is irrelevant. Since Europeans generally held this opinion, without making the distinction between the powerful and the powerless, in Europe, even in rich cities, people were dying from poverty. However, in such situations Europeans' compassion and humanitarian concern decreased. Vakkom Moulavi nevertheless noted that those among them who were concerned for their fellow beings had started orphanages and other charity institutions by spending their own money and helping those who are helpless.108 • It was with the sword that the Prophet Muhammad established his religion Vakkom Moulavi espoused the belief that even though the Arabs repudiated the Prophet's message and persecuted him and his followers, he courageously established the message of tawlud. Moreover, even when persecutions were escalating the Prophet did not attack his opponents. Rather he only defended himself. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi

Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 115-117.

IjJ rejected the allegation that it is with sword that the Prophet Muhammad established his religion.109

• Islam is the cause of Muslim decline Some European scholars argued that [slam impeded the progress of Muslim communities." However, Vakkom Mou Lav i contended that even a glance at the glorious history of the early Muslim community was sufficient to counter such an allegation. • Women occupy an inferior status in Islam Vakkom Mou lav i noted that Western scholars were biased in their understanding of the status of women in Islam. Therefore they raised many allegations against Islam concerning tlie status of women. People who did not properly study Islam believed then- allegations to be true. However, Vakkom Moulavi has noticed that some of the western intellectuals condemned the West's understanding of Islam. In order to substantiate his point he quotes Voltaire, the French philosopher, who wrote We have made many nonsense comments about the Qur'an. Many of our writers convinced our women that Muhammad considered women as rational animals and in Islamic understanding women have only the status of slaves and do not have any rights in this world and any rewards in the other worlds. It is absolutely evident that their arguments are wrong. However many have believed it.1 ' ' • The Prophet Muhammad was the author of the Qur'an In response to allegations made by certain Christian missionaries that the Qur'an was the work of the Prophet Muhammad, Vakkom Moulavi dealt with the question of its authorship. He explained that the Qur'an is truly the word of God, which was given to the Prophet Muhammad through the angel Gabriel during a period of twenty three years.

l09Vakkom Moulavi, "Moulidunabavi" ["Mawlid al-Nabawi"], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], eel. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 80. "Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 15. '"Vakkom Moulavi, "? Preface," 88-89.

134 Therefore, the Prophet Muhammad absolutely did not have any role as its author, except to transmit, without any changes, what was dictated to him."2 The Qur'än establishes that the Prophet did not have any independent authority over people except to inform them what God had revealed to him and to remind them about the truth and the right path. "Remind them, for thou art but a remembrancer," (88:22). "Thou art not at all a warder over them," (88:21)."'

V.b. Vakkom Moulavi's Response to the Allegations of Atheists

Vakkom Moulavi responded to an article written by Rama Varma Thampan in Yuktivadi, which was the first rationalist/atheist journal in Kerala. In this article Thampan exhorted students not to fear anyone, including God, a king, parents, the powerful or wicked ones. In his reply Vakkom Moulavi stated that it is the fear of God that motivates believers to obey the ethical and moral teachings of the Qur'än. However, when they fear God, they are not scared of him in the same way as they fear a dangerous animal, a wicked deity, a terrible monster, or an evil authority. They fear Him as a righteous judge but at the same time they also love Him as the most merciful one."4 They believe that God loves virtue and hates evil. 3 Therefore, when atheists say that human beings should "not fear God," believers understand this as a pretext for people to live according to their own whims and fancies."6 For Muslims, the fear of God is the power and the light of the

"2Vakkom Moulavi, "An Introduction to the Study of the Qur'än," 45-46. "'Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 132-133. "4Vakkom Moulavi, "Bhayam" [Fear], in Vakkom Mavlaviyude Thiranjedutha Krulhikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 196-197. "5lbid., 195-196. M6Ibid.

135 spirit: it reinforces human willpower, making people unafraid."7 Fear of God is not despicable cowardice; rather, it is the divine power that prevents human beings from committing evil deeds. It inspires them to be just and righteousness, even though it is difficult. Vakkom Moulavi refuted the claims of atheists that it is possible to be morally upright without fearing God. He believed that even among believers those who have lesser fear of God have little faith in God. Such believers seem to be less morally disciplined than others who totally tear God. Therefore, it is difficult for atheists to be morally disciplined without the fear of God."9

Conclusion

As we have seen, the colonial discourse on modernity introduced European categories and concepts into everyday habits of thought. Thus, it became impossible to think about religion, civil society, human rights and so on separately from this "silent referent." Vakkom Moulavi, the father of Muslim modernism in Kerala, was greatly influenced by the colonial discourse on modernity and he made use of the framework of rational, secular, universal humanism of the European Enlightenment to reinterpret Islamic principles and Muslim history. However, Vakkom Moulavi maintained a fairly ambivalent attitude towards modernity. On the one hand he understood modernization to be "the first step towards a more just and equal world." Therefore, modernization was the overall purpose of his socio-religious reform movement. On the other hand, he was very critical of the effects of modernization on European societies. He noted that modernization ushered in individualism and the decline of religion in Europe. Therefore,

"7lbid., 196-197. ""Ibid. "9lbid., 195-196.

136 while promoting modernization, he also made a conscious effort to build community and to make Islamic principles relevant for the Muslims of Kerala.

137 Chapter 4

Utilitarian Reading of Muslim History and the Rhetoric of 'Reform*

Western colonialism brought with it, not merely economic exploitation and political oppression, but also the unrelenting thrust of a 'civilizing' mission based on a world-view which believed in the absolute superiority of the human over the non-human, of the masculine over feminine, of the historical over the ahistorical, and of the modern over traditional. This world-view was calculated to disrupt the cultural priorities of the subject societies.1 Colonialism was much more than another account of economic and political imperialism in human history. It was seen and implemented as a 'civilizing mission,' an ideology based on an epistemology created by Europeans to legitimize their domination and exploitation of the 'other.' Colonial discourse assumed that the 'Orient' is in 'decline' and that it is in need of the 'enlightened' rule of the British in order to develop and civilize. This chapter will argue that Vakkom Moulavi, like other Muslim modernists, was influenced by the European understanding of Oriental degeneracy and that he therefore believed in the decline of both medieval and contemporary Muslims.

This, according to him, necessitated initiating religious reform among the Mappila

Muslims of Kerala. In this chapter we will also discuss the methods that Vakkom

Moulavi thought necessary for his religious reform movement. He considered that it was crucial to reinterpret Islamic principles, on the basis of the Qur'än and hadlth, as the first step towards religious reform. Secondly, he also maintained that Muslims should consciously understand religious rituals and follow them. Thirdly, he held that it was necessary to defend allegations against Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhäb in order to propagate the belief in tawhld and also to purge Islam of b/c/'¿i and shirk. At the end of this chapter, we will argue that Vakkom Moulavi's reinterpretation precluded the possibility of understanding Islam as a discursive tradition. This in turn negated the

'Ashis Nandy, "A Post-Colonial View of the East and the West," Alternatives, 8 (1982): 25.

138 potential vibrancy of Islamic societies, which was a problematic idea very much shared by Orientalists.

A. Utilitarian Reading of Muslim History In the first part of this chapter we will discuss how Orientalists' portrayal of the Orient legitimized European domination and a 'civilizing mission' directed at the 'other'. Here, we will also argue that Vakkom Moulavi, like other Muslim modernists, appropriated this framework in order to understand the history of medieval and contemporary Muslims.

I. Orientalism and the 'Civilizing Mission'

British interest in Hindu India began to develop with the work of James Fraser, Alexander Dow, and William Jones. These lndologists presented India as one of the most ancient (and promising) centres of human civilization. Therefore, British historical writings of the late eighteenth century focused on ancient India, concentrating on perceived mythological, linguistic and cultural similarities between the ancient Graeco-Romans and Hindus, seeing Europe's origin or childhood in India.2 Thus the India of the Orientalist imagination emerged as Europe's 'other' and this legitimized the European domination of India.

Thus, in the discourse of Orientalists, the Orient was the 'ultimate other' of the

Occident. This method of comparison created a narrative of 'presences' regarding the

Occident, which was portrayed as the rationalized, modern and civic counterpart. It also

"Cyan Prakash, "Writing Post-Orientalist Histories of the Third World: Perspectives from Indian Historiography," Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 2 (April, 1 990): 386.

139 created a narrative of 'absences' regarding the Orient, which lacked all the virtues of the Occident. The Orient was something that could not manage 'to be' as it should be. Oriental practices contradicted the rational and correct way of 'being.' Therefore, as Homi Bhabha has argued: "Indian history, even in the most dedicated socialist or nationalist hands, remains a mimicry of a certain 'modern' subject of 'European' history and is bound to represent a sad figure of lack and failure."3

According to Chakrabarty, historicism, which he defines as "the idea that to understand anything it has to be seen both as a unity and in its historical development," was one important form by which the ideology of 'progress' or 'development' was applied in the colonies, especially in India. Historicism enabled European domination of the world with the introduction of the concept of a "first in Europe, then elsewhere" structure of global historical time/ Thus, historical time became the yardstick with which to measure the cultural distance between the West and the non- West. In the light of this rationality, non-European societies were relegated to a time that preceded that of Europe, which made colonies 'backward' and 'undeveloped', and legitimized the idea of a 'civilizing mission'.

John Stuart Mill's writings and speeches well articulated various dimensions of the historicist framework. Mill detested stagnation - the antithesis of growth - as the great societal evil and regarded complacency and inactivity as forms of regression.6 He made a distinction between modern, economically developed, technologically advanced

''Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 40. 4lbid.,6. 5lbid., 7 6Habibi, "The Moral Dimensions of J. S. Mill's Colonialism," 133.

140 societies and primitive ones. He considered it urgent to help societies, which were in the process of deteriorating to address the question of change and to promote progress.8 Thus, from Mill's perspective, colonialism was a vehicle through which the 'uncivilized' and 'under-civilized' could realize development and progress. In his opinion, "the British with their European, liberal tradition of science, rationality, political economy, innovation, active self-reliance, and industriousness, and their more enlightened approaches to governance, religion, morality and aesthetics, could be of great service in the improvement of India."9 The concept of a 'civilizing mission,' which was a term originally coined by French colonizers as the mission civilisatrice, became the official doctrine of European imperialism in the eighteenth century. Europeans believed that their supposed 'rationality,' as Michael Mann argues, made them the 'enlightened ones' destined to liberate the colonized from their 'ignorance' and 'backwardness". This entailed a well- articulated rhetoric, rooted in the twin discourses of European progress and Oriental degeneracy, to define, analyze, imagine, construct and regulate the Orient.10 Thus, colonialism was much more than mere economic and political domination of other countries by Europe. It was an anti-organic phenomenon, which stunted the organic growth of institutions of the colonized. Colonial domination uprooted existing cultures and replaced them with dominant 'modern' culture.12 The colonial discourse imposed European categories on the colonized and destroyed their own understanding of self,

7lbid. 8IIxIi., 132. 'ibid., 129. l0Michael Mann, "Torchbearers Upon the Path of Progress: Britain's Ideology of a 'Moral and Material Progress' in India," in Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India, eds. Harld Fischer-Tine and Michael Mann (London: Anthem Press, 2004), 4. Nandy, The Intimate Enemy, "Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters under Colonialism....," 152.

141 history and epistemology.13 They were taught that their past was stagnant and that there was nothing to be emulated within their own heritage. Thus, colonial discourse was calculated to disrupt the cultural priorities of subject societies, resulting in the construction of a new identity and history for the colonized.14

IL The Orientalistic Framework of Muslim Modernists The 'stagnation' and 'decline' of the Orient was a major theme in Orientalist discourse of the nineteenth century. This was the premise on which colonial rule was legitimized in the East. Ironically the 'stagnation' and 'decline' of Muslims was prominently discussed by Muslim modernists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as Rashid Rida, Hall (1837-1914) and Fazlur Rahman. Their interpretations of Muslim history did not of course legitimize British domination of the Muslim world: rather, their desire was to initiate religious reform among the Muslims to motivate them to embrace various aspects of modernity. Therefore, although coming from different angles of vision, Muslim modernists and Orientalists saw a decline among Muslims throughout the medieval . This implied that Muslim modernists had accepted Orientalist historiography and thus subscribed to its epistemology and assumed it to be correct.

For example, according to Fazlur Rahman, Muslim modernists of the nineteenth century generally believed that there was a scientific spirit which flourished among Muslims between the ninth and the thirteenth centuries but which in the later period had

Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 3-9. l4Gyan Prakash, "Postcolonial Criticism and Indian Historiography," Social Text 3 1/32 (1992): 17.

142 declined; hence, Muslim society had "stagnated and deteriorated."15 He also maintained that the West borrowed scientific ideas largely from Muslims and "therefore, Muslims, in learning science afresh from the developed West, would be both recovering their past and refulfilling the neglected commandments of the Qur'an"16 to cultivate the spirit of scientific enquiry. This was to be accomplished by integrating religious beliefs with a modern scientific outlook. The Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College of Aligarh was a good example in this regard. Rahman believed that Muslim orthodoxy crystallized and emerged around 250 AH, creating a fixed and permanent position from which to interpret and apply Islamic law. Crystallization of orthodoxy resulted in "the cessation of an orderly growth in legal thought in particular and in religious thought in general."17 Thus the spirit of Islam became stagnant within Islamic history and this stagnation was a result of the inflexibility and settled condition of both Islamic law and theology.18 It was argued that intellectual life in the Muslim world further stagnated during the medieval period. "Rational sciences" continued to be rejected in centers of learning as being "non-religious."19 The spread of Sufism and its acceptance among the orthodox 'ulama' paved the way for a gradual decline of science and philosophy. Therefore, later medieval centuries saw "an era of manuals, commentaries and super commentaries ... and in an overall review this literature is singularly unoriginal, pedantic and superficial."20 These commentaries replaced in large part the classic, original texts of theology, philosophy and

l:>Rahman, Islam & Modernity...., 50. I6lbid., 50-51. 17IbJd., 26. I8lbid., 26-27. I9lbid., 36

143 jurisprudence. In the following pages we will analyze how Vakkom Moulavi, like Rahman, was influenced by the Orientalist discourse of 'decline' in his analysis of history of medieval and contemporary Muslim communities.

III. Vakkom Moulavi's Analysis of the Decline of Muslims Vakkom Moulavi believed that it was Islamic principles that had enlightened the world darkened by ignorance and injustice. It was the application of these principles that so enabled the early Muslim communities that they occupied a prominent place in the world in all aspects and ... held the highest place in the world due to spiritual and scientific knowledge, religious and moral discipline, moral and ethical teaching, communal harmony, unity, monarchy, political power, sense of justice, diligence and entrepreneurship, as well as lived with dignity without lagging behind any other community in any aspect.21 However, the Muslim community, which was "to remain on example forever, and which came to deserve the divine address that 'ye are the best community that hath been raised up for mankind' (3.110), began to decline after the period of the companions of the Prophet (sahäbä) and successors of the companions (tabi'iin)."22 In an article entitled "Islamic Religious Renewal," Vakkom Moulavi identified and discussed three reasons why Muslims fell into decline.

lll.a. Rise of Deviant Doctrinal Interpretations

According to Vakkom Moulavi, the Qur'ân repeatedly exhorted Muslims to follow Islam in unity: "And hold fast, all together, by the rope which Allah (stretches out for you), and be not divided among yourselves;" (3:103). "Verily, this is My way, leading

21 Vakkom Moulavi, "Our Condition," 182.

144 straight: follow it: follow not (other) paths: they will scatter you about from His (great) path:" (6:153). "As for those who divide their religion and break up into sects, thou hast no part in them in the least:" (6:159). However, Muslims neglected these Quranic injunctions and accepted new opinions and speculations, conveniently interpreting the Qur'än and hadlth for selfish ends. They made their own opinions and principles and followed them as their religion. These deviant doctrinal interpretations disfigured Islam to such an extent that it became impossible for anyone to recognize its original form. Thus, Islam lost its vigour and vitality and its normative nature became artificial.23 He further argued that such mutilation to Islam weakened the mind, intelligence and consciousness of Muslims. Indeed, it weakened them, to such as extent that it hindered them from achieving worldly success.24 According to Vakkom Moulavi, with the emergence of "deviant" doctrinal interpretations, the Muslim community was divided into many sects and sub-sects. Based on the verse, "Be not like those who are divided amongst themselves and fall into disputations after receiving Clear Signs: For them is a dreadful penalty." (3:105), Vakkom Moulavi argued that the decline of Muslims was the punishment for disunity, which Allah had forewarned. At this juncture it is also significant to note Rashid Ridä's interpretation of the essential relationship between unity and truth. According to him, [U]nity is necessarily connected with truth: there can be no real agreement between Muslims unless they are all agreed on the truth, and conversely agreement is a sign of truth. ... [T]he true Islam is that which was taught by the Prophet and the 'Elders' (salqf): a comparatively simple, easily intelligible system of doctrines and practices of which the knowledge is contained in the

"''Vakkom Moulavi, Islam Mata Navikaranam [Islamic Religious Renewal], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 98. 24lbid., 104.

145 Quran andatile traditions of what the Prophet and his companions said and how they lived.2'

IH.b. Superfluity/Profusion of Law The second reason for Muslim decline cited by Vakkom Moulavi was the superfluity of legal principles and categories, which had developed during the later period of Muslim history. He argued that the Qur'an and hadith proclaimed that obeying Islam was an easy task. He pointed out that the miraculous during the early period exemplifies this fact. For him, the Qur'an and hadith are the sole authority for Islamic legal principles. Therefore, what is permitted or prohibited for a Muslim are only those things which are allowed (wäjib) or forbidden (harâm) by the Qur'än and hadith. However, over the years, legal scholars substantially increased the number of rules using their imagination and reason. Scholars who came after them further multiplied laws. Therefore, according to Vakkom Moulavi, even after fifteen years of serious study it could be difficult to learn certain truths about Islam that an ahrcibi could learn in a single sitting. Due to the multiplication of legal categories such as wäjib, harâm, desirable action (sunna) and reprehensible action (makivh), following Islam became a difficult task. He insisted that, with the complexity of legal rules, it had become difficult for ordinary people to know what is permitted or forbidden or to understand the rules of even daily rituals like ablution (wudü). Therefore, many people began to violate religious rules intentionally. According to Vakkom Moulavi, over the course of time, what was forbidden became much more extensive than what was permitted for a Muslim. Thus, it became almost impossible to achieve material prosperity, which was one of the major objectives of Islamic principles, without violating legal principles. Therefore, in his 3Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 230.

146 opinion, the superfluity of law, which crept into Islam during the latter period of Muslim history, reduced the broadness of Islamic principles and hindered its latitude (sugamatha).*26 He also asserted that due to the superfluity of law, legal studies became predominant among Muslims during the medieval period. Consequently, studies on the Qur'an and hadlth diminished and religious education became based almost entirely on other books.

HLc. Growth of innovations (bid'a) and Belief in Polytheism (shirks In Vakkom Moulavi's opinion, the growth of bid'a and Muslims' belief in shirk became the third factor that resulted in their decline. The prophet Muhammad firmly commanded his followers not to disfigure Islam like the followers of previous religions had disfigured their religion. He also instructed them to preserve the purity of Islam. Vakkom Moulavi believed that the sahàba and tabi'Cm were strict in keeping religious beliefs and practices from innovations. However, after their time, this constant vigilance was relaxed and gradually shirk and bid'a began to appear in Islamic belief and practice. Even idol worship crept back to Islam in different forms and under different labels. Thus, later Muslims exemplified the following hadlth with their practices. "Truly, you shall follow the ways of those who were before you, span by span, and cubit by cubit."27

IV. Factors that Protracted the Muslim Decline in Kerala Vakkom Moulavi believed that the decline that began in the medieval period had continued into the twentieth century. In the following pages we will discuss the reasons 26Vakkom Moulavi, "Islamic Religious Renewal," 99-101. 27Vakkom Moulavi, "Islamic Religious Renewal," 96-97. See also Vakkom Moulavi, "Welcome Speech," 4-5.

147 why contemporary Muslims appeared to be in decline and the reasons that Vakkotn Moulavi came up with in explantion.

IV.a. Ignorance of Islamic Principles Even though contemporary Muslims claimed to follow Islamic principles, which they believed to be the basis for prosperity in this world and the next, Vakkom Moulavi wondered how they could have fallen behind all the other communities of the world. According to him, it could be because of the following possibilities: Either, in the course of time, some changes might have happened to the foundational scripture, which contains Islamic religious principles, and, as a result, its principles had been changed. Or, it may be that Islam was relevant for those times and those people, but is not suitable for these times and the lifestyle of people today. If not, we do not properly understand and follow Islam.28 However, Vakkom Moulavi argued that neither the Qur'an nor Islamic principles changed during the course of history. Also, Islamic principles were equally relevant for contemporary Muslim communities as they were for the early Muslim community.29 Therefore, he concluded that the first and the second possibilities did not apply. This implied that "the real reason why divine qualities of Islamic faith were not shining in us was because of the third issue, i.e., that we do not properly understand and follow Islam."30 Vakkom Moulavi held that contemporary Muslims had only a superficial relationship with Islam. Their respect for religion was mostly limited to their words rather than demonstrated in their deeds. Therefore, he concluded that,

28Vakkom Moulavi. "Opening Remarks I," 15-16. 29IbJd.

148 Otherwise we do not understand Islam as it was understood by sallaba and their followers. Otherwise why did Islam, which stimulated them to surpass all communities in every matter, not make us to feel ashamed of the fact that we lagged behind all communities? It was this misunderstanding about religion which made the Muslim world lifeless in the course of time. It is the same misunderstanding that prevents the Muslim world from going up according to the demands of time.

In other words, The difference between the Muslims of the early community, who were examples for human kind and who deserved the amazement of the world due to their superior qualities, and the present Muslim community which has become the object of the world's disgrace, is the difference between the Islam that is observed by them [earlier Muslims] and we [contemporary Muslims]. "" Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi concluded that the 'decline' of contemporary Muslims was due to their misunderstanding of Islamic principles. Rashld Rida held a similar position that [l]f they [Islamic principles] are not understood and obeyed, weakness, decay, barbarism are the results. This is true not only of individuals but of communities: the Islamic umma was the heart of the world's civilization so long as it was truly Islamic. Now, in science and civilization, Muslims are more backward than non- Muslims .... The reason for this backwardness is that the Muslims have lost the truth of their religion.'"

IV.b. Un-Islamic Beliefs and Practices Muslims who recite "there is no god except God alone, he has no associate" {lä iläha illä Allah wahdahu Ia sharika lain/) imply that tawlfid is the foundation of religion {din) and shirk is its opposite. They firmly believe that tawlfid alone is salvation and that shirk is the greatest sin. Therefore, all Muslims love the appellation monotheist {muwahhid) but detest the name polytheist {miislnik). However, many people held beliefs and practices that contradicted tawlfid, unaware that those beliefs and practices are in fact

''Vakkom Moulavi, "Welcome Speech," 3-4. '"Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 104. "Hourani, Arabic Thought in the liberal Age, 227-228

149 contradictory to tawhld. Therefore, they came to consider them as Islamic rituals ( 'ama!) and practiced them with the utmost devotion and piety. Consequently, in their opinion, to condemn these beliefs and practices actually negates tawhld. Moreover, they believe those who hold such positions, such as Vakkom Moulavi and followers of the islähl movement, were the ones who have deviated from 'true' Islam. Thus, Vakkom Moulavi maintained that un-Islamic beliefs and practices became deep-rooted among Muslims. Consequently, bid'a became religiously sanctioned while true Islamic beliefs and practices of rasili and sallaba were came to be considered as bid 'a. Thereby, Vakkom Moulavi claimed that Muslim beliefs and practices had lost their vitality and essence {islamiyyath) and that religious rituals and observances {'amai) had become lifeless acts.34

Vakkom Moulavi noticed that the common people were ill-informed in their conception of shirk. They understood shirk only in its most visible form and, therefore, believed that shirt was nothing but 'worshipping idols'. Moreover, if worshipping idols is done in the name of the awliyä', then, in their opinion, it cannot be categorized as shirk. Vakkom Moulavi pointed to the beliefs and practices of the "worshipers of five"35 and their followers as the best example of Muslims sharing this understanding of shirk. According to him, this demonstrated Muslims' ignorance and misunderstanding of shirk: " He believed that shirk is like a toxic plant. Unlike other plants, a toxic plant can grow by itself, without any care and nurture. Therefore, if it is given any kind of nourishment it will flourish to such an extent that it will become difficult to cut it away. "Vakkom Moulavi, "Islamic Religious Renewal," 103-104. °Here the reference is to the festival of Muharram among the ShT'as. '6Vakkom Moulavi, "Tawhidum Shirkum" [Tawhid and Shirk], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedulha Krulhikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Man/avi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 171.

150 Therefore, shirk should be pinched while it is still only a bud.37 Shirk should also be feared as more dangerous than poisonous food. Poisonous food can only kill the body. However, shirk is able to cause eternal damnation to the immortal soul.38 Vakkom Moulavi condemned the popular religious customs of the Mappilas, such as offering prayers and money at the tombs of awliya\ circumambulating and kissing their tombs, celebrating festivals and lighting lamps and taking vows to attain deliverance from afflictions and fulfillment of desires, such as to conceive a child or to be cured from diseases. He maintained that the awliya' cannot be equated with God and should not be worshipped in any form. Whatever stages a wali may reach, still their power is limited. They are unable to do God's work whether alive or dead. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi argued that Islamic principles do not support the belief that awliyä' can perform miracles. Moreover, from an Islamic perspective, offering prayer at their tombs is not a recommended method of curing disease. Vakkom Moulavi also condemned other popular practices among the Mappilas, such as talqin and flag hoisting (kodiyetctm)* .39 He believed that the custom of reciting ta/gin is not meritorious and not recommended by the Qur'än. Even though there are hadlth references about talqin, those hadJth are categorized as weak. He also criticized the annual custom of carrying a flag in procession and hoisting it in a mosque in order to mark the anniversary of the death (' urs) of awliya' and the celebration of local festivals

j7Vakkom Moulavi, "Al-lslahudinniyu" [al-Islah al-Dlni], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruthikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda ( Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 155-156. 38Vakkom Moulavi, "Tawhid and Shirk...," 170. '9TaJqIn is to remind the dying person of the two shahacla, (i.e. Ashliadu Alia ihiha HIaI l-lahu wa ashIiadu anna Muliammadan 'abduhu wa-iasüluli).

151 (mela).* He condemned these as symbols of idol worship, which contradicted Islamic belief and practices. For Vakkom Moulavi the popular religious practices of the Mappilas were the reason for their decline. Therefore, purging religious beliefs and practices of bid'a and combating shirk were the most important aspects of his religious reforms. However, his critique of the popular religious practices of the Mappilas needs to be seen in the context of the 'civilizing mission' of the British. The British and Christian missionaries generally understood non-Christian rituals to be evil whatever the case.

IV.c. Irresponsibility of the 'Ulama'

Vakkom Moulavi regretted the fact that the 'ulama' were irresponsible in their attitude towards un-Islamic beliefs and practices. They became hesitant even to openly declare them as bid'a and shirk. Moreover, some of the 'ulama' were unintentionally (or perhaps intentionally) guilty of observing these beliefs and practices. Therefore, many people continued to practice them with the justification that such and such religious scholar ( 'älim ) had approved it or no other 'âlim had ever condemned it?40 In addition, the V<7/??,?' nicknamed those who condemned such beliefs and practices as "Wahhäbis" or "Mu'tazilites." Thus, they indirectly encouraged the common people to commit bid'a and shirk. Vakkom Moulavi insisted that it was due to this "silent permission" that, in the course of time, bid'a and shirk became widespread. Religious leaders should be made responsible, he argued, for the continued presence of un-Islamic beliefs and practices among common people and thereby for the decline of Muslims.

'"Vakkom Moulavi, "al-lslâh al-Dïni," 154-156.

152 Does no one admit any responsibility for the fact that the community, which occupied the most prominent place in the world in all aspects ... has fallen behind every one in all aspects of life? Should there be no one to give any answer to its founder and to God (Hall), who gave a book -the Qur'än - a guiding principle to live as the best community in the world for ever, for the decline of the community today, which was created by our Prophet, who is the world teacher, as a result of his life, when the world was saturated in darkness in all respects, to remain examples for ever, and which came to deserve the divine address that "ye are the best community that hath been raised up for mankind" (3.1 10), to such an extent that it became insignificant in the eyes of the world? Certainly it is the leaders of the community who should give answer." According to Vakkom Moulavi, however, the ulama' never tried to improve the social and material conditions of Muslims because they believed that Muslims would prosper only in the next world. Moreover, the Prophet said that Muslims would decline at

the end of the world:

The answer that some of the 'ulama' give for this condition of the Muslims is this: the 'izza (power/glory) of the world is for kàfìrs and not for the Muslims. Muslims' 'izza is in the next world (¿ikliira). Some others say that there are liadlth that at the end time the condition of Muslims will become like this and, therefore, there is no remedy for this. It is the result of actions in the world that one receives 'izza in the other world.42 Vakkom Moulavi rejected the 'ulama''=, arguments and rhetorically replied to them in the following way. Those who hear it do not know how actions that bring 'izza in the other world cannot bring 'izza but rather dhilla (humiliation/decline) in this world. If what they said is right, why were Muslims superior in this world, until a few centuries before now? It is true that the Prophet foretold that in the course of time the Muslims would forget the objectives and essence of principles of their religion and will imitate their previous religious followers, and they would suffer many difficulties. However, the Prophet did not teach that when they reached such a situation, they should be satisfied in it and not try to move away from it. In short, these types of answers are signs of weakness and hopelessness. It is these types of beliefs that restrain Muslims from climbing out of the pit.4.

41 Vakkom Moulavi, "Our Condition," 182. 42lbid., 182-183. 43lbid., 183-184.

153 IV.cl. Disunity and Lack of Community Spirit Vakkom Moulavi regretted the fact that Muslims are disunited and divided on each and every issue. "Our condition is such that we cannot but divide over everything. It becomes hard to find places where there are no parties without mutual fighting and enmity. Rare are the families where the Satan of disunity has not entered."44 Therefore, mutual love had declined and communal bonds had been broken. Everyone had lost faith in his/her Muslim brethren and did not trust them as much as they trusted people of other faiths. Consequently, community living gradually fell into ruin and Muslims became separate individuals with no communal bonding. Therefore, he insisted, "we do not deserve the name 'Muslim community' but rather 'Muslim masses'"45 Again, "though many sayings, which signify old Islamic community feeling, such as 'Muslims are one ummá and 'believers are brothers (fk/iwä/?; are still being used among us, they have become a meaningless utterences for us. We are not bothered about the meaning of the words umma and fk/iwän."46

Vakkom Moulavi bemoaned the fact that community consciousness, which Muslims had lost a long time ago, had not yet been revived. Therefore, the needs of the community, rather than one's own needs, were no longer the priority of Muslims. They took pride in community only when it provided them with opportunities to make personal gains or to seek revenge on others or when they engaged in any quarrels, fights, boastings and obstinacy. Vakkom Moulavi maintained that "those who really take pride in

44lbid., 181. 45IbJd. 46lbid., 180.

154 community and those who realize that community is, in fact, he or his family and its fall and rise is his own fall and rise, certainly cannot be inactive."47

B. Rhetoric of 'Reform' In the second part of this chapter we will discuss how Vakkom Moulavi's utilitarian reading of Muslim history necessitated religious reform. In other words, we will argue that, to understand Vakkom Moulavi's call for religious reform we should analyze it within his utilitarian framework of Muslim history.

V. Defining Islamic Religious Renewal Vakkom Moulavi's conception of religious renewal or religious reform is closely related to his understanding of Islam. He believed that Islam is the last religion and its principles are broad enough to withstand all changes, irrespective of time and space. In other words Islam will be universally and eternally relevant for all people at all times. Therefore, he did not believe that either Islam or any of its principles needed to be reformed in order to make them relevant to a particular place and time. However, he maintained that over the course of history many un-lslamic beliefs and practices had entered Islam and become part of it. Therefore, these beliefs and practices which distorted Islamic religious principles need to be removed. Thus, in his understanding, religious reform is nothing but an activity aimed at purging Islam of bid 'a and shirk and reestablishing Islamic principles. In other words, religious reform is meant to purify

Ibid., 180-181.

155 Islam and bring it back to its original form.48 In one of his articles Vakkom Moulavi clearly explained religious renewal in the following way. A machine is said to be renewed, when it is improved to a new form, after making certain changes in its earlier form and structure. It can also be said to be renewed when it is brought back to its original form after repairing damages it suffered during the course of time and scrubbing off dust and dirt that got stuck in it. It is in this later sense that the word 'renewal' is used in the phrase "Islamic religious renewal. In another article, Vakkom Moulavi made a distinction between two Arabic terms, Isläh al-din and al-lsläh al- dim, in order to define religious reform ina different way. According to him, the first term, Islâh al-dïn, which means "reforming religion," implies that Islam needs further reform because its principles are not relevant and, therefore, the term is used to refer to "reforming religion." However, the second term al- Isläh al-dlnl which means "religiously based reform,"50 is meant to rectify the defects that have happened to religion in the course of history and to bring it back to its pure form as it was practiced by the pious ancestors (salafal-sälili)?1 Thus, Vakkom Moulavi's understanding of religious renewal presumed discontinuity in Muslim beliefs and practices and included an invitation to rediscover the values and principles of the Qur'än. According to Yasushi, "Islamic revival is far from anything "traditional". The term "traditional" indicates continuity from the past.... Hence, Muslims themselves refer to revival as an "awakening" from negligence or illness."'"'" At this juncture it is useful to note that a "continuity-change" framework is usually employed to analyse socio-religious reform movements among Muslims. This paradigm presupposes that religious renewal during the nineteenth and twentieth

Vakkom Moulavi, "Islamic Religious Renewal." 104. 49IbId., 95. 50Vakkom Moulavi, "al-Isläh al-Dini," 153. 3llbid., 153-154. 52Yasushi, '"Al-Manar Revisited....," 5.

156 centuries is a continuation of similar renewals in the past. Therefore, it also taken for granted that universal patterns can be discovered in all reform movements irrespective of time and place. Although this framework can be utilized to explain the similarities and differences between various movements, it is not suitable for analyzing the unique features of each movement.

VI. Necessity of Religious Reform

There are also defects and problems in matters of religious rituals and customs among this community. It is found that in these areas Muslims need to have right knowledge and a path. Some people maintain that ¡t was basically because of religious restrictions that there has been no progress in timely education among Muslims. This is not completely baseless." Vakkom Moulavi more or less agreed with the assertion of some people that "it was basically because of their religious beliefs that Muslims could not progress in modern education." Therefore, imparting right understanding of Islam was one of the objectives of his journal, Muslim. In other words, the ultimate purpose of his religious reform movement was to motivate Muslims to pursue modern education. It was the material condition of his community that forced him to initiate religious reform in their midst.

Vakkom Moulavi maintained that Muslims would only be able to progress, both materially and spiritually, by properly understanding religious principles and following them diligently.

Muslims cannot have spiritual progress without religious renewal. Their mental illness will not be cured without this. It is impossible also to have a movement among them to push them forward in worldly life without religious renewal because the mental state that hinders their worldly progress will remain unchanged until religion has been renewed. Therefore, it can be stated

3jKannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 59.

157 conclusively that, if Muslims need both religious and worldly progress, the latter is not possible without religious renewal."4 Therefore, in his analysis the problem with the Muslim community was intellectual in nature rather than anything else. It is significant to note here that he did not bother to analyze how colonial policies and the attitudes of administrators towards Muslims were responsible for their failure." According to his understanding, Muslims in general and Mappilas in particular failed to understand the spirit and world-view of Islamic principles. This is the reason why Vakkom Moulavi initiated a religious reform movement among the Mappila Muslims of Kerala. In his words, "If we wish to live as true Muslims and as a superior community it is necessary that we must understand religion in its true form. Purge religion of all bid'a and correctly observe it in its pure form."56

Vakkom Moulavi held that Mappilas were lethargic about initiating religious reform and about adopting modern education, but he warned them that "if we continue to be sluggish about initiating the appropriate action toward this, our religious and spiritual condition will become more deplorable than it is now and we will become contemptible both in this and the other world.'07 Therefore, he urged the 'ulama' to pay serious attention to religious reform. He optimistically stated that "if 'ulama\ who sincerely take pride in religion, consciously try [to reform religion], it will not remain impossible, in the course of time, to purify common peoples' beliefs and practices of bid'a."5*

'"Ibid., 105. 35During this time peasant Muslims in Malabar rebelled against British policies. They believed that British policies favored jcmmis and oppressed peasants. 36Vakkom Moulavi, "Welcome Speech," 5. "Ibid. 5SVakkom Moulavi, "al-Islah al-dmi," 156.

158 VII. Means to Propagate Religious Reform Vakkom Mou I avi urged his followers to use all possible means to promote religious renewal among Muslims. Preach sermons, publish articles in newspapers and journals, distribute pamphlets, publish books, and as far as religious education at madrasas is concerned, depend only the Qur'än and hadith, for its comprehension use only those books and interpretations written by free-thinking great souls {mahatmas)* who are not biased towards any particular imidhhab Propagate among the people the teachings of the Qur'än, the words and actions of the; rasul, the practices of the predecessors (sa/atf, and true principles related to tawhid. Point out their beliefs and practices that contradict it and instruct them to reject it. Direct them to accept kitab and sunna as the sole criterion for beliefs and practices.'9 In order to propagate religious reform among Mappilas he proposed several methods. In the following pages we will highlight three in particular. 1. to reinterpret Islamic principles; 2. to understand religious rituals consciously and perform them;

3. to defend Wahhabism.

VH.a. Reification of Islam in Vakkom Moulavi's Writings Vakkom Moulavi categorically stated that "all endeavors to reform Muslims should be based on religion, without which it would be a frivolous effort."60 He envisaged the reinterpretation of Islamic principles as the first step towards religious reform among Muslims. Robinson noted that the Muslim modernists of South Asia generally laid great emphasis on making the message of Islam accessible and spread widely among Muslims. They believed that in the absence of Muslim political power it is the responsibility of individual Muslims to fashion an Islamic society and to ensure rightly guided behavior.

Vakkom Moulavi, "Islamic Religious Renewal," 106-107. 'Samad quoted the forward to ai-Islam. Samad, Islam in Kerala...., 67-68.

159 "Thus, reformed Islam was a willed faith, a 'protestant' faith, a faith of conscience and conviction."61

VH.a.l. Centrality of the Quran and Hacflth Vakkom Moulavi made a distinction between spiritual and worldly matters.62 He held that spiritual teachings are prescribed in the Qur'än and hadith. Therefore, they are the sole foundations for comprehending Islamic principles. Since spiritual teachings are eternal and cannot be perfected by anyone, they cannot be changed. Therefore, no one has the authority or power to add or delete any religious principles. The Qur'än is the word of God, which was given to the Prophet Muhammad through the angel Gabriel over the course of a period of twenty-three years. Vakkom Moulavi maintained that there are two proofs -miraculous characteristics of the Qur'än and the fulfilment of prophecies in the Qur'an concerning several future events- which lead Muslims to believe that the Qur'än is the word of God.63 Furthermore, the spiritual and material wellbeing of human beings is the ultimate concern of the Qur'än.64 It clearly highlights the path that human beings should follow in order to find peace and prosperity in this and the next world. According to Vakkom Moulavi, the contents of the Qur'än can be summarized under five broad headings: 1 . teachings about tawhld, which is the central doctrine of the Qur'än; 2. teachings about reward and punishment for good and bad conduct;

6lRobinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 269. "Rida distinguished between acts of worship and those of morality, acts oriented towards God (laid down in the Qur'än and authentic hadìtlì) and those oriented towards other men (traditions which developed around the Qur'än and hadìtlì). The first have been laid down for all time and completely in the Qur'an and haditlr, they can never be changed, and no addition can be made to them. 1He did not explain either these prophecies or their fulfillment. 64Vakkom Moulavi, "An Introduction to the Study of the Qur'än," 82.

160 3. teachings about '¡bâclai; 4. the way to achieve material and spiritual well being; 5. stories of those who obeyed and disobeyed Allah. The hadith corpus contains the words that the Prophet spoke to his disciples at various times, largely concerning religious matters. These were collected from several sources, confirmed as authentic and compiled as books, along with information about the people who transmitted them.65 The hadith also included the Prophet's actions and his tacit approvals, which are known as taqru; because it is believed that he approved whatever he did not prohibit.66 However, a hadith which has not reached the status of mutawätir{a prophetic tradition with multiple chains of transmission) cannot be accepted as the foundation for issues of faith.67 The Qur'an confirmed the validity of hadith with the following verses: "Nor doth he speak of (his own) desire" (53:3); "Whoso obeyeth the messenger hath obeyed Allah" (4:80) "And whatsoever the messenger giveth you, take it. And whatsoever he forbiddeth, abstain (from it)" (59:7).

VILb. Doctrine of Tawlvd(Oneness of God)

Vakkom Moulavi held that belief in tawh/dk the heart of Islamic faith. TawhlclIs the belief that God alone is the creator and sustainer of the entire universe, that there is nothing equal to God in reality, quality, and action and that nothing else is worthy of being called divine. Tawlfid is also to believe in the oneness of Allah or to believe that

65lbid., 68. 66Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 90-9 1 . Vakkom Moulavi, "Mathaparamaya Chila Chodyagalum Avaykku Moulaviyude Samadanagalum" ["Certain Religious Questions and Moulavi's Response to Them"], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), 145. Hereafter "Certain Religious Questions"

161 divinity (iläluyyät) is applies to Him, as it was taught in the confession (kalima) {lä i/älia ilia Allah wahdahu la shaiïka la/iu [there is no god but God and he is one and has no partner]). "Say: ? People of the Book! Come to common terms as between us and you: That we worship none but Allah. That we associate no partners with him; that we erect not, from among ourselves, Lords and patrons other than Allah.'" (3:64). Vakkom Moulavi noted that one fourth of the Qur'ân contains verses dealing with tawlfid, which is the central doctrine of Islam.

According to Vakkom Moulavi, there are two dimensions of tawlfid. tawhld al- ulu/fiyya and tawlfid al-vubüblyya Tawlfid al-iilüluyya is to worship none but Allah and to believe in the oneness of Allah's ulüluyya or divinity. Ulülfiyya is the invisible power of authority that human hearts naturally trust in and submit to, although human reason is unable to know this power. Tawlfid al-u/uhlyya is to believe in the oneness of Allah's rubiiblyya (lordship). Rubiiblyya includes the right to command rules and regulations for din (religion). It is shirk to ascribe rubüblyya to anyone other than Allah. Vakkom Moulavi argued that Jews and Christians attribute this authority to their religious leaders and priests. "They take their priests and their anchorites to be their lords in derogation of Allah" (9:31). To elucidate this further, Vakkom Moulavi quotes the following hadîth. When the Prophet recited the above verse, Adi ibn al-Haytham asked him, "They did not worship them.'" The Prophet said, "Yes they did. They (rabbis and monks) made harem ha/äl, for them (Christians and Jews) and made haläi liaiäm, and they obeyed them. This is how they worshipped them." From this it is clear that here the meaning of rubiiblyya is the "authority to ordain religious laws."68

6SVakkom Moulavi, "Tawhid and Shirk," 175-176.

162 In order to elucidate the concept of tawliJd, Vakkom Moulavi also discussed the opposite of tawhld. Polytheism is to ascribe things equality with God. In Arabic this is called shirk and one who commits this is known as imishrik. He held that there are different levels of shirk. Its lowest level is to ascribe divinity to the sun, moon, stars, animals, trees, stones, and imaginative powers. Assuming that these objects have power to command good and evil, people worshiped them as gods and trusted them for all then- needs. The next level of shirk is to believe in certain beings, who were presumed to be incarnations of gods (devas).* As in the previous level people worshiped them and offered them their prayers. People believed that these beings are mediators with god, who will be able to grant their requests by recommending them to god. The highest level of s/iirkis to believe that Allah is the creator and sustainer of this world and he alone has the power to command good and evil, but at the same time also to worship and take refuge in intermediaries between God and human being. This form of shirk believes that these intermediaries use their access to the divine to bring people closer to God.69 Arabs committed this level oí shirk. "If indeed thou ask them who it is that created the heavens and the earth, they would be sure to say, "(Allah)"." (39:38). "Say: "Who is the Lord of the seven heavens, and the Lord of the Throne (of Glory) Supreme?" They will say, "(They belong) to Allah" (23:86-87). They did not believe the gods they worship along with Allah as independent gods who have the power to command good and evil. "But those who take for protectors other than Allah (say): "We only serve them in order that they may bring us nearer to Allah."" (39:3). 70

Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 101-102. Vakkom Moulavi, "Tawhid and Shirk," 174-175.

163 VILc. Worship ( '[bâcla)

According to Vakkom Moulavi, worship has two dimensions in Islam, ritualistic and meditational.71

VU. c.l. Ritualistic Worship Prostration (namciskaram)* is the most significant aspect of the ritualistic dimension of '/bada and it is also the visible symbol of islam. Observation of this ritual, at the appointed five times a day, is a religious obligation for all Muslim men and women, from adulthood until death. It should not be neglected, for any reason, not even once, as long as a person retains his/her consciousness. Therefore, a Muslim is called back to the presence of God five times a day in order to prevent from becoming oblivious toward God, which can occur due to continual engagement in other activities. Apart from this, there are also other prescribed prayers, which are not obligatory. Therefore, performing them will be rewarded but otherwise, if not done, will not incur punishment. Du'â(prayer) is one form of ibäda.12

Prostration is a spiritual exercise, which perpetuates the remembrance of God and produces purity and excellence of the soul. It includes worship with three ritualistic activities, such as praising God using Quranic verses, prayers and meditation. However, prayer will be perfect and meaningful only when one does it single-mindedly concentrating on God, after leaving aside all other concerns. Immersed in meditation and devotion, one should perform it consciously with intention (niyyci). God has reminded mankind of this in the following verses. "But keep in remembrance the name of thy Lord and devote thyself to Him whole-heartedly." (73:8). "So serve thou Me (only), and 71 Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 109. See also Vakkom Moulavi. "Tawhid and Shirk," 173-174. 72Vakkom Moulavi, "Tawhid and Shirk," 173.

164 establish regular prayer for celebrating My praise." (20:14). Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi held that prayer without the presence of mind will be merely a physical exercise. Such a prayer will be like considering a picture of a person as a living being. Just as how human qualities are absent in that lifeless picture, so too the qualities of prayers will not be present in such prayers. God said the following verses to those who offer such prayers, "So woe to the worshippers who are neglectful of their prayers." (107:4-5) and "The believers must (eventually) win through,- Those who humble themselves in their prayers." (23 :l-2).73 However, prayer is beneficial for those who perform it consciously. It will prohibit immorality and wrongdoing74 and those who perform it will not indulge in vices, "...for prayer restrains from shameful and unjust deeds...." (29:45). It will protect the soul from being polluted by evil and prohibit deeds. Therefore, it has a great role in nurturing ethical and moral behavior. In order to substantiate his claims, Vakkom Moulavi quoted an officer of Turkey who said that "prayer is a policeman in resisting vices." 5 True 'ibädä improves human welfare and purifies their souls.76

VtI. c.2.Mcditational Worship Vakkom Moulavi highlighted two aspects of Meditational worship VÌI.C.2.Ì. Remembrance of God (Smarana) As moisture is indispensable for a plant so is remembrance of God vital for the heart. Just like a plant withers in the absence of dampness, so the heart dies devoid of

7"'Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 112-113 74lbid., 112. 75lbid., 1 10-111. 76Vakkom Moulavi, "Sural al-Fälilia," 49.

165 remembrance of God. Therefore, islam prescribes that human beings should always remember God. "Then do ye remember Me; I will remember you" (2:152). "When ye pass (Congregational) prayers, celebrate Allah's praises, standing, sitting down, or lying down on your sides...." (4:103). "And do thou (O reader!) Bring thy Lord to remembrance in thy (very) soul, with humility and in reverence, without loudness in words, in the mornings and evenings; and be not thou of those who are unheedful" (7:205). "...celebrate the Praises of Allah often (and without stint): that ye may prosper." (62: 1O).77

VU.c2.ii. Contemplation As digestive power is to plants, so is contemplation to the heart. Only when plants digest food and absorb vitamins, do they grow exuberantly and produce flowers and fruit. Similarly, when the heart absorbs nutrients from wisdom, God-given abilities inherent in human spirit will grow and shine. Thus, they will be enabled to realize truth. Therefore, contemplation is the rod that splits up the curtain of ignorance. Islam strongly urges human beings to contemplate. "Say: "Behold all that is in the heavens and on earth"." (10:101) "Behold! in the creation of the heavens and the earth; in the alternation of the night and the day; in the sailing of the ships through the ocean for the profit of mankind; in the rain which Allah Sends down from the skies, and the life which He gives therewith to an earth that is dead; in the beasts of all kinds that He scatters through the earth; in the change of the winds, and the clouds which they Trail like their slaves between the sky and the earth;- (Here) indeed are Signs for a people that are wise" (2:164). "As also in

Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 123.

166 your own selves: Will ye not then see?" (5 1:21). "Now let man but think from what he is created!" (86:5). Although the Qur'an exhorts human beings to contemplate God, it does not advocate idle and meaningless contemplation. Contemplation should help human beings to realize the majesty and splendor of God. On the one hand, contemplation, which is disengaged from remembrance of God, is not beneficial for spiritual salvation. On the other hand, for the remembrance of God to be perfect and beneficial, it should be done with contemplation. God commended those who perform contemplation along with remembrance of God in the following: "Behold! in the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the alternation of night and day,- there are indeed Signs for men of understanding,- men who celebrate the praises of Allah, standing, sitting, and lying down on their sides, and contemplate the (wonders of) creation in the heavens and the earth." (3:190-191).78

VILd. '!bada and Popular Religiosity of Mappilas Vakkom Mou lav i noted that Muslims use the Malayalam word vcmakkam* which means "to show respect, humility or obeisance," to denote 'ibada. However, according to him, Arabs did not use the word '/bada to refer to all kinds of vanakkcim, but only to signify a particular kind of vcmakkam. 'Ibäda is the manifestation of deep devotion (bhakti)* and humility that the heart expresses towards an object, which is believed to hold tremendous power that transcends our understanding.79 The heart is surrendered to

'Ibid., 123-125. Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 108.

167 this object out of the belief that the object has the power to bless and destroy.80 Therefore, according to Vakkom Moulavi, the Arabic term 'ibäda can only be used to refer to this particular kind of devotion or surrendering of the heart. It is the belief that things, such as stones, trees, imaginative powers, human beings, angels etc, have power to bless or to curse that motivates devotees to worship an object. Therefore, wherever 'ibäda is expressed towards an object, it arises out of a belief in its power and authority.81 In Vakkom Moulavi's understanding the doctrine of 'ibäda contradicts the popular religious custom of visiting the tombs of awliyä'. Only God is to be worshiped because only He has the power to generate this kind of devotion and humility in human hearts. Only He has invisible or divine authority and power that transcends cisbab (cause or reason). - This implies that those who worship ( 'ibäda) Allah should not ask for help from anyone else. Moreover, begging for help from anything or anyone other than Allah is idolatry because appealing for help involves trusting in associating others with Allah. Thus, those who ask the awliyä' for help with their diseases have deviated from the right path and have forgotten Allah. According to Vakkom Moulavi, the Qur'an teaches that we have to try our best to do everything using own our strength and power and we seek Allah's help only for the things which are beyond our ability and knowledge.83

"Vakkom Moulavi, "Vallatilo!," 125. 81 Vakkom Moulavi, "Tawhid and Shirk," 172-173. See also Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 108-109. "Vakkom Moulavi, "Vallathol," 125. Shirk is to believe that other things has this divine power and to express their devotion and faith towards it. It is giving divinity to them. 8Vakkom Moulavi, "Sûïat al-Fitiha," 50. 84IbJd. 85lbid., 52

168 VI i.e. Charity (Zakät) Islam commands the rich to give annually a certain portion of their wealth, such as from gold, silver, sheep, cows, camels, wheat, rice. According to Vakkom Moulavi, zakät should be given to those who are poor, who lack resources to earn their livelihood, are too weak to toil and earn a living, are new believers whose hearts need to be reconciled, are slaves wanting to pay their ransom, debtors who borrowed money to spend on legitimate needs, for some public welfare projects or to make peace between two warring parties, who fight voluntarily for religious freedom and protection of religion and destitute travelers.86

Zakät is an act that trains human beings to procure God's love. Wealth is the most desired thing in the world. Therefore, if someone sacrifices wealth just to comply with divine commandments, not anticipating any rewards but the benevolence of God, then the love of God, rather than wealth, dominates their hearts.87 Moreover, zakät teaches human beings to be generous, which is one of the greatest virtues that one can possess, and purifies their souls from being polluted from the vice of meanness. When human beings express their gratitude to God by being generous, it removes a debt that is found in wealth and purifies it. Therefore, it is known as zakät, which means "purification."88 Wealth is essential to meet one's needs in this world. Some people will have surplus money after meeting their needs. However, some others will have just sufficient money to meet their needs but will not have any surplus. In Vakkom Moulavi's opinion, people who belong to these two categories more or less lead a happy life. However, many other people suffer in life without money because they are unable to earn their livelihood.

86Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 1 13. 87lbid., 113-114. sslbid.

169 It is either because they are too weak to labor or their wages are very low.89 Therefore, it is an obligation upon those who have a surplus to help lessen the difficulties of others. Moreover, it is impossible for anyone, who listens to the voice of conscience, to live in luxury without helping fellow beings.90 Even though conscience is more than enough to motivate human beings to lend a hand to the poor, the reality is that, since the love of money dominates the consciousness of most people, there is a need for a powerful external force to make them comply with this moral obligation. Therefore, Islam promises God's blessings and glorious heavenly bliss to those who give zakät and warns of God's anger and of the fires of hell for those who reject it. Islam strictly commands Muslims to observe zakät and makes it one of the fundamental religious obligations.91 Apart from zakät, Islam also encourages Muslims to give any amount of wealth at any time of the year to anyone who deserves to be helped, including the above recipients oi[zakät, relatives and orphans. In short, Islam reminds the rich that wealth is not only to spend for their health and happiness but also to ease the pain of their brothers. If we carefully analyze this principle, Vakkom Moulavi argued, it is possible for us to see that it is a theory of social welfare. At the same time, it is not a Utopian idea like socialism, which tries to level human society by removing economic differences between rich and

Commenting on it, Venugopal argues that Vakkom Moulavi did not advocate the creation of a system in which one receives adequate wages. T. Venugopal, "Vakkom Moulaviyude Samuhya Chintakal" [Vakkom Moulavi's Social Views], Madhyamarn, July 1988, n.p. 9uVakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious PrInCiPIeS," 114-115. 9llbid., 115.

170 poor. Therefore, he concluded that if Muslims could follow this religious regulation sincerely they would be an affluent community.9'

VILf. Fasting (Sawni\ Islam commands all believers to observe a fast during the month of Ramadan. However, children and menstruating women are exempted from this regulation. The sick and travelers are to observe it at a later time. The elderly and the terminally ill can compensate for fasting by feeding the destitute. Fasting helps human beings practice abstinence from desires. Desire is like a horse that helps human beings in their life journey. However, if this extremely powerful horse with the tendency to trespass limits is not tamed with proper discipline and not firmly tied with the bridle of SharVa and not carefully ridden, it will draw its rider from the straight path and will throw him into the most dangerous places and possibly even kill him. Human beings will be able to achieve spiritual excellence only when they are able to purify and regulate the power of desire. Therefore, in every religion, fasting is prescribed as a religious ritual. "O ye who believe! Fasting is prescribed to you as it was prescribed to those before you, that ye may (learn) self-restraint...." (2:183). Vakkom Mou lav i believed that to observe fasting as a traditional custom or out of the fear of social condemnation is beneficial for the external preservation of religious laws. However, he maintained that in such fasting there will not be any qualities of real

92Venugopal further argues that Vakkom Moulavi envisaged a kind of feudal socialism - a socialistic structure without changing feudalism, a paternalistic structure that does not abolish feudal structure based on the doctrine of . Venugopal, "Vakkom Moulavi's Social Views," n.p. '''Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 117-118.

171 fasting. Fasting is meaningful only when it is observed with the intention to submit to God's commandment. One will experience divine purity in one's spirit if one renounces everything, some of which he is normally free to enjoy, just to comply with God's commandments, or if one renounces passionate desires in order not to break divine commandments. In this way, when one observes fasting or abstains from desires for a month every year, willingness to obey God's commandments will become a part of one's permanent character. Thus one will gain spiritual power over evil desires. If one is able to restrain one's own desires, how much more will one be able to rein in the desire to covet others' possessions?

The purity that is gained through fasting makes a person calm. One will not nurture evil thoughts, actions, and words but will cherish peace and firmness. Moreover, fasting helps one to understand the pain of the hungry and enables one to shown compassion towards them. Also, being without food will help one to understand the value of God's compassion, for which one will be ever grateful. Moreover, Vakkom Moulavi contended that, in the opinion of several medical professionals, fasting destroys many harmful things in the body and, therefore, is highly beneficial.93

VH.g. Pilgrimage (Ha//) "Pilgrimage thereto is a duty men owe to Allah, - those who can afford the journey." (3:97). The hajj is a series of rituals performed in and around the Ka'ba and its neighbouring places in Mecca. The Ka'ba was the first place of worship established by Abraham for the worship of God. Therefore, Islam purified and revived the holy rituals

94Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 120. 95lbid., 119-120.

172 that he had performed in the Ka'ba and its surrounding places but were later corrupted by idolaters. Those who perform the hajj, renounce all worldly concerns and become involved in worship of God, desiring only him. During the entire hajj they humble themselves by giving up all their worldly embellishments. They also withdraw from sexual pleasures and keep away from evil actions, words and thoughts. They spend their entire time in meditation, worship and prayer. The hajj brings about spiritual purification and nurtures Muslims' faith and devotion to God. Visiting the birth place of Islam and the Ka'ba helps Muslims to remember the origin of Islam and to increase their religiosity. Vakkom Moulavi maintained that the hajj is also significant for the building up of the Muslim community around the globe. It provides a unique opportunity for millions of Muslims from all over the world to gather together, every year, in one place. They wear the same form of dress and have the same purpose and forget all their differences, whether they are kings or poor or big or small. The mutual acquaintance and brotherhood that result from such a gathering is highly significant for the global Muslim community.96

ViIL Religious Rituals From the above discussion on Vakkom Moulavi's reinterpretation of Islamic principles it is clear that even though he interpreted religious principles rationally this did not preclude religious rituals. Rather, he believed that Muslims should understand the meaning behind religious rituals and perform them consciously, which act will help human beings to understand the Islamic principles behind them. Otherwise religious 96IbJd., 121-123.

173 rituals cannot transform the hearts and minds of human beings.97 When Muslims perform religious rituals consciously they will become the best community in the world. Therefore, he encouraged parents to train their children to perform religious rituals properly along with giving them both a religious and a secular education.98 His biographer, Muhammad Kannu, notes that Vakkom Moulavi strictly observed religious practices prescribed by Islam. The following discussion is to highlight how Vakkom Moulavi understood and interpreted two commonly held religious rituals among Muslims.

VHI. a. Is Unintelligible Quranic Recitation Rewarding? One of the readers ?? Muslim asked Vakkom Moulavi whether, if one recited the Qur'än without knowing its meaning or if one heard Quranic recitation without understanding its meaning, it would be considered a meritorious act for them in the world to come. In his reply Vakkom Moulavi explained that although there are certain hacfith which argue that recitation of the Qur'än is a meritorious act, while there are many others that condemn reciting the Qur'än without knowing its meaning. The Qur'än itself asked (47.24) "Do they not then earnestly seek to understand the Qur'än, or are their hearts locked up by them?" Therefore, recitation of the Qur'än will be meritorious only when one does it while understanding its meaning. Such recitation will help one to comprehend Islamic principles and follow them. Vakkom Moulavi maintained that Ibn Mas'ud, Hasan al-Basri and Imam GhazaTi did not consider mere recitation of the Qur'än to be meritorious. They urged Muslims to understand its principles and to allow it to transform

97Vakkom Moulavi, "Certain Religious Questions and Moulavi's Response to them," 140. "Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 26.

174 their life. In Vakkom Moulavi's opinion, Muslims' decline began when they started to use the Qur'an, which was given for their guidance, meaninglessly. Therefore, if they want to come out of the darkness that they are in they should wholeheartedly accept the Qur'an as their guide. In order to understand meaning of the Qur'än, Muslims should know the Arabic language. Therefore, he underlined the opinion of Imam Shafi'i that learning Arabic language is wajib for a Muslim."

VHI. b. Can the Khutba be Delivered in Malayalam?

On one occasion, Vakkom Moulavi was asked whether the khutba should be delivered only in Arabic. He replied that several books on fIqh maintained that the khutba should be delivered in Arabic, even if listeners cannot understand it. However, he contended that if the listeners cannot understand the language of the khutba, then it does not fulfill its purpose. According to him, the system of khutba was established in order to provide moral instruction to people who attend juma prayers. It implied that if the listeners cannot understand the khutba, then even if it is filled with moral instructions, it is not beneficial to them. "Significance of the khutba is not in its sound but in its meaning." Vakkom Moulavi argued that since Islam originated in Arabia and early Muslims were Arabs, the fuqaha insisted that the khutba be delivered in Arabic. However, he noted that Imam Abu Hanifa did not find any objection in delivering the khutba in a foreign language. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi urged Mappilas to translate

Vakkom Moulavi, "Certain Religious Questions and Moulavi's Response to them,1' 141-144.

175 the khutba into Malayalam, so that the ritual of the khutba, which had almost become lifeless and irrelevant among them, will regain life and power.101

IX. Wahhabism

Conservative 'ulama' alleged that proponents of the islälfi movement were acting upon the opinions of 'Abd al-Wahhäb and Ibn Taymiyya, who interpreted the Qur'än and hadlth to their advantage and condemned not only the awliyä' but also the anbiyä' and rasul Vakkom Moulavi contended that due to these accusations and objections raised against 'Abd al-Wahhäb and Ibn Taymiyya and there was a deep-rooted belief that developed among Muslims that they had deviated from the path of Islam. Moreover, their followers were also considered by people as deviating from Islam. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi argued that any attempt to reinterpret Islamic beliefs and practices using 'Abd al-Wahhäb or Ibn Taymiyya's teachings would be futile because people would not follow them. In Vakkom Moulavi's opinion, this misunderstanding about them ultimately hindered the progress of the islälfi movement in Kerala. Therefore, in order to promote the islälfi movement in Kerala it was important to clear up peoples' misunderstanding about 'these two figures.

In 1928, Vakkom Moulavi wrote an article in defense of Wahhabism entitled "Wahhabism," which was published in Yuvalogam.102 The article was written in the wake of the publication of a book entitled Rack/ al-Wahhäbiyya, which had condemned

l0'lbid., 145-148. l02Vakkom Moulavi, "Wahhabitam" [Wahhabism], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhanclhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: Arafa Publications, 1982), I 16

176 Wahhabism.103 Vakkom Moulavi believed that the book was the response of the conservative 'ulama' to challenges they faced from the emerging islälfi movement in Kerala. His article presented a short biography of 'Abd-al Wahhab and argued that tawlfid was the key principle of Wahhabism. In 1930, Vakkom Moulavi also wrote a risala, which was published as a book by Islam Dharma Paripalana Sangham, Nilakyamukkum, Travancore, entitled Lawh al-Säbah. The risala was written in Arabi- Malayalam to respond to allegations made by the conservative 'ulama' against :Abd al- Wahhâb and Ibn Taymiyya.105 It was an attempt to collect prominent Muslim scholarly opinions about them and publish it in Malayalam.106 Since it was written primarily for the 'ulama', unlike his other writings, it contains many quotations in Arabic accompanied by Malayalam translations.107 However, it is important to analyze the extent to which we can consider Vakkom Moulavi as a 'Wahhabi.' In our opinion the framework of Vakkom Moulavi's thinking was largely shaped by his understanding of modernity rather than by Wahhabism. He resorted to Wahhabi ideas only to understand its appeal for universal Islamic principles and salafism. For him Wahhabism rejected all divisions among Muslims and appealed for unity and brotherhood. Since he understood disunity as a cause for Muslim decline, Wahhabi's appeal for unity was highly significant for the modernization of Muslims.

1 1We have no details about this book. In the introduction to the article Vakkom Moulavi noted that the book contained letters of endorsement from ten to twelve prominent religious scholars of Kerala Ibid., 109. l04Vakkom Moulavi, "Wahhabism," 1 10-1 1 1. l05Conservative 'ulama 'published a tract condemning 'Abd al-Wahhib and Ibn Taymiyya. We do not know details about this tract. Scanty information from the book suggests that the tract was written by Kunjammu Musaliyar in response to certain questions raised by Aarukutty Muhammad Musaliyar. Vakkom Moulavi, "Lawh al-Säbah," 241 and 200. ,06Ibid„ 328. Mohamed Abda did not include original quotations but only translations. Also he reproduced the book in Malayalam script. He explains in the footnotes the meaning of most of technical words in Arabic.

177 Moreover, propagating Wahhabism in Kerala was not part of Vakkom Moulavi's activities. Therefore, according to Shakoor: It is true that Maulavi Abdul Qadir had drawn inspiration from Mohammad ihn Abdul Wahhab's movement, but he never regarded himself as a "Waliliabi." He was one with Mohammad ibn Abdul Wahhab on his basic approach such as rigorous adherence to Islam's uncompromising monotheism, which completely excludes the doctrine of intercession, visiting of tombs in fulfilment of religious vows, invoking the aid or blessings of saints or making votive offerings to them, grave worship and priesthood. Maulavi Abdul Qadir did not accept the puritanical excesses, petty intolerance and the violent methods of enforcement often associated with Mohammad ibn Abdul Wahhab and his movement.108

X. A Critique of Vakkom Moulavi's Understanding of Tradition and His Reification of Islam According to Ganesh, several historians and sociologists consider modernity and tradition as binary opposing concepts and, therefore, modernization is understood as a break with tradition.109 It seems that Vakkom Moulavi subscribed to this understanding of modernization and his reform movement was to explain to Mappilas what traditions needed to be removed in order to become part of the modern world. However, several studies in the past few decades in various disciplines such as anthropology and philosophy have called into question the prejudice that tradition must always be in ontological opposition to modernity."0 Zaman has noted that, in recent years, the dichotomous construction of "tradition" and "modernity" has given way to a recognition that traditions are "not necessarily a way of opposing change but can equally

M. A. Shakoor. "Vakkom Moulavi: The Man Who Led the Islamic Renaissance in Kerala," n.p. Ganesh rejected this understanding of the modernization process. He believed that it is through the interaction between forces of tradition and modernity that modernization was brought to Kerala. See K.N. Ganesh, ed., Culture and Modernity: Historical Explorations (Calicut: University of Calicut Publication Division, 2004), 13-18. " See Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger eels.. The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Alasdair C. Maclntyre, Whose Justice? Which Rationality? (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988).

178 facilitate change." His reinterpretation of tradition was informed by his reading of Maclntyre and TaIaI Asad, both of whom believe that tradition is not simply a replication of the past but rather indicates active discourses of the past. According to Zaman, Maclntyre's salient feature of traditions "is a history of argument and debate over certain fundamental doctrines in shared languages and styles of discourse.""2 Maclntyre defined tradition as

...an argument extended through time in which certain fundamental agreements are defined and redefined in terms of two kinds of conflict: those with critics and enemies external to the tradition who reject all or at least key parts of those fundamental agreements, and those internal, interpretative debates through which meaning and rationale of the fundamental agreements come to be expressed and by whose progress a traditions is constituted." ' At the heart of Asad's rethinking of the concept of tradition is his argument that "religion as a neatly separable aspect of social lite is a modern Western construct and, as such, not an adequate concept to describe Islam.""4 While the question of power is extremely significant for Asad, the modern Western understanding of religion is conceptualized as "an autonomous essence", which is transhistorical and transcultural, and is separated from spheres of power such as politics, law and science."5 In Asad's understanding, the function of tradition is to establish "orthodoxy and orthopraxy in a given historical and material context.""6 Therefore, traditions relate to a past (when authentic practice was instituted) and a future (how a correct performance ofthat practice

"Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary !slam: Custodians of Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), 3. '|2lbid.,4."'As quoted by Zaman; Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam. 4. "4Ovamir Anjum, "Islam as a Discursive Tradition: TaIaI Asad and His Interlocutors," Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27, no. 3 (2007): 659. TaIaI Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 28. "3Anjum. "Islam as a Discursive Tradition....," 659. "6lbid., 661.

179 can be secured in the future) through a present (how it is linked to other practice, institutions, and social conditions)."7 The above discussion on the concept of tradition calls into question Vakkom Moulavi's rejection of medieval Islamic traditions and his reification of Islam as a set of beliefs based on the Qur'an and hadlth. One can note here the observation of Robinson that Muslim modernists of the early twentieth century generally attacked "authority from the past." Robinsons writes that, "in their concern to make content of the Qur'an and Hadith afresh, in making them relevant to the modern world, they cast aside a thousand years of intellectual effort in fashioning a Muslim society, and the authority that came with direct connection to that effort.""8 In this same vein, Zaman adds that: "They believed that the "true" teaching of Islam can be retrieved through a fresh but "authentic" reading of the Qur'an. Therefore, they discarded "oppressive edifice that centuries of "sterile" scholasticism, "blind" imitation of earlier authorities, and the "intransigence" of the religious specialists had built.""9 Moreover, "they believed that there is no need of tradition in order to understand the "true" meaning of Islam."120 The historian of religion William Graham has argued that "traditionalism" ought to be seen as a defining feature of Islamic thought. Traditionalism is "the recurrent effort by Muslims to articulate authority and evaluate claims to such authority by positing and reaffirming a connectedness to the past."121 In this sense "traditionalism" indicates religious authority in Islam. Hallaq's discussion of S/irni 'a as a discursive practices is the

TaIaI Asad, The Idea ofan Anthropology of Islam (Washington: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University, 1986), 14. Robinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 267. Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam, 7-8. 120IbId., 10. 121IbJd., 3-4.

180 best example to understand one aspect of discursive traditions in Islam.122 According to Hallaq, "the Shari'a originally represented a complex set of social, economic, cultural, moral relations that permeated the epistemic structures of the social and political orders. It was discursive practice in which these relations intersected each other, acted upon each other, and affected each other in countless ways."123 However, this discursive tradition met its demise through codification by the British to become known as Anglo- Muhammadan law. Vakkom Moulavi's understanding that the development of the Shari'a narrowed down the scope of Islamic principles is very much an engagement in the Orientalist discourse on Islamic law, which negated the vibrancy and the creativity of Muslims societies.

Conclusion

We showed in this chapter that colonialism was seen and implemented as a 'civilizing mission,' an ideology based on an epistemology created by Europeans to legitimize their domination and exploitation of the 'other.' Their supposed 'rationality' made them the 'enlightened ones' destined to liberate the colonized from their 'ignorance' and 'backwardness.' This entailed a well-articulated rhetoric, rooted in the twin discourses of European progress and Oriental degeneracy. Although from different perspectives, Vakkom Moulavi and the Orientalists saw a decline of the Muslim societies in medieval history. For Vakkom Moulavi, the one and only reason for this decline was Muslims' failure to understand and follow the Quranic injunctions. In his view, this

"Zaman argued that classical Islamic historiography and Sufism are other discursive traditions in Islam. l2jWael B. Hallaq, "What is Shaira?," Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law 12 (2005- 2006): 155.

181 necessitated initiating a religious reform movement among the Mappilas. He believed ^interpretation of the Islamic principles was the first step towards religious reform. His religious reform also included a defense of Wahhabism and a greater emphasis on a conscious observance of religious rituals. However, in the process he reduced Islam to a belief system by differentiating faith from embodied practices. Thus, his reinterpretation precluded the possibility of understanding Islam as a discursive tradition. This in turn negated the vibrancy within Islamic societies, which was a problematic idea very much shared by Orientalists.

182 Chapter 5

The Discourse on 'Useful' Knowledge and Educational Reform

The British introduced modern education into Kerala as a means of implementing their 'civilizing mission' and of modernizing Kerala society. The 19th century standardization of the Malayalam language, which was another tool for modernization, made it the language of education, state bureaucracy, elite politics, patriotic thinking and culture in Kerala. Therefore, even though the Arabi-Malayalam language was marginalized with this development, Vakkom Moulavi wrote primarily in Malayalam and promoted it as the medium of both religious and modern education. By doing this he was inviting his followers to be a vital part of the modernization of Kerala society. However, he also reminded them that, in religious and modern educational matters, Muslims lagged behind most of the other communities in Kerala. He used the pages of his journal,

Muslim, to write about the condition of religious and modern education among Muslims in order to bring this to the attention of community leaders as well as government officials. He convincingly argued that modern education is essential for the development of the Muslim community and that it is not contrary to Islamic principles. He also suggested several measures in order to propagate modern education among Muslims and to reform religious education. As a result of his writings and networking with other members of the community, the Travancore government took the responsibility of teaching Muslim students the Arabic language and the Qur'an in secular schools alongside modern education. Therefore, he contributed tremendously towards the propagation of the religious and modern education of Muslims in Kerala. However, his

183 efforts uprooted traditional religious education from its long-standing historical and cultural traditions.

I. 'Modern' Education in Kerala: A Means Toward the 'Civilizing Mission'

Education was the most effective "cultural tool" that the Europeans adopted in order to establish their cultural domination over colonized societies.1 It became the means to define and recreate subjugated societies in an image that would legitimize the colonial 'civilizing mission.' Thus, British historical writings of the late 18lh century focused on ancient India and the perceived mythological, linguistic and cultural similarities between ancient Greece, Rome and India. However, Orientalists argued, during the modern period, while European civilization had made great strides 'forward,' Indian civilization remained in a state of 'decline' from its glorious past. The superiority of European scientific and technological knowledge was interpreted as responsible for this 'forward' movement of western civilizations. This necessitated 'reforming' the traditional Indian educational system using the criterion of "useful" knowledge." European science, technology, law and culture became the standard by which to determine the 'usefulness' of education. Therefore, "educational policies and practices of always derived its forms from the Orientalist narrative of the essential difference between a superior West and an inferior East."J

In order to understand the objectives of colonial education, it is necessary to analyze the structure and curriculum of schools in colonial Kerala. Primary schools were attached to churches and the curriculum included instruction in English, Malayalam,

'Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters under Colonialism...," 152. "Zainan, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam, 64-66. 'Muhammadali, "Colonial Education, Public Sphere and Marginality in Kerala...," 94.

184 Tamil, arithmetic and the Bible. Girls were additionally taught knitting, needlework and lace-making. Thus, in the school established by Thomas Norton, one of the early Church Missionary Society (CMS) missionaries and who established several schools around Alappuzha, mission books were used as textbooks, attendance at Sunday school was made compulsory for all students and all teachers were required to be present at catechism classes.^ The curriculum of high schools, known as grammar schools, included

Sanskrit, science, geography, history, catechism and translation, in addition to those subjects taught at primary schools. Bible and catechism were compulsory subjects for all children.' The college curriculum included theology, mathematics, astronomy, geography, Syriac, Sanskrit, Malayalam, English grammar and the and Rome. The purpose of college level education was to train Christian priests and proselytizers. Missionaries also introduced school uniforms for students and a dress-code for teachers.

Introduction to 'modern' western culture was the overall objective of colonial education. In order to accomplish this objective, preference was given for teaching the English language. However, the British found that the dissemination of western culture and 'modern' education would not be possible through the English language alone.

Therefore, they pursued a policy of bilingualism in Kerala with English as the first language and Malayalam as the second. According to Muhammadali, "The apprehension of the colonial administrators of the need for cultivating a vernacular reading culture was not born out of their love for vernaculars including Malayalam. But it was out of colonial

4Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters under Colonialism...," 171-172. 5lbid., 171. 6lbid., 172. 7lbid., 172-173.

185 interest of using vernaculars for their ideological invasion."8 During the second half of the nineteenth century, i.e., after 1859, the state government of Travancore began to promote Malayalam education and opened vernacular schools.9 However, the government's initiative further advanced the cause of western education in Kerala because in structure and content these schools were "carbon copies of the English schools and the missionary parochial schools."10 Even after the introduction of vernacular education, English remained the medium of higher education in 'useful' western knowledge such as science, technology, law and the humanities. Thus, English completely replaced Sanskrit as the language of superior knowledge and elite culture. Even when other subjects were taught such as arithmetic, which was already part of the indigenous educational curriculum, they were taught "in the accepted Western mode." Similarly, in sewing and needlework classes it was required that all students learn how to cut and stitch European rather than native

I ? clothing. Likewise, missionaries encouraged brilliant students to learn Latin, the elite and ecclesiastical language in the Western Europe. Latin was not even a liturgical language of the Protestant churches in Kerala, but according to Ganesh, "the preference for Latin was cultural [rather] than scriptural. Thus education involved the transference to another hegemonic culture."Ij In short, various aspects of colonial education tried to establish the dominance of western science and technology. Science and technology, which 'opened' the eyes of natives closed by superstition to the 'truth' of the universe,

8Muhammedali, "Colonial Education ....,"95. 9This was in response to the gradually developing movement of the socially depressed castes and sections of the population, and also as part of the effort to check the growing influence of missionaries. Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters ...," 177. I0lbid., 178. "ibid., 172. ''Muhammadali, "Colonial Education ....,"95. ''Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters ....," 172.

186 were the most significant cultural tools that the missionaries employed to underline the superiority of western knowledge and culture. Colonial educational policies and institutions ultimately damaged indigenous education, which was rooted in the pre-colonial caste-ridden hierarchical social order of Kerala. In the colonial socio-cultural milieu the 'modern' education system acquired the status of the only viable educational system. With a well-structured system of examinations and the awarding of degrees, it became the most 'objective' and authoritative technique to measure one's ability and 'usefulness.' 'Modern' education was given a hegemonic dimension when the state governments of Travancore and Cochin began to promote it. Moreover, a degree from a 'modern' educational institution became essential to be appointed as a civil servant. Thus, 'modern' education became necessary for entry into the echelons of social power and for upward social mobility. ?

H. Standardization of the Malayaiam Language Learning the Malayalam language was the biggest hurdle that the missionaries faced during the early stages of their 'civilizing mission' in Kerala. In order to gain a command of the Malayalam language, missionaries began to write grammar books and dictionaries, based on the model of their English counterparts. In 1799, Robert Drummond tried to write a Malayalam grammar book with the help of previous grammar books produced by the Carmelite missionaries. Afterwards, in 1849, Benjamin Bailey (1791-1 871 )16 compiled a Malayalam-English dictionary. However, it was Hermann

l4lbid., 180. I5lbid., 154-155; and 182-183. l6The Rev. Benjamin Bailey was the founder missionary of the Church Missionary Society station at Kottayam, Kerala. He was also the First English Principal of the C. M. S. College, Kottayam.

187 Gundert (1814-1893) who made the most significant contribution to the stud)' of the Malayalam language. In 1851, he compiled a Malayalam grammar book and in 1872 he produced his famous Malayalam-English dictionary.17 Thus, Malayalam, which was the oral language of the masses, was transformed into a literary language with the production of grammar books and dictionaries. The most significant characteristic of the transformation of the Malayalam language during the colonial period was the development of a standardized modern prose style of writing.18 In the pre-colonial period, when Malayalam remained an oral language, prose style did not adequately develop. However, missionaries began to construct Malayalam prose writing with simple sentence structures using the 'subject-predicate' pattern of the English language.19 This reordering of Malayalam was essential for the missionaries to express complex ideas of science, history, geography, economics, mathematics and religious and moral lessons in simple language. Written prose also became indispensable in government administrative services, since written orders, communications and other forms of documentation increased. Prose began to emerge as the style of writing for literary narratives such as novels, stories, plays and travelogues. Thus, both Christian missionaries and the modern state apparatus played significant roles in the emergence of modern Malayalam during the nineteenth century G Printing technology further contributed to the standardization of the Malayalam language. The first modern Malayalam printing press, known as the Church Missionary

l7Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters ....," 174-175. 18G. Arunima, "Imagining Communities-differently: Print, Language and the 'Public Sphere' in Colonial Kerala," The Indian Economic and Social History Review 43, no. I (2006): 73-74. l9Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters ....," 179. 20lbid., 178. 2lArunima, "Imagining Communities ...," 72.

188 Society Press, was started by Rev. Benjamin Bailey in 1823, at Kottayam, Kerala. In

1841, Bailey printed the first complete Malayalam Bible. As in Europe, it was the desire to increase the circulation of the Bible that necessitated the introduction of printing technology in Kerala. " Therefore, in Kerala, the history of the Malayalam Bible is closely related to the history of printing. Along with the Bible, missionaries also began to print school textbooks, missionary pamphlets and books for proselytization work. Thus the technology of printing further advanced the propagation of western culture and modern education among the people, irrespective of caste and gender differences.

Gradually Malayalam became the language of the rising public sphere in Kerala, which led to its further standardization. This is why, Arunima holds that "the 'modern' Malayalam and the literary culture that grew in its wake, were inheritors of this history of diverse impulses (missionaries, print, education, text-books, examinations) coming from the early nineteenth century. """J Arabi-Malayalam was the language most commonly used by Muslims for communicating religious and worldly wisdom. The majority of Mappilas could only read Arabi-Malayalam and only few of them were literate in Malayalam/ According to Eaton, "the transliteration of any language into Arabic script not only facilitated the assimilation of Arabic vocabulary but fosters a psychological bond between non-Arabs and Arab Muslims."25 Therefore, Arabi-Malayalam gave an exclusive religious and social identity to the Mappilas. However, the standardization of the Malayalam language, Muhammadali argues, had serious ramifications for the cultural life-world of the

"Arunima, "Imagining Communities ...,"64. 2ìbi<±, 74. 24Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 496. 23Richard Maxwell Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 294.

189 Mappilas, which was previously articulated in Arabi-Malayalam."' The emerging public sphere in colonial Kerala was comprised of individuals who acquired 'modern' education through English and 'standard' Malayalam. However, since the Mappilas rejected

'modern' education, they could not create a space in the circle of educated middle class who shaped the colonial public sphere. Thus, the Mappilas failed to occupy positions of power and authority in government services. This further alienated the Mappilas from the dominant colonial discourses and from the emergent formation of middle-class Malayali identity.

During the latter half of the nineteenth and the early part of the twentieth centuries, a linguistically based identity began to take shape in Kerala. If religious affiliations divided Keralites into Muslims, Christians and Hindus, the Malayalam language became a unifying force, especially with the rise of patriotism. Arunima claims that 'modern' education and 'standard' Malayalam-based print culture were the sources of this 'modern' Malayali identity formation.27 However, this new identity competed with the identity of Mappila Muslims, which was based on the Islamic faith and the Arabi-

Malayalam language. However, the ability to read and write the Malayalam language became significant for the Mappila Muslims as they sought to identify with the mainstream society and to engage in the national movement. This is the context in which Vakkom Moulavi chose to write in Malayalam rather than in Arabi-Malayalam. Indeed, this choice signifies a cultural shift among Mappila Muslims, especially among the middle class of the early twentieth century. Vakkom Moulavi believed that Mappilas needed to have an inclusive identity.

"6Muhammaclali, "Colonial Education ....," 96-97. 27Arunima, "Imagining Communities " 69.

190 Anyone who carefully studies Vakkom Moulavi's writings will be convinced of his command of the Malayalam language. Moreover, he wrote in "pure" Malayalam and his style of writing was equally as good as that of his other contemporary Malayalam writers. There were no Islamic books or articles written in "PUIe" Malayalam before Vakkom Moulavi. Therefore, according to K.M. Seethi Sahib, "I still remember that it was in 'Muslim' that I could read certain Islamic principles and pearls of wisdom in pure and attractive language, which were not until then even heard in 'pure' Malayalam."29 One of the objectives of his writings was to correct non-Muslims' misunderstanding about Islam and it was not possible to do that without writing in Malayalam.'0

III. Educational Backwardness of Mappiias

In order to motivate the Mappiias to pursue modern education, it was vital to show them that they lagged behind other communities in terms of literacy. It was also important to air Muslim grievances about educational opportunities before government officials. Therefore, apart from writing a number of articles himself, Vakkom Moulavi decided to publish articles written by prominent members of the community about the educational backwardness of Mappiias. In the first issue of Muslim, Vakkom Moulavi, basing himself on the most recent census data, wrote the following:

If we look at the recent census, it is possible to understand that the Muslims of Kerala lag far behind in educational matters. There are 190568 Muslims in Travancore alone. They constitute only 6.5% of the total population. If we take the number of men and women, 1:15 is the ratio of literate Muslim women to men. Only 84 out of every 1000 Muslim men are literate. Among women, only one in every 100 is literate. Among the Muslims of twenty years old and above,

Shahul Hamid, "Vakkom Moulavi: Our Reform Leader," 9. 'Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 137. 'Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20" Century, 72.

191 73.75% cannot read and write. When we look at these numbers, we feel sadness at the condition of Muslims in this country.'1 In another article entitled "To Travancore Muslims," Vakkom Moulavi invited his readers to take note of an article written by O. M. Cherian, ,2 which included a table demonstrating the poor level of literacy among Muslims residing under his supervision in ten taluks of Travancore. In order to demonstrate how Muslims perform in relation to other communities in Travancore, Cherian listed the number of students from various communities enrolled in government schools in 191 1, 1912, and 1913. Vakkom Moulavi specifically highlighted the fact that the 1913 enrollment of Muslim students had declined by 104 since the previous year. Vakkom Moulavi's analysis of the Muslim situation was sufficient to open the eyes of Muslim leaders as well as government officials about the condition of modern education among Muslims. In 1914, Muslim also published a brief comment on Muslim education, entitled

"Muslims and Educational Progress." This article was significant because it clearly demonstrated how Muslims stood in relation to other communities, especially the

Pulayas, who were one of the so-called "lower caste" communities in Kerala. The Dewan reported to the Sri Mulain Praja Sabha that in 1090 M. E3? (1914), Muslims and Pulayas had progressed considerably ... But when the educational progress of Muslims is considered, it is satisfactory.... Muslim children attending schools had increased to 1242 in 1091 ME. Compared to previous years it is, indeed, satisfactory, but compared with the proportion of increase in the number of students of other communities, it is a matter of shame. In 1090 ME, the number of students of the Pulaya community, who did not constitute even half

'Quoted by Mohammed Kannu. See Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 58-59. 32O.M. Cherian was the Central Divisional Officer in the Education Department of the Travancore Government. In his article, he mentioned that in his educational district, composed often taluks, there were 8589 Muslim children in the age group between 15-20 but those educated amounted to only 713. In the Quilon Taluk, including Quilon Town, of the 2464 Muslim children in the age group between 10-15 the literate among them were only 42. Mohammed Ali, The Development ofEducation .... 146. "ME means the Malayalarn Era.

192 the number of Muslim students in 1089 ME, had increased to reach the same number of Muslim students of 1089 ME.34

To highlight the educational backwardness of Muslims, Vakkom Moulavi wrote about modern education among the Muslims of Ponnani, which was one of the most ancient and prominent Mappila Muslim centers in Malabar. Ponnani was where Shaykh Zayn al-DIn (1467-1521), who authored Tubfat al-Mujähidln fi ba'd aliwäl al- Purtukâfiyyhi {Gift to the Holy Warriors in Respect to Some Deeds of the Portuguese), built a grand mosque and a madrasa, which attracted students from all over Kerala and from various countries along"to the Indian Ocean trade routed

Ponnai is a prominent place that captures the attention of Muslims. There are more than ten thousand Muslims living there, among them many who are immensely rich and merchants. Their interest and enthusiasm for religious education is rarely found anywhere else. There are more than forty madrasas for religious education. Muslims from various places are going there for religious education. In short, it is unlikely that one will find any other places in Malabar with such huge numbers of Mullahs, Musaliars, Tanngals and Sayyids. If the whole city is thoroughly searched, one may find only ten or twelve Muslims who have "the smell of English." It is a known fact that among the Malabar Muslims one-half or three-fourths are extremely resistant to English education. That reluctance has spread all over the country. Sending their children for English education is an unbearable misery for them. Some even believe that stepping on such land is harani. I know some of the Muslims there. I tried to motivate one of my great friends, who is a merchant, to send his children to school. He replied to me "let our generation pass as well." Then he opined that in school children are only taught "nana, pana," so that they eventually learn to wash [nana] and then get intoxicated on the extract from the pana [palm tree]. He was not hesitant even to add that "There won't be any benefit for our children in learning Engris and Kingris"^6

' Quoted by Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education. See Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 80- 81. j5Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 213-214. However, Miller states that the madrasa was built in the I2'1' century or earlier. See, Miller, Mappila Muslims ofKerala, 260. ,6Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 83-84.

193 IV. Necessity of Education in the Modernization Process

Conscientizing Muslims about the need for modern education was the ultimate concern of all Vakkom Moulavi's writings, including Muslim. Therefore, he wrote a number of articles highlighting the educational backwardness of Muslims and motivating them to pursue modern education. Renowned scholars of Kerala, including several non-Muslims, such as K. Ramakrishna Pillai, CP. Govinda Pillai, O. M. Cheriyan,

B. Kalyani Amma, Hamadani Sheikh, and Makhti Tangal contributed articles on this theme to Muslim. All of them emphasized the inevitability of modern education for the development of the Muslim community in Kerala. Vakkom Moulavi reminded the Mappilas that non-Muslim communities had long ago learned that nobility (ulkristalha)* is possible only through education. Since human communities naturally desire nobility (shrestatha)* Muslims also need to desire it. The nobility of a community is the condition in which all its members are enlightened with education. Therefore, if Muslims feel it is possible to achieve it without education, then one can only say that it is a very pitiable idea."1 If a community becomes educationally barren, then gradually the heart of the community will be emaciated by the decaying of their mental powers and their intellect will be narrowed by restricting the light of knowledge. Without modern education, no community will be able to lead an independent life. In the immediate future such communities will die out and the civilized (modern) world will gradually forget them.

,7Excerpts from several other articles are found in Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi. Unfortunately, we do not have those articles in full length. 8K. K. Muhammad Abdul Kareem, "Thiruvithamkoorile Adyakala Vidyabhasa Pravarthanangal" [Early educational endeavors in Travancore], in Souvenir: Mitjahicl Stale Conference, '97, no publication details, 238. This article was written by Vakkom Moulavi under the title, "To the Travancore Muslims" in Muslim 4, nos. 4&5 (n.d.): 1 32- 1 36.

194 The modern world will not consider caste, clan, religion, wealth or status without education.39

For Vakkom Moulavi it was indisputable that all communities who resist the conditions of time and place will only go into decline. The world will not consider any community as superior or noble without the spread of modern education.40 He contended that modern education is necessary for human beings to prosper in this world41 and insisted that modern education is essential even for Muslims to continue in their traditional occupations. Therefore, he wrote,

Muslims generally earn their livelihood through agriculture, trade and handicrafts. They manage to do so with the traditional knowledge that they acquired in these occupations and not by specialized education. It is quite possible to fear therefore that Muslims will decline in these occupations, which they pursue without proper education. ~ He held that pursuing modern education is useful for the intellectual development of human beings and also for the advancement of knowledge. Therefore, even from an Islamic point of view it is necessary that Muslims acquire modern education. ' No one who accepts the Islamic faith is commanded to live a contemptible life among other communities. There is an insistence that Muslims achieve excellence in spiritual as well as worldly matters. Modern education will help in the progress and prosperity of religion.

In order to highlight the necessity of modern education, Vakkom Moulavi reported on how it was pursued in other parts of India by Muslims. He wrote in Muslim a brief report about the annual meeting of the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference which was held in Dhaka on 27-29 December 1906. He especially

39lb¡d. 40Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 67-68. 4lVakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 23-24. 42Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 59. 4'Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 25.

195 highlighted the following from the address given by Justice Sharafudeen, who chaired the meeting.

From ancient days, Muslims have held a higher status. Attempts should be made to return to that status. They have the power to gain prosperity. This community has forgotten its own affairs and is lost in slumber. But how will they benefit if they don't awaken and work? Other communities have moved forward in worldly affairs. Don't simply imitate others or fall into their mistakes. Education is indispensable for true development. It is towards this end that the Aligarh College was established.

IV. a. Religious Validation to Pursue Modern Education

Vakkom Moulavi challenged the conservative ???/nä's position that learning history, geography, science, mathematics, arts, literature, architecture and other topics is not compatible with Islam. He also rejected their similar views about learning the English and Malayalam languages. In his response to the 'ulamä's reservations against modern education, Vakkom Moulavi highlighted the achievements of Muslim ancestors and their contributions to knowledge to prove that by acquiring education no harm was done to religion. According to Vakkom Moulavi, the ancestors of contemporary Muslims travelled and stayed in every country and learned foreign languages and arts. When they achieved sufficient understanding of foreign arts, they would then translate many foreign language books into their mother-tongues in order to transmit such knowledge to others. In Vakkom Moulavi's opinion their interest in writing and publishing books is highly commendable. Therefore, even at the beginning of the twentieth century their books were used as textbooks in schools. According to Vakkom Moulavi, the branch of mathematics known as algebra is the best example to prove the achievement of Muslim ancestors. Even the word "algebra"

44KaIiIiU, Vakkom Moulavi, 63-64.

196 remains a permanent monument to its original author, who was an Arab scholar by the name of al-Jabr. Vakkom Moulavi argued that the great scholar Euclid wrote only one or two parts of his geometrical treatise and all the other books about that subject were written by Muslim scholars. There were many other areas of science in which Muslims have shown great interest. The al-Hamra palace in Spain is one of the seven wonders in the world, as is the The Taj Mahal of Agra, India. Muslims were the founders of both of these world famous wonders. Even the dam that had been built in Egypt for irrigational purposes was seen as an example of the skillfulness of Muslim ancestors.

Muslims were also unrivalled in global travel. In this regard, Vakkom Moulavi highlighted the journey of , a Muslim traveler, who began his journeys in 1342 and travelled the whole world in thirty years. 5 As a result of this long journey he published a scientific account of the known world and wrote about subjects like religion, languages, occupations and trade. '

IV.b. Place of Moral Education in the Modernization Process

Vakkom Moulavi argued that the Muslim community tended to decline when it failed to lead a morally good life. According to him, Allah commanded that "verily never will Allah change the condition of a people until they change it themselves (with their own souls)" (13:1 1).47 This implied that it is not possible for Mappilas to regain their superior status without changing their present condition. In Vakkom Moulavi's opinion,

4:>Vakkom Moulavi mentions that Ibn Battuta also visited Mangalore on the South West coast of India, where he found four thousand Muslims living, and that their standard of living was very high. 46KaIiIUi, Vakkom Moulavi, 67-68, 65-68 47Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 23.

197 modem and religious education, along with moral education, was the means to achieve

48 success.

Our moral and ethical principles are established in our religion. However, we have rejected moral education almost completely. We are daily observing the harmful effects of this lack of moral education. However much education one may have, it is useless if it is without moral and ethical discipline. Qualities that first form in children's hearts become the foundation for their future life. Therefore, parents should pay serious attention to provide moral education.

Vakkom Moulavi's appeal for moral education needs to be analyzed within the context of the British 'civilizing mission.' Modernization was the outcome that the

British and Christian missionaries desired as they spread English education througout Kerala. Dissemination of 'knowledge' became the means to convey the 'truth' of

Christianity to the locals, including local Christians, who had to be 'saved' from their

'vicious and immoral' lives. Therefore, imparting modern education, in line with

European evangelical Christian values, was deemed to be essential for the moral regeneration of Kerala society. In this regard, missionaries condemned the low social status given to women and Mow-caste' Hindus as obvious examples of moral degradation, in Kerala society. 'Liberation' of these 'oppressed' sections of the society was considered a major objective of the Christian 'mission' in Kerala. Therefore, missionaries promoted women's education at the beginning of colonial rule. Opening up educational institutions for 'low-caste' Hindus, who were denied access to education in pre-colonial Kerala, facilitated their conversion to Christianity. 'Cleanliness, order and discipline' were the defining characteristics of colonial education in Kerala, which were thought to be lacking in the indigenous educational system. ^ Following the lead of the missionaries, in the

48lbid., 23-27. 49lbid., 26-27. 30Ganesh, "Cultural Encounters ....," 171.

198 latter part of the nineteenth century, when the state governments of Travancore and Cochin accepted responsibility for public education, moral education was declared to be one of the top priorities. For this purpose, therefore, textbooks were compiled with selected moral lessons from the Mahabharata, the Bhagavata and the Puranas." In this way both the British and the state sought to 'civilize' the local population.

IV.c. Necessity of Religious Education: A Reflection of Vakkotn Moulavi's

Ambivalence Towards Modern Education

Vakkom Moulavi believed that there are certain compelling reasons why Muslims should not neglect religious education. "Modern education has begun to spread among us. Even though this timely education is necessary for our material prosperity, since it is unspiritual, religious education should be promoted along with it. Otherwise with the development of modern education, religion will be weakened and decline for ever."32 He held the opinion that the true prosperity of a community is dependent upon its spiritual rather than material condition. If religion becomes weak or declines in a community, even if that community prospers in all other aspects, it will ultimately be destined to ruin and failure. In Vakkom Moulavi's understanding, the moral and spiritual condition of

European societies served as the best example to illustrate this point. He cautioned that "English education and modern culture should not cause the Islamic essence of Muslims

5llbid., 170. 32Vakkom Moulavi, "Upakrama Prasangam II" ["Opening Remarks II"], in Vakkom Moulavi: Prabhandhangal, Smaranakal [Vakkom Moulavi: Essays and Obituaries], ed. Haji M. Mohamed Kannu (Trivandrum: A rafa Publications, 1982), 35-36.

199 to fade away.'0 Therefore, he urged Mappilas to work diligently for the propagation of religious education. Vakkom Moulavi maintained that the propagation of English education among Mappilas made the promotion of religious education even more important. He held this opinion in the wake of the reports that the religious condition of Muslim students who pursued English education was not satisfactory. Therefore, he argued that those who pursue English education should also receive at least a certain level of religious education. There were at least two reasons why he insisted upon this. Firstly, it was inappropriate for a Muslim to be ignorant about his religion while learning about other subjects in a foreign language. However, students receiving English education had to spend around eight to fifteen years entirely in a kind of education that had little to do with their religion. During this entire period of education they more or less remained in a world without religion, without its strict observances. It is very difficult for human beings not to be influenced by their surroundings. Therefore, it is only natural that they would become lethargic in observing religious rituals and follow customs that contradict Islam's ädäb, such as in their dress and behavior. Secondly, Vakkom Moulavi argued that English education had a characteristic that made those who did not receive adequate religious education, especially during their childhood years, lazy in observing religious rituals.5 However, he noted that students in the English system who had the opportunity to receive religious education at some point were more likely to perform religious rituals. Therefore, he asserted that the problem is not in pursuing English education per se but rather in neglecting the opportunity to receive adequate religious education in addition.

"ibid., 36. 3 During those days English and Malayalam schools were separate. Ibid., 34.

200 Vakkom Moulavi feared that students in the English education system who lacked religious education and consequently failed to keep up with religious observances would eventually be harmful to the entire Muslim community. According to him, "this may cause the common people to believe the opinions of those who argue that the English education is haiäm and that it will cause those who pursue it to deviate from Islam. Such views will create reluctance in the minds of religious people about modern education, which is essential for our community development, especially at a time when it has begun to spread among us."33 Therefore, he urged that it was essential for community leaders and students in the English system to pay close attention to religious education.

IV-d/Usefulness' of Religious Education in Travancore

In Vakkom Moulavi's understanding, the condition of Mappilas' religious education was not very different from that of other Muslims communities in various parts of the world. He asserted that due to a superfluity of law during the medieval period, legal studies became predominant among Muslims. Consequently, study on the Qur'an and hadith diminished and religious education became almost entirely based on other books. Moreover, he contended that method of teaching employed in religious education was defective. As a result, religious education declined throughout the Muslim world. He regretted the fact that no arrangements were being made even in the modern period to correct this mistake and to teach religion properly. "It is difficult to find people who have real religious zeal so that they may establish proper religious organizations or madrasas that will preserve the purity of religion, provide religious education, and engage in acts

Ibid., 35-36. that strengthen religion." Consequently, according to him, it is an open secret, even among other religious people, that in Travancore there were only a few Muslims who properly knew their religion.^7 Vakkom Moulavi noted that in Travancore large numbers of Muslims did not know even the basic tenets of Islam. In his opinion there were two major reasons why religious education had declined amongst the Muslims of Travancore. Firstly, there were only a few religious scholars among them who deserved to be called musaliars, which is the technical term used in Malayalam to denote a learned person. However, due to their influence, people respected them as scholars and believed their teachings were based on Islamic principles. This implied that there was little acceptance among Muslims for interpretations such as that of Vakkom Moulavi, that questioned traditional understandings of religion. According to him, however, this was the major reason why religious education was in decline in Travancore. Secondly, religious education would spread only if there were good educational institutions. He rhetorically asked: "Is there any serious institution established for religious education in Travancore, the home of three hundred thousand Muslims? What other proof is needed for our laziness in religious education?"" He maintained that the Mappila traditional religious education through dais was irrelevant and that Muslims would not seriously benefit from it in future. He ridiculed the fact that most of these dais were established by teachers (im/darris) merely to earn an income.

'Vakkom Moulavi, "Our condition," 180. Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 17-18. Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks II," 37. 'Ibid., 36-37.

202 Vakkom Moulavi's contempt for 'ulama' was also shared by other Muslim modernists, including Khwaja Salimullah Bahabur CSI, who chaired the Muhammadan

Educational Conference held in Dhaka, Bengal. According to him:

ft is well known that our community has reached the lowest level in education. "Those who have a little knowledge" have spread a kind of false knowledge among our religious people. They haven't gained even average knowledge of our language, Arabic, and being religiously proud, only to fill up their stomach, they are cheating the poor people. They think that a true Muslim does not need to know any language other than the religious education that is gained through Arabic and Hindi. They doubt that those Muslims who pursue western education may have certainly become religiously excommunicated or fools.1

Vakkom Moulavi held that religious instruction is the primary education that should be given to children. It is for this very reason that, right from the beginning of

Muslim history, Arabs taught their children the Qui' an, establishing a tradition that was carried out methodically by Muslims all over the world. However, Vakkom Moulavi asserted, only Arab children could really benefit from this system of education. Since the

Qur'än was in their own language, they were better able to understand its meaning, which became a firm foundation for their Islamic education. However, for non-Arabs, the tradition of teaching children the Qur'an only helped them to learn to read Arabic letters.61 Even then, they could do it only with the help of vowels (havakäi). This is not helpful in order to read and understand Arabic texts or to comprehend the verses of the Qur'än. To grasp the Qur'än they have to learn the Arabic language. In short, the tradition of childrens' Quranic learning did not contribute meaningfully towards their religious education, even though he did not deny certain indirect psychological benefits

' Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 66-67 61IbJd., 33-34.

203 of this exercise.' Still, he urged the Mappilas to provide religious education to their children in Malayalam. He also urged them to teach children to observe religious rituals properly.63

IV. e. Situation of Arabic Education in Kerala

As seen above, Vakkom Moulavi argued that the Mappila tradition of teaching children the Qur'än did not help them to learn the Arabic language. Moreover, there were few, who knew Arabic among Travancore's Muslims. However, he noted that there were some who had taken the opportunity to go to the Middle East and to live there for five or six years to learn Arabic. It was with great difficulty that they learned Arabic and there were few among them who had mastered the language. Moreover, among those who returned after learning Arabic, there were few who knew the Malayalam language sufficiently. Therefore, it was not possible for them to properly translate any books from Arabic into Malayalam or to write books or articles that might be useful for the common people because their grasp of Malayalam was inadequate. Taking this situation into consideration, Vakkom Moulavi believed that the Travancore government's decision to appoint Arabic teachers was a great blessing because it helped Muslims gain an average knowledge of Arabic along with Malayalam while remaining in their homeland. It would also help to spread and popularize the Arabic language among the general population of Kerala, even if at a lower level. However, in order to make learning the Arabic language effective, he suggested that it

He did not elaborate on this point. 63lbid.

204 was the responsibility of Muslims to make their government aware of modern and relevant methods of language teaching. '

V. Vakkom Moulavi's Proposal for Madrasa Reform in Kerala

According to Vakkom Moulavi, there were two issues pertinent to religious education in Kerala. Firstly, since Islamic principles inculcate change and progress, religious learning was absolutely essential for Muslims' spiritual, moral and material development. It would revive and help them to move forward to embrace various aspects of modernity. Without adequate religious knowledge Muslims would not be able to fulfill the responsibilities entrusted to them. The bottom line was to teach Islam as a guiding principle for individuals and the community life of Muslims.

Secondly, the method of teaching should be easy and relevant and should help

Muslims to properly understand the purpose of the Islamic faith, its essential principles and fundamental beliefs. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi proposed that a committee of

'ulama' W\\h. wisdom in educational matters should suggest a relevant method of teaching and also to search and find appropriate textbooks. If needed, he added that, they should also write new textbooks. ,:i

The establishment of madrasas was another important aspect of the improvement of religious education. In this regard, Vakkom Moulavi suggested the establishment of many small and systematic local madrasas in various parts of Travancore, especially where Muslims live in large numbers. Therefore, he lauded the establishment of a new madrasa at Varkala, in Chirayinkil Taluk, through the efforts of a generous person. "If

64Kareem, "Early educational endeavors in Travancore," 239. 65Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 24-25.

205 such madrasas are established in all the important locations, it will make it easier to acquire the necessary education in religion along with a basic education in Malayalam."66

However, he insisted that Muslims in Kerala should have a central madrasa in Travancore for higher education in religion.

In this madrasa, apart from all religious subjects, Arabic literature and history - especially Islamic history- and modern sciences should also be taught. Religious education should be offered in a more effective and easy manner than it is being offered at present among the Muslims. Moreover, the Qur'an and liacflth should be given prominence in teaching. Only if the Qur'an and liacflth are given importance in religious education, is it possible to make effective scholars who understand religion in its true form.67 Vakkom Moulavi argued that, for a proper understanding of the Qur'än, it is essential to have advanced knowledge in the Arabic language. Therefore, he suggested that an Arab be appointed to teach the Arabic language at this proposed central madrasa.

However, he believed that there were excellent teachers available in India to teach the

Qur'an and liacflth. He also felt that it would be better to entrust the entire administration of the madrasa to an Arab. Thus, he envisioned the new madrasa to be modern but also national, in terms of its curriculum, faculty, and source of funding. Therefore, he urged wealthy Muslims in Travancore to contribute generously towards the establishment of such a grand madrasa.68 If Mappilas could establish such a madrasa, he contended, "it will be an ornament for our community and will be the foundation for our material and spiritual development." '

66Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks II," 38-39. 67Ibid., 39-41. 68Vakkom Moulavi was unable to establish such a madrasa during his lifetime. Afterwards, Mappilas did not care to carry out his dream project.

206 V.a. Fusing Modern and Religious Education at Schools Vakkom Moulavi reminded Muslims that religious education was their own education and that their islamiyyat would shine only with proper religious education.70 Therefore, he insisted that those who pursue secular education should not reject religious education. Secular education in itself would inflict considerable harm not only to them, but also to the whole community. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi indicated the necessity of having schools that would offer both modern and religious education.72 However, it would not be possible to have such schools without the intervention of government. Vakkom Moulavi's proposal to combine religious and modern education attracted the attention of Muslim members in the Sree Mulam Popular Assembly. These in turn exerted great pressure on the government to adopt liberal policies that promoted Muslim education. "Fee-exemption of Muslim students ... sanction of more Muslim schools, introduction of Arabic education in Government schools, appointment of more Arabic inunslik and a Muslim Inspector to promote education among the Muslims were the main demands put forward by the Muslims members."7' In response to their demands, the government approved special grants to Arabic munshJs, salary grants to Muslim schools and fee concessions to Muslim students enrolled in government schools. The most significant decision, and one which changed Muslim religious education in Kerala, was the decision to teach Arabic as the second language in government schools.74

It seems that according to Vakkom Moulavi's understanding, religious and moral education were more or less the same. In several places in his writings he has used these terms interchangeably. See, Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 23-27. 72Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks II," 35-36. 'Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20lh Century, 63-64.

207 Vakkom Moulavi considered the Travancore government's decision to make provisions to teach Arabic as one of the subjects regularly offered in schools a great blessing for Muslims in Kerala. However, he regretted that due to the shortage of qualified Arabic teachers among Mappilas, they could not take maximum advantage of this opportunity. As a personal response, he began to teach Arabic at his home and several students from in and around Vakkom, Nilakyamukku, Kaniyapuram, Chirayinkil, Perumathura, Pallippuram, Vettur, Ayiroor attended these classes, and some of them later became Arabic teachers. Those who wished to sit for the Arabic munstii exam usually studied under him for few months.73 He also taught students who came from far away places and stayed at his house.76

According to Muhammad Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi adopted 'modern' methods to teaching Arabic. He used Arabic text books like Mabâdï Qiiâ'a Räs/i/da, Qirä'a Räs/nda, etc. He taught them Arabic, Qur'än, tafs7r and liadlth. For religious instruction he used

Hady al-RasCil or al-Manär tafsiv. As a result of these activities, he attracted a number of followers from various places and many Muslim organizations were established through them.

In order to find eligible candidates for teaching Arabic in schools, Vakkom Moulavi suggested that the government administer an Arabic teacher's examination.78

Therefore, when the government constituted the Arabic Examination Board, Vakkom

Moulavi was appointed as its president and chief examiner along with Muhammadan

7jSeethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 155-156. 76Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance, 75-77 and Kannu, Vakkom Montavi, 82. 77M. Mohammed Kannu, "Samudaya Uthejakanaya Vakkom Moulavi" [Vakkom Moulavi: One who Inspires Community], in Thirurangadi Yatheem Kahana Silver Jubilee Souvenir, 5 April 1970, no publication data, 1 15. 7SVakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 25.

208 School Inspector S. Sulaiman Sahib and Alappuzha Saniul Abdeen Tangal, as its other members. The government authorized them to evaluate Arabic language proficiency and to issue certificates to candidates who applied for the post of Arabic teacher. It was on the basis of these credentials that, in the beginning, the government appointed Arabic teachers at primary schools in Travancore. The Arabic Examination Board was also responsible for designing syllabi and for selecting appropriate textbooks for primary, secondary and high school level Arabic teaching.81 Vakkom Moulavi also served as the chairman of the Arabic Textbook Committee. It was he who compiled Ta'/Jm al-Qirä'a, an Arabic textbook for primary classes, and Ankam al-Tajwld, a manual for teachers of the Qur'än. In order to make Arabic language teaching more relevant and effective, Vakkom Moulavi adopted pedagogical techniques used by the Department of Education in Egypt and made certain changes to make it suitable for the Kerala context.82 Thus, he contributed tremendously to

Arabic education in the state.

VI. Responsibility of the Mappilas for the Propagation of Education In the first editorial of Muslim., Vakkom Moulavi noted that "there was not sufficient encouragement for these people [Mappilas] to send their children to public

7yHe was an Arabic teacher and contributed an article entitled "Muhammad Nabi and Carlyle", which was published in the first issue of Muslim. Ahammed Moulavi and Muhammed Abdulkareem, Great Mappila Literary Tradition, 582 and Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 61 . 80Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 81 and A. Muhammad Javed, "Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Addehatinte Jeevithathilekhum Pravarthanangalilekhum Om Ethinottam" [Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: A Glimpse into his Life and Work], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruihikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 34. 81 Ibid. Also Mohammed Ali, The Development ofEducation ..., 133-134. 82Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 81-82.

209 schools." Therefore, he urged his followers to work responsibly to promote religious reform and modern education among all members of the community. Without conscious effort on the part of Muslims of various walks of life, it would not be possible to revive the Muslim community in Kerala. Therefore, he exhorted all to contribute, whether in the form of guidance by the 'ulama', sermons by preachers, books by writers, financial support by the wealthy. They should consider it as meeting their own needs and thus exert the utmost effort. "If we have unity and community consciousness, then we will be able to regain everything that was lost. The basis of both these things is the principle that 'believers in God are mutual brothers."84

He believed that those who were rich and had power and authority have a greater responsibility for promoting modern education. If they exerted their influence with those Muslims within their reach, they could easily sway them to pursue modern education.83

However, he noted that those who were rich and powerful remained indifferent and reluctant and took interest in personal issues rather than in propagating education in their own community. Moreover, they did not bother to encourage and support those who spread education among Muslims. 6 Without the help, support and cooperation of the wealthy and influential members of the community, efforts at reforming and introducing education to all Muslims would be useless/ 7

Earlier we discussed an article entitled "To Travancore Muslims," in which Vakkom Moulavi drew the attention of his readers to O. M. Cherian's88 report. This report

83lbid., 59. 84Vakkom Moulavi. "Opening Remarks I," 27-28. 85lbid., 30-31. 86Vakkom Moulavi, "Our Condition," 178-179. 87lbid. 88Mohammed Ali, The Development ofEducation, 146, f.n.32.

210 included a table demonstrating the poor level of literacy among Muslims residing in the ten taluks of Travancore, which were under Cherian's supervision. After highlighting the educational backwardness of Muslims, Vakkom Moulavi wrote the following to remind community leaders about their responsibility in this regard. If the table that ¡s attached by the author to show the condition of Muslim education in the ten taluks under his jurisdiction could stir any emotion in the hearts of Muslim leaders, then we can gladly expect some changes in near future. Otherwise, there is no solution other than to grieve about the future direction of this community. ... A community cannot rise without the efforts of community leaders. If they advise and order their constituents to send their children to schools there is no doubt that, without much difficulty, education will be spread among this community. However, what shall we do if those who are able to do this are not concerned even about their own children? This is the reason why the government is now paying more attention to Muslim education.' In order to motivate Muslims further to actively engage in the propagation of modern education, Muslim published an excerpt from the Proceedings of the Gazette of the Travancore Government dated 14 December 1914. The proceeding was in response to Dr. Bishop's report, who was the Director of Public Instruction (DPI). He had been asked by the government to send a detailed report about Muslim education.

The government painfully knows from the report of the director that Muslim education still remains in an unsatisfactory state and they haven't fully utilized the facilities granted for the education ofthat community. The government agrees with the opinion of the director that in order to improve education among Muslims, no fee concession or student grants to go abroad and learn technical education will be granted unless the majority of the boys from that community pursue education provided by the government, without fees, through the lower grade schools. It is highly important that the leaders ofthat community take an active interest and make an effort to motivate more children to join schools. When this is done, the opportunity to think about what more facilities should be given to that community will come.90

After publishing this Proceeding, Vakkom Moulavi wrote directly to the DPI, suggesting certain measures and also stressing the need to hold a conference of

,9Kareem, "Early educational endeavors in Travancore," 237-238. ,0 Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 71-72.

211 community leaders for a detailed discussion on Muslim education. Accordingly, the DPI wrote to more than twenty Muslims leaders from various parts of Travancore such as Kottar, Alwaye, Quilon, Trivandrum, Vakkom, Kayamkulam, Chenganacherry, Thakkala and Alamkodu and invited them for an official meeting.91 A day before the official meeting the delegates held an informal meeting at Trivandrum to discuss recommendations to be submitted to the government.92 They unanimously agreed upon the following five points, which were more or less accepted by the government in the official meeting.

1. Laziness is the main reason why Muslims have fallen behind in education. Therefore, it is recommended that taluk committees be formed to inspire Muslims to send their children to schools 2. Since Muslims are especially interested in religious issues, more attention should be given to Arabic language teaching. Therefore, Arabic munshis should be appointed in schools where the strength of Muslim students are not less than twenty-five. 3. Ft is recommended that at least two Muslim school inspectors, who have sound knowledge of the Arabic language, be appointed in order to supervise the teaching of Arabic language. 4. It is recommended that scholarships be granted to Muslim students from the Matric class onwards 5. It is recommended that government pay full salary to teachers at Muslim grant-in-aid schools. J

As a result of this conference, 74 local committees were formed in different parts of Travancore. Later, Vakkom Moulavi wrote the following about the conference in order to make community leaders realize the gravity of the situation.

The conference was held to explore why Muslims are lagging behind, while all other communities, even Pulayas, are making every effort and reaping the benefits. The government has agreed to implement all the demands that the [Muslim] members present [at the conference]. Muslim leaders need to remember that if they lose this opportunity, they will have regrets. The

9llbid., 72. 92KaIHiU, Vakkom Moldavi, 72-73. According to Kannu, the meeting was held in the building where Doctor Munawari Sahib had established a dispensary. 93lbid., 73. 94Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20' ' Century, 65.

212 government primarily decided to constitute committees at each and every place by incorporating local Muslim leaders in order to encourage specifically the matter of sending off Muslim boys to school and also to notify the government of the needs in educational matters. In some places, these committees are already constituted. It is certain that we will be able to see the positive results of these committees shortly, that is if the members and officers of these committees work properly and sincerely.95 Vakkom Moulavi reminded Mappilas that since the Travancore government freely offered basic education to everyone, he encouraged all Muslims to send their children to school. However, since higher education was expensive and only rich people could afford it, he urged the rich to send their children to pursue it. However, he held that for the development of the community, it was important that as many children as possible pass the higher grade examinations in English. Therefore, he urged the rich families to sponsor poor students for higher education.96 Vakkom Moulavi believed that community leaders should give priority to community over personal needs and that Muslim graduates should also have similar concerns when looking for employment. Therefore, he suggested that entering the civil service should not be the objective of Muslim graduates. He held that developing agriculture, industry, trade and the manual labor sector were more significant for community welfare.

It does not mean that we should not enter government service. It is necessary that we, who are one of prominent communities in Travancore, should acquire government jobs. However, it is not good for graduates to be uninterested in entering any job other than government service. It is not good for them to be useless for anything other than civil service. It is harmful to have the misunderstanding that holding [non-office] jobs is not suitable for the educated. Agriculture, trade and industry will prosper only if educated people enter these fields. These are the backbone of public welfare and these are the means for independent life.

93Kareem, "Early Educational Endeavors in TIaVaIKOIe," 239. 96 Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks II," 32. Muslim organizations also raised funds for scholarships for higher education. 97Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks II," 32-33.

213 Vl.a. Establishment of a Muslim Student Hostel in Trivandrum to Promote

Education

Due to the efforts of Vakkom Moulavi and other islaifi workers, a large number of Muslims began to pursue modern education. Some of them were also seeking opportunities for higher education. As Trivandrum was the centre for higher education in Travancore, many Muslim students ended up there. In order to accommodate them and also to provide them facilities to perform prayers and other religious rituals, Vakkom Moulavi felt the need of establishing a Muslim student hostel in Trivandrum. He published a note regarding this in Muslim, dated 14 May 1919.98 Consequently, a Muslim Hostel was established at Kunnukuzhi, in Trivandrum. During that time P. Habib Muhammad, K.M. Seethi, A. Muhammad Kannu, K. Shahul Hamid, K. Muhammadali and others were studying at various colleges in Trivandrum. The Muslim Hostel also became a home for Muslim employees, who worked in different offices at Trivandrum. Since many of the occupants of the Hostel were Vakkom Moulavi's relatives, he used to visit it every two weeks, if not every week. Sometimes he also stayed in the Hostel for a couple of days. During his visits, he engaged the students in scholarly discussions about issues of common interest and delivered fascinating lectures about contemporary issues." S. Adam Sait Sahib, who was a close friend of Vakkom Moulavi and represented Muslims in Sree Mulam Popular Assembly for long time, took certain responsibilities in the Hostel management.100 He regularly visited the Muslim Hostel and offered great service to Muslim students and job seekers. After the departure of the first

'Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: A few Reminiscences," 149. 'Ibid., 149. I0lbid., 150-151.

214 batch of students the work of the Hostel gradually declined. Gradually the Hostel was closed, but it was reopened after a few years in Vazhuthacaud, Trivandrum.101 One of the meetings held in the Hostel was quite significant. This was a meeting between Kumaran Asan (1873-1924), the great Malayalam poet and social reformer, and Muslim leaders. This meeting was convened in the wake of the publication of his famous poem entitled "Duravastha" [Adversity], in which he mentioned that Mappilas spilled the blood of Hindus in Malabar during the Mappila Rebellion. However, Muslim leaders like Vakkom Moulavi, P. Habib Muhammad Kunju, A. Ahmed Kunju Moulavi and others argued that the poem could disrupt communal harmony in Kerala and therefore that it should be republished after making appropriate changes. Kumaran Asan gladly accepted the suggestion but before he could do anything he was killed in a boat accident in January

1924.

Vl.b. Vakkom Moulavi's Contributions to Coordinating Muslim

Organizations in Kerala

For the active and systematic promotion of modern education and religious reform, Vakkom Moulavi believed that it is essential to set up organizations in different parts of Kerala. As a result, several local Muslim organizations were established in

Travancore. Through the work of these organizations many schools, libraries and bookstores were established, which provided ample opportunities for Muslims to promote modern education and religious reform.

'01KaIiIiU, Vakkom Moulavi, 105-107. Today, inspired by the idea of" the Muslim Hostel, the Trivandrum Muslim Association is managing a Muslim Men's Hostel and a Working Women's Hostel.

215 However, in order to spread the activities of socio-religious reform movement in every nook and corner of Travancore and also to coordinate the work of all local organizations, Vakkom Moulavi felt the need to establish an umbrella organization.

It is not possible with only two or four people to organize fruitful activities for community's prosperity. It will be possible only if it is done through a public assembly, which spread at least throughout Travancore. Therefore, we need such a general assembly.102 If there ¡s a public assembly, our community will be linked by a common bond and will revive the communal strength, which we are losing now. It is possible with a general assembly to shape public opinion of the community, to systematize many community affairs, which remain unorganized now, and to direct the multi-faceted direction of the community on to a proper path. These are some of the positive benefits of a public assembly. However, it is necessary that we should not engage in political issues now but instead focus on the permanent stability of our general assembly and its objectives.10' As a result of Vakkom Moulavi's appeal, in February 1921, Muslim leaders from various places in Travancore were invited to discuss the need for forming such an organization. The meeting of these leaders was held in association with the first anniversary of the Manasid al-Islam Sangham at Kottarakara in the Qui Ion district of

Travancore. Vakkom Moulavi, who chaired the meeting, maintained that such an organization is important for the educational-cultural and communal development of Travancore Muslims. Therefore, the meeting constituted an ad-hoc committee to set up the organization. Vakkom Moulavi, H.B. Muhammad Rawthar, Sayyid M. Bava, M. K.

Abdul Rahman Kutty and Captain A.M. Muhiyideen were its members. Due to the efforts of this committee, a meeting was held on 21 August 1921 at Aryasala Hall, in

Trivandrum, chaired by N. A. Muhammad Kunju Sahib. Three hundred Muslim leaders

l02Vakkom Moulavi, "Opening Remarks I," 28. l0'Vakkom Moulavi, "Welcome Speech," 5-7. ")4K.annu, Vakkom Moulavi, 94-95. According to K.M. Seethi Sahib, Dr. Captain A. Muhammad Mytheen of Trivandrum, who was an officer in the Madras Medical Department and a close friend and devotee of Vakkom Moulavi, and S. Muhammad Sulaiman Sahib, Muslim Education Inspector, and other friends, helped Vakkom Moulavi in convening this meeting. See Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: A few Reminiscences," 150-15 1 .

216 from 23 taluks of Travaiicore, including S. Adam Sait, Captain A.M. Muhiyideen, S.

Muhammad Sulaiman Sahib and others attended this three-day conference. After much deliberation the conference unanimously adopted the following resolution.

Since a mahasabha [general assembly], representing the entire Travaiicore, ¡s essential to carry out the urgent course of action for the religious and modern educational development of Travaiicore Muslims, preliminary works to form such an organization should be done, as early as possible, through a planning committee and those who want to be the part of such a committee should become its member by paying an amount not less than five rupees.103 The conference urged Travaiicore Muslims to form taluk Muslim associations, especially where Muslims were living in large numbers. This call was given with the intention to coordinate all taluk associations to form Travancore Muslim Mahasabha.

Unfortunately, Vakkom Moulavi did not succeeded in forming the Travancore Muslim

Mahasabha. However, the attempt to form such an organization promoted the islëhi movement all across Travancore.

VI. c.Kerala Muslim Aikva Sangham !United Kerala Muslim Association!

For the propagation of modern education and also for the growth of the islähi movement in Kerala, Vakkom Moulavi felt the need of establishing an all-Kerala Muslim organization. Right from the beginning of his journalistic activities Vakkom Moulavi was concerned about the Muslims in Cochin and Malabar. Therefore, he wrote the following in the first issue ?? Muslim. "The administrators of this journal are concerned to make it useful not only for the Malayalam-speaking Muslims of Travancore but also for the Muslims of Cochin and Malabar."107 In another article entitled "Desideratum of a

'3KaIiIiIi, Vakkom Moulavi, 95-96. l6Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 150-151. l7Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 59.

217 Muhammadiya SabhcT [Muslim society], Vakkom Moulavi wrote the following about the need to form an all-Kerala Muslim society.

The necessity of having a Muhammadiya Mahasabha [greater Muslim society] in Kerala has reached its climax. If the Muslim brothers of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore form a society with one accord, it is possible to fix the faults that confront this community. History teaches us that only with such organizations and meetings do communities progress. Consequently in 1922, due to the efforts of some of his followers and also certain other Muslim leaders, Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham, popularly known as Aikya Sangham [Unity Association], was established at Kodungallur.109 It was formed to accomplish the following objectives: to remove superstitious beliefs and practices ingrained among the Muslims of Kerala; to unite all the Muslims under one banner in order to make them aware about their present predicament and to enable them to positively respond to it; and lastly, to promote modern education and to realize socio- religious reform.

The first annual conference of the Aikya Sangham was held in 1923 at Eriyad, which was presided over by Vakkom Moulavi and attended by several prominent leaders of the Muslim community from all over Kerala. In that vital meeting, Vakkom Moulavi delivered a rousing opening speech, in which he sharply contrasted the belief and practices of early Muslims with those of contemporary Mappila Muslims. He believed that the cause of the socio-economic decline of the Muslim community was its distorted understanding of Islamic principles. Therefore, it was highly important to initiate

IU8lbid., 62-63. 109 According to Mohammed Kannu, an organization known as Nishpasha Sangham [Impartial Association] was founded in 1922 in order to put an end to competition and sectarian tendencies among the Muslims of Kodugallur, which was later transformed into the Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham. Manappattu P. Kunhimuhammd Haji, Kottappurathu Seethi Muhammad Sahib, K.M. Seethi Sahib, Sikkandar Haji, K.M. Moulavi, E. K. Moulavi and Shaykh Hamadani Thangal were the prominent leaders involved in its establishment. Ibid., 65. ""Miller, Mappila Muslims ofKerala, 206.

218 religious reforms for the social and educational development of Mappilas. However, his opening remarks provoked angry responses from the conservative 'u/a/nä', who gave him the nickname, "Wahhabi"1" and opposed the work of Aikya Sangham through lectures and writings. With the emergence of Aikya Sangham, K.M. Moulavi and E. K. Moulavi and other islälii Muslim scholars settled down in Eriyad."' Consequently, the islälii movement to grow rapidly in Kodungallur. Many books and journals were published, such as Muslim Aikyam, a Malayalam monthly journal, al-Irshad, an Arabi-Malayalam journal and al-hlah, an Arabi-Malayalam weekly."4 The efforts of the Aikya Sangham workers led to the establishment of the Madrasa ltihadiya in Eriyad.1 ' "^

Subsequent annual conferences of Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham were held in Alwaye (1924), Calicut (1925), Tellicherry (1926), Cannanore (1927), Thirur (1928),

Ernakulum (1929), Trivandrum (1930), Malappuram (1931), (1932), again in

Eriyad (1933) and Cannanore (1934). These conferences were presided over by prominent Muslim leaders from different parts of India. Vakkom Moulavi and his close friends and disciples attended most of the annual conferences. This provided him an opportunity to engage with prominent Muslim leaders of Kerala. After the twelfth annual

" 'Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 103. "2Ibid., 102-104. During the conference, a committee was constituted to establish a Muslim college at Alwaye and raised a sum of Rs. 10, 000 towards that purpose. Vakkom Moulavi was keenly interested in establishing this college. He, along with his friends such as V. Chandamiya Sahib, who was a retired ¡ail superintendent, Captain Muhammad Mytheen, and S. Muhammad Sulaiman Sahib, actively worked towards it. For the establishment of the college, the government granted eight acres of land in Alwaye. However, Muslims had to raise 10,000 rupees to avoid the government taking the land back. Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 159. "'Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 102. "4Moidu Moulavi was the editor of al-lslah. "^Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance, 56.

219 Conference at Cannanore in 1934, Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham dissolved and merged with the Kerala Muslim Majlis."6 Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham occupies a significant place in the history of the istalli movement in Kerala. It contributed tremendously to the promotion of modern education and initiated socio-religious reforms among Muslims throughout Kerala. It was instrumental in establishing several primary and high schools and it inspired Muslims to send their children to modern schools and colleges. Lectures and discussions during the annual sessions of the Ailkya Sangham molded a large number of future leaders for the islahi movement in Kerala."7

VII. Impact of Vakkom MoulavPs Religious Reform

Traditional Muslim education in Kerala was more or less a community affair. Lessons were taught by respected leaders of the community and classes were held in the mosques, which were a meeting point for community members. Mosques were also used to accommodate students. Providing food to students was held to be the responsibility of the local community. Students were assigned to different homes for meals. In return, students taught religious lessons to the children in those homes. It was these families that supplied books to the mosque libraries as a form of endowment {??a??. After their religious education, these students served as religious leaders in their respective communities. Therefore, the objective of the school curriculum was to equip the students to meet the religious needs of their communities. Education was never intended to qualify them for employment in the civil service.

"6MiIIeI-, Mappila Muslims ofKerala, 206,207 1 ' Mohammed Ali, The Development ofEducation among the Mappilas, 1 54- 1 57.

220 Arabie was the medium of education in the pre-colonial era. The curriculum, which was rooted in the traditional religious culture of the Mappilas, originally covered a range of disciplines, including the 'transmitted' sciences as well as subjects like geometry, mathematics, astronomy, logic, history, and medicine. Later, however, it was largely reduced to learning Arabic, reading the Qur'än and learning Islam Karyam

(matters related to Islam), Iman Karyam (matters related to beliefs) and Namaskara Kramam (rituals of prayer). Higher education included learning of Pathu Kithab (ten books). Students would gather in learning circles or olhupallys to read a text or a set of texts from a particular teacher. The othupally system was almost entirely based on oral learning, and often students were not able to write anything despite several years of study. Vakkom Moulavi's educational reform replaced the Mappila traditional educational system. Religious education was removed from its historical and cultural roots. Thus, education became more of a mechanical activity of harnessing the art of reading and writing than a cultural activity. The 'ulama' were replaced by 'professional' teachers and education was moved from mosque-schools and offered at secular schools. What we see here is a further eclipse of religious institutions and the authority of the 'ulama'. Islam was taught in its 'pure' form based on the Qur'än and Iiacflth but was lacking its historical and cultural context.

Conclusion

As we noted earlier in this chapter, modern education was introduced in Kerala by the British as a means to implement their 'civilizing mission'. The standardization of the "8Sikand, Bastions ofthe Believers, 123.

221 Malayalam language and its development as the language of education, state bureaucracy, elite politics, patriotic thinking and culture in Kerala was also a means towards the modernization of Kerala society. Even though standardized Malayalam marginalized Arabic-Malayalam, Vakkom Moulavi wrote and promoted it as the medium for both religious and modern education. By doing so he and his followers were becoming a vital part of the modernization process in Kerala. However, the "educational backwardness" of Muslims was a major stumbling block in their modernization efforts. Therefore, he convincingly argued that modern education was essential for the modernization of the Muslim community. Moreover, Vakkom Moulavi insisted that traditional Muslim religious education in Kerala was not "useful," which in turn necessitated madrasa "reform" in Kerala. As a result of his writings and networking with other members of the community, the Travancore government took over the responsibility of teaching Muslim students Arabic language and the Qur'an at secular schools along with modern education. However, as we have seen, his efforts uprooted traditional Mappila religious education from its long-standing historical and cultural foundations.

222 Chapter 6

Political Participation in a Nation-State

Vakkom Moulavi contributed not only towards Muslim religious reform but also towards the socio-political transformation of Travancore society. He perceived religious reform and participation in political process as two sides of the same coin. Vakkom

Moulavi's political ideas were very much shaped by his understanding of the distinction between spiritual and worldly affairs. He believed that Islam provides certain general principles concerning worldly affairs and it is the responsibility of Muslims to use their reason to derive rules appropriate for various situations. In order to challenge the socio- political structures of Travancore, he turned to print media, as we have discussed in the first chapter. Through Swadesabhimani, he brought about political transformation of

Travancore society in two ways. On the one hand, he challenged existing political and social structures of power and authority by criticizing the Dewan and court officials for rampant corruption in the state bureaucracy. On the other, he educated people about their rights and responsibilities as "citizens" of Travancore State. He urged them to realize that they were no longer "subjects" of a king ready to follow his orders blindly. In reaction to mounting criticism of its bureaucracy, however, the government suppressed Swadesabhimani five years after its birth and exiled its editor, Ramakrishna Pillai.

L Vakkom Moulavi's Views Concerning Worldly Matters Throughout his writings, Vakkom Moulavi recognized the difference between spiritual and worldly matters. He believed that the Qur'ân and hadïth ought to be the sole foundations for comprehending religious issues and that they should be followed as is.

223 Since spiritual matters are eternal and cannot be improved upon by anyone, they cannot be changed. Therefore, no one has the authority or power to add or delete any religious principles. However, worldly matters are always subject to change and modification according to place and time. It is always possible for new issues to arise in accordance with prevailing socio-economic and political conditions. Therefore, it is not feasible to resolve these newly emerging issues with established legal wisdom and opinions.1 Vakkom Moulavi held the opinion that Islam prescribed certain general principles, these being: accept what is good, reject evil, observe justice in judgment, do not commit injustice, and do not cheat. On the basis of these principles Muslims who have proper knowledge of religious matters should use reason to derive rules to resolve worldly matters. On the one hand Vakkom Moulavi argued that, since there is no priestly class in Islam/ every Muslim is free to exercise his own judgment, at best searching for and discovering rules to settle worldly issues. On the other, he argued that it is the duty of the learned religious scholars, and not all Muslims, to derive rules.4 This tension is not truly resolved in Vakkom Moulavi's writings. However, taking his understanding of the social responsibility of all Muslims into consideration we can conclude that this distinction was not a crucial one for him. What was important for him was that every Muslim should understand Islamic principles and act on these when dealing with worldly matters.

Vakkom Moulavi's understanding of worldly affairs is very close to that of

RasWId Rida, who made a distinction between acts of worship and those of morality. Rida

'Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 129-130. 2lbid., 91, 129. :'lbid., 132-133. 4lbid., 129.

224 believed that acts oriented towards God are laid down for ever and completely in the

Qur'än and authentic hadtth. They can never be changed and no addition can be made to them by anyone. However, the acts oriented towards other men have not and cannot be regulated in the same way by the Qur'än and liadïtli. Therefore, it is the responsibility of human beings to use their reason, in the light of the general principles laid down in the Qur'än and hadïth, to decide what act best accords with the spirit of Tslam. Rida argued that human reason must be guided by the principle of public interest (mas/a/ja).*

Vakkom Mou lav i also maintained that learned religious scholars, rulers and kings, who have the proper sense ofjustice and righteousness, can legislate rules and regulations for the governance of a country or a city. It is the obligation of people to obey their rules.

According to him this is the reason why the Qur'än commanded, "O ye who believe!

Obey Allah, and obey the Messenger, and those charged with authority among you." (4:59).6

Vakkom Moulavi further argued that, in regard to issues pertaining to public affairs, Islam prescribes that decisions should be made in consultation with the public. He quoted the verse {aya) "...consult them in affairs (of moment)... "(3: 159) to support his argument. In accordance with this commandment, the Prophet used to consult his companions in matters of public interest. The four "rightly guided caliphs" also followed the tradition of consultation. However, from the time of the Umayyad rulers (661-750) this tradition had gradually eroded, such that dictatorship began to take root during the time of the 'Abbäsid (750-1258). Vakkom Moulavi claimed that most of the

5Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 233; Wael B. Hallaq, // History of Islamic Legal Theories: An Introduction to Suiinî Usui ¿tl-Fiqli (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 214- 220. 6Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 129.

225 later Muslim rulers, except a few, were dictators. He believed that Muslim rule began to decline when the rulers, despite being obliged to follow and insist on the tradition of public consultation, violated it and began to act autocratically. 7

Vakkom Moulavi's legal views need to be seen within the context of the historical experience of the Mappila Muslims of Kerala, who had never been subject to any Muslim ruler. During the pre-colonial period Muslims mostly worked as traders and merchants in

Kerala and came to settle in port towns and on the banks of major rivers in Malabar and certain parts of Travancore. Due to the contribution of trade to the general economy of local kingdoms, the rulers of Kerala at the time granted autonomy to Muslim communities to practice their faith and take care of their own socio-religious affairs.

Therefore, even though Muslims did not enjoy political autonomy they were free to establish mosques and madrasas and to live according to the requirements of sharì'a. In other words, throughout the history Mappilas followed sharì'a only in terms of religious and family laws. This may be the one reason why Vakkom Moulavi did not develop his understanding of a state governed by Islamic principles or sharì'a. Rather he accepted the 'secular' state of Kerala. However, Vakkom Moulavi believed that the state should be accountable to people and pay attention to their grievances. This understanding of state demanded that Muslims should be aware about their rights and privileges and actively engage in the political life of Travancore. Without a just government and bureaucracy, free of corruption and nepotism, it will not be possible for Muslims to ensure their rights and privileges.

7Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 129-130. 8Not negating religion but not guided by religious leaders in state affairs.

226 II. Historical Context of Vakkotn Moulavi's Political Views

In I860, Travancore's Maharaja reached an agreement with the British and decided to appoint, with the approval of the British government, Dewans for the administration of his territory. Though there were qualified people in Travancore,

Brahmins from outside the State were brought in and appointed as Dewans, "in the interests of the political integration of India."10 Moreover, educated Malayalees were seldom appointed to higher levels of the state bureaucracy." ft is significant to note that this was taking place at a time when a new generation of educated people, with a broad social and political outlook and conscious of their rights and responsibilities, emerged in Travancore with the spread of English education.

In order to secure their right to hold public offices in the state, therefore, the students of Travancore formed, in 1877, an organization called "the Malayali Social Union," which was later gave rise to the "the Travancore Malayali Sabha."12 On 1 1

January 1891, under their leadership, a memorandum, which became known as the

"Malayali Memorial", was submitted to the Maharaja.

The main object of the Malayali Memorial was to impress on the Maharaja the gross injustice involved in the denial to Travancoreans of a fair share in the administration and in their systematic exclusion from the higher grades of service so far as the existing system of distribution of patronage in the State was based on nepotism and favouritism They demanded preferential treatment for the natives of Travancore, irrespective of "class, caste or creed." '

9The Regional Records Survey Committee, Kerala State, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, 2. I0lbid.,3. "Members of the Nayar community, who traditionally served the maharaja in state administration and military service, were mostly affected by this arrangement. See, Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore, 12G. Arunima, "Imagining Communities-Differently...," 75. '"'The Regional Records Survey Committee, Kerala State, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, 10-11.

227 The Malayali Memorial "marks the awakening, for the first time, of the educated section of the State." Though members of the Nair in the main endorsed the Malayali

Memorial, members of the Ezahava, Namboodhiri, Latin, Syrian Christian and Anglo-

Indian communities also extended their support. It is significant to note that in 1891 there was not even a single Muslim employed in Travancore's civil service. However, the framers of Memorial did not seek out even a single Muslim for inclusion among its 10,000 'Malayali' signatories, on the ground that they were backward in education. 1^ Although many British officials sympathised with the petitioners, the Dewan did not accept their demands.16 We need to analyze Vakkom Moulavi's political views in the context of the politics of agitation in Travancore and Muslims" lack of participation in it.

III. New Emphasis on Human Instrumentality in the World

By separating worldly affairs from spiritual affairs, Vakkom Moulavi highlighted the importance of worldly affairs. He espoused the belief that worldly affairs are just as important as spiritual affairs. He also held that it is not only the responsibility of the

'ulama' but of the Muslims in general to take worldly affairs seriously. This is the reason why he invited Muslims to participate actively in the political life of Travancore. He believed that Muslims could not achieve prosperity nor even the opportunity to pursue modern education without doing it.

l4The Regional Records Survey Committee, Kerala State, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, 10. '3This roused the sentiments of the Muslim middle class and caused them to rally behind anti- Memorialists. Consequently, Muslims did not participate in the strategy followed by different communities in the ensuing years to strengthen their position in government administration. M. Kabir, "Socio-Religious Reform Movements among the Muslims of Kerala: c. 1900- 1 930, [11-12]. l6Later, Dewan Rajagopalachari alleged that Swadesabhimani highlighted the grievances of these university graduates of Travancore and demanded greater participation for natives in government services. Rajagopal Chari, Dewan 's Note dated 15" August. 1912, 29. Vakkom Moulavi's call for Mappilas to engage in the political process of Kerala society can be seen in the wake of similar calls from Muslims reformers of South Asia during the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. According to Robinson, religious reformers in South Asia generally believed in the idea of "personal responsibility and centrality of action on earth," often laced with a sense of urgency.17 He noted that "[reformers from Ashraf 'Ali Thanwi to Mavvdudi emphasized that if a man knew what he should do, he must do it. Knowing meant doing. They were depicted as terrified by the thought that they might not be doing enough to be saved. "I

"Iqbal draws the Quranic reference to Adam as his [Allah's] vice-regent or successor on earth into the modern politico-Islamic discourse of South Asia. In doing so, he both emphasizes the enormous responsibility of each individual human being in the trust he or she has received from God and encapsulates that relationship in the concept of the

''Robinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 265. lslbid., 270 >id· 20Annemarie Schimmel, Gabriel's Wing: A Study of the Religious Ideas ofSir Muhammad Iqbal, 2'"' ed. (Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan, 1989), 42-43 and Ayesha JaIaI, Self and Sovereignly: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam since 1850 (London: Routledge, 2000), 166, 178.

229 of each individual human being."21 Similar ideas were also held by Protestant reformers, such as Martin Luther, who emphasized the constant obligation of human beings to live moral and religious lives. Thus, "[mjundane roles and occupations were ... promoted as expressions of piety, as being pleasing to God, provided that they were performed diligently and honestly."22

HLa. The Prophet as the Model of Action

According to Vakkom Moulavi, the Prophet and his companions were diligent people, interested in actions and noble thinking. Their will power was sufficient enough to move mountains. With that they achieved noble goals, scored victory for truth over untruth, and defeated the forces of injustice and evil. They reached the zenith of everything without even being touched by evil deeds or thoughts and became angels in human form. This is the piety or God-fearingness {taqwa) that Islam prescribed for its followers. Therefore, in one of his speeches, Vakkom Moulavi urged Muslims to follow the path of the Prophet Muhammad.

Reminiscence of him would remind you about golden age of Islam. It will kindle a desire to be prosperous. It will motivate you to suffer anything for a bright future. Let us know the true principles of holy Islam. Let us be capable enough to fulfill the responsibilities that Islam entrusted upon us so that we may have the right to be called as Muslims." Taqwa is a significant concept in Rahman's work also. Lie believed that it is the

Qur'an's central moral principle for human beings and defines it as "'a mental state of responsibility from which an agent's actions proceed but which recognizes that the

2lRobinson, "Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia," 265. "Bruce, Religion in the Modern World, 14. "Vakkom Moulavi, "Welcome Speech I," 20-21. 24Vakkom Moulavi, "Mawlid al-Nabawi," 81-82.

230 criterion of judgment upon them lies outside him.""3 Therefore, he held that the Quranic ethical and socio-political order was creatively and organically related to a "deep God consciousness." The Qur'an's challenge to Muslims was to create a just socio-economic and political order by implementing Islamic ideals."6 Reflecting on Vakkom Moulavi's understanding of the Prophet's life, Bashir, one of his grandsons, claimed how Vakkom Moulavi held that "even God's chosen prophet had to work hard for worldly success. We can see a prophet who worked hard not only in the crucial battle of Badr (624) but also in the treaty of Hudaybiyah, (signed with the Meccans in 628) which had memorable and miraculous results. Do not forget the old saying that one should entrust the camel to God only after firmly tying it to a tree."27

Vakkom Moulavi held that religion is not a spiritual exercise alone. Religious principles should lead Muslims to participate actively in worldly affairs. Therefore, he also urged his followers to do the following:

Throw your frustration and misunderstanding and work with courage and enthusiasm. If you hear words of hopelessness and apathy do not listen to it, think them as words of devil. Believe that no one is more eligible to be noble in this world than the people of tawlvd and those who believe in Allah's unity. Remember that you are not to remain lifeless in this world but to live as exemplary communities. Awake, to make your religion prominent again in the world. Demonstrate its excellence with your work and character so that it may attract the whole world. Try to reconstruct the pillar of fame and prosperity, which was built by your predecessors but was later completely obliterated due to carelessness. Let life power of Islam illumine your hearts. Let your thoughts and emotion be united and move you in same direction. Let personal conflicts or selfish desires do not barricade your way. May you advance in the straight path."1

23Rahman, Islam & Modernity, 155. 26lbid., 15 27Bashir, "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi," 6. 2SVakkom Moulavi, "Our Condition," 184.

231 [II. b. Rejection of Asceticism

According to Vakkom Moulavi, Islamic religious principles contradict the basic premise of asceticism. Therefore, there should be no ascetic practices in Islam. The Islamic faith does not advocate that human beings should renounce their physical desires and earthly pleasures in order to experience the love and presence of God. It does not propose that they should totally reject the world and lead an ascetic life in order to obtain spiritual purification. It teaches that human beings are constituted of soul and body. Therefore, just as they have spiritual needs and responsibilities, they also have physical needs and obligations. Human beings are bound by religious law to fulfill the rights of body as well as the soul without fail. God did not create our physical desires and powers without purpose. He did not create these to become a hindrance to our spiritual wellbeing. Just as they are meaningful and necessary for physical life, they are also helpful to our spiritual life. Therefore, torturing the body by hating the world and denying the body its due is against God's will and human ethical standards. Yet by the same token, we should also avoid giving precedence to physical needs and indulging in physical pleasures by transgressing the limits set by God.29 In order to substantiate his arguments Vakkom Moulavi quoted the following

Quranic verses/ "It is He Who hath created for you all things that are on earth." (2:29).

"O ye who believe! Make not unlawful the good things which Allah hath made lawful for you, but commit no excess: for Allah loveth not those given to excess. Eat of the things which Allah hath provided for you, lawful and good." (5:87-88). "Eat and drink: But waste not by excess, for Allah loveth not the wasters. Say: Who hath forbidden the

29Vakkom Moulavi, "An Outline of Islamic Religious Principles," 130-13 I . 30lbid., 131-132.

232 beautiful (gifts) of Allah, which He hath produced for His servants, and the things, clean and pure, (which He hath provided) for sustenance?" (7:3 1-32). "There are men who say:

"Our Lord! Give us (Thy bounties) in this world!" but they will have no portion in the Hereafter. And there are men who say: "Our Lord! Give us good in this world and good in the Hereafter, and defend us from the torment of the Fire!" To these will be allotted what they have earned." (2:200-202). "But seek, with the (wealth) which Allah has bestowed on thee, the Home of the Hereafter, nor forget thy portion in this world...."

(28:77). "(Saying): "Eat of the good things We have provided for your sustenance, but commit no excess therein, lest My Wrath should justly descend on you." (20:81). "Allah doth not wish to place you in a difficulty, but to make you clean, and to complete his favour to you, that ye may be grateful." (5:6).

Affirmation of human instrumentality in the world led Rashid Rida also to reject asceticism and eventually to be critical of Sufism. He held that "ft]he Sufis are a weakness to society as well as a danger to religion. They neglect their duties in the world, studying things which are of no value, and they corrupt the umma by teaching that Islam is a religion of passive submission not strength and activity; their festivals can be an occasion for drunkenness, drug-taking, and other kinds of immorality."' According to

Hourani, Ridä's suspicion of Sufism was one of the factors that drew him nearer to the teachings of Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab."'"

''Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 232. 32lbid., 224-225.

O ^ ^> TV. Centrality of Patriotic Thinking

Even though Vakkom Moulavi is widely acknowledged as a Muslim reformer, his patriotic thinking and his involvement in the Indian National Congress are not properly recognized. Patriotism was absolutely central to his thinking and action. According to Muhammad Kannu, one of the major objectives of his reform movement was to bring Muslims to the forefront of the freedom movement and the anti-colonial struggle. He believed that it would not be possible for the nation to "progress' without 'uplifting' Muslims, who constitute an important part of the nation, along with other communities in Kerala. However, he realized that he had a lot to do in order to instill patriotic thinking in

Muslims, who are a socially and educationally 'backward' community. He understood that it would not be possible to do so without challenging their conservative religious beliefs and practices. Therefore, his socio-religious reform movement was an attempt to enable Muslims to carry the light of patriotism.^ If Christians, Muslims, and Hindus are horses tied to a chariot, (i.e., the Indian nation), then weakness on the part of any one of them would hinder its steady progress/ It was his belief that the "strength of a chain hinges on the strength of its weakest and smallest ring" that motivated him to work for his fellow Muslims.

It is very difficult to identify the line that separates his patriotic thinking from his religious reform activities. He was one of the early activists of Indian National Congress in Travancore. According to Bashir, "there were not many in Kerala during that time to

"'''Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 12. '"ibid., 60. °Bashii\ "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi," 6.

234 equal him." ' This is the reason why we often see that Congress leaders were invited as chief guests to preach at public meetings arranged by istalli organizations in Kerala. For example, Mr. A.K. Pillai, one of greatest leaders of the Congress and the foremost freedom fighter in Kerala, made his first public appearance at the Nilakyamukku Muslim Samqjam (Association) convention, which was chaired by Attingal Gopalan Nair.J

Because of this meeting a group of volunteers who had accepted Gandhijrs ideals and leadership emerged in Nilakkamukku. Vakkom Moulavi provided leadership to this group and also worked to establish similar organizations in other parts of Kerala to spread the message of patriotism. Therefore, in the istalli movement in Kerala at the beginning of the twentieth century, there was little bifurcation between religious reform and patriotism: both went hand in hand. This may have been unique to Muslim organizations in Kerala.

Vakkom Moulavi actively participated in the first Conference of the Kerala

Provincial Congress Committee held in Ottapalam, in Malabar, in April 1921. He was accompanied by A. Muhammad Kunju Moulavi and A. Muhammad Kannu." During this conference, there held a meeting of the Kerala Majlis al-'Ulamä', presided over by

36K. M. Bashir, "Speech Delivered by Mr. K.M. Bashir at the lnauguralmeet of the Trust on 2lsl June 1987," http://www.vnTtil.urg/clocuments/knibspeecli I. htm, accessed on I August 2008. 37In 1920, when the Non-cooperation Movement had just started, Mr. A. K. Pillai was a student at Oxford University. Already a graduate of Madias University, he was doing his "Law Schools" at Oxford, and keeping terms at the Inner Temple, London. In England he took a keen interest in Indian affairs, speaking at public meetings and writing for the British press. He was a very popular figure at the Indian Majlis at Oxford, which he represented at the inter-varsity debates on more than one occasion. At the instance of Mahatma Gandhi, he left his studies in England in 1921 and returned to India to take up Congress work. Soon after his return he was put in charge of organizing the new Congress Province of Kerala comprised of Malabar, Travancore and Cochin. He himself hailed from Travancore, which was mainly the scene of his activities. To facilitate organizational and propaganda work, he started a vernacular paper, the Swarat, which was the first nationalist journal on the west coast. 38CK. Kareem, Kerala Muslim History, Statistics and Directory, vol. I, History of Kerala and of her Muslims (Edapally: Charitram Publications, 1997), 580.

235 Sayyid Murtaza Sahib. J This meeting provided Vakkom Moulavi with the chance to associate more closely with several Muslims leaders of Malabar. It is significant here to note that his colleagues also participated in several Congress meetings and maintained close contact with Congress leaders. '

Vakkom Moulavi had great respect for Gandhiji right from the beginning of his struggles in South Africa. In 1922, he attended a public meeting organized by Congress workers during Gandhiji's first visit to Trivandrum. It was K.M. Moulavi who translated Gandhiji's message into Malayalam.4" On the next day, Vakkom Moulavi and K.M.

Moulavi, had a half-hour meeting with Gandhiji at the Bhakti Vilas Mandir in

Trivandrum. From that day onwards Vakkom Moulavi began to wear khadi or khaddar fabrics.4"' Vakkom Moulavi also supported the . He strongly protested when he heard that Congress- Khilafat leaders such as Yakoob Hassan, K. Madhavan

Nair, U. Gopala Menon, P. Moideen Koya had been arrested at the order of the Malabar collector, Mr. E. F. Thomas.

Vakkom Moulavi sent his elder son, M. Abdul Salam, to Jamia Milia lslamia in

Delhi to pursue his studies. According to Muhammad Kannu, this decision, too, was shaped by his patriotism. Despite his admiration for Gandhi and strong support for the

freedom movement, during the Khiläfat-Non-cooperation Campaign, Vakkom Moulavi rejected Gandhi's call to boycott educational institutions. He advised P. Habib

j9Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders ofRenaissance, 47. 40K. M. Seethi, "Vakkom Moulaviye Patti ChMa Smaranakal" [A Few Reminiscences about Vakkom Moulavi], in Vakkom Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Kruthikal [Selected Writings of Vakkom Maulavi], ed. S. Mohamed Abda (Vakkom: Vakkom Maulavi Publications, 1979), 352-353. K.M. Seethi Sahib and his fellow students at the Muslim Hostel were friends and fellow workers of A. K. Pillai. 41 Ibid., 35 1-353. Ramakiishna Pillai wrote a biography of Gandhiji while he was in South Africa. 42KaIIiUi, Vakkom Moulavi, I 16. r,lbid. 44K. M. Seethi, "A Few Reminiscences about Vakkom Moulavi," 350.

236 Muhammad and K.M. Moldavi, who were then studying at Trivandrum, not to boycott schools but rather to continue their studies. 4:>

V. Media and Social Reform

According to N. A. Kareem, Vakkom Moulavi divided his sphere of activities into two: social reform and political transformation. He believed that for the transformation of

Travancore society and development of the Muslim community in Kerala, both these activities needed to be undertaken at the same time.46 This explains why Vakkom

Moulavi launched two different publications, Swadesabhimani and Muslim, which represented the two sides of his activities, at the same time. Both these publications contributed tremendously towards the modernization of Kerala society; however, each took a different direction. While Swadesabhimani was meant for the overall modernization of Kerala society, Muslim was specially designed to assist the Muslim community of Kerala in its modernization drive. In the fust editorial of Muslim Vakkom

Moulavi wrote that it will be "a specialized journal" in order "to revive Muslims" in matters of modern education and religious beliefs and practices. It is significant, therefore, to note that Muhammad Kannu introduced Muslim as a fellow creature

(sahajeevi)* of Swadesabhimani. Both publications were meant to achieve more or less same objectives and both challenged authorities, religious and political, when their activities and attitudes hindered the modernization process in Kerala.

4:,lbid. Tagore also disapproved of the boycott. He believed that, since there are no alternatives to education, students should not be forced to forgo their studies. 46N. A. Kareem, "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Abdul Khadir Moulavi," Madhyamam, 24 March 2001,4. 47KaIiIUi, Vakkom Moulavi, 59.

237 The name of his newspaper, Swadesabhimani (patriot), is a superb example of the centrality of patriotism to Vakkom Moulavi's thinking and writing. He also opened a printing press and a library also at Vakkom under the same name, "Swadesabhimani". 4'

At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was no journal or newspaper with so provocative a title and so avowedly patriotic an outlook in Kerala. He chose the title

"Swadesabhimani" at a time when patriotic thinking was marginal and the "freedom movement" had not yet captured the imagination of people in Travancore. Even in other parts of India, during this time, patriotic thinking and the anti-colonial struggle had not yet been developed as a widespread movement.3 Therefore, P.M. Nair contended that "it was not a fortuitous event that, seventy five years back, a Muslim scholar named a print shop and newspaper as 'Swadesabhimani,' in a village in Travancore."3

Several Mappila Muslim scholars held that Vakkom Moulavi was influenced by 'Abduli and Jamal at-Dln al-AfghanTs (1839-1897) understanding of patriotism.3'

According to Shahul Hamid, there were at least three objectives for 'Abduh's religious reform movement:

1. To propagate modern education among common people and make them aware of their rights.

2. To use media to instil a nationalistic outlook in people and also to empower them to challenge corruption.

3. To persuade rulers to implement reform, at least to a certain extent.

Jlbid., 115. 1 Nair, Freedom Fighters, 2 1 7. 'Ibid., 217-218. 2¡bid., 218; Mohamed Abda, "Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into a Sword," n.p.

238 Vakkom Moulavi found the newspaper to be a powerful tool for promoting his ideas of reform. Robin Jeffrey has argued that there were at least three stages in the expansion of print culture in Kerala: "rare" (which existed from the 1820s until the establishment of newspapers in the 1860s and 1870s); "elite"' (which lasted from the

1870s/80s to the 1960/7Os); and "mass" (which began to pervade Kerala from the 197Os).'"1 According to his historical classification, Swadesabhimani falls into the second stage (elite) of the expansion of print culture. Jeffrey has further argued that at the "elite" stage, print "appears to have striking potency to change lives and mould new sorts of societies and governments."3 At this stage print generated "public action" or "public politics". It propelled social and political change and fostered political organization and mobilization."

However, according to Jeffrey, at this stage newspaper circulations were small relative to the population and advertising was not a dominant means of financing a paper.

Moreover, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the scarcity of modern printing presses and experienced workers made printing difficult. It was also hard to receive news reports and circulate newspapers. Moreover, the numbers of people who were literate and could afford to subscribe newspapers were few in Kerala/6 Therefore, journalism was not a lucrative business during Vakkom Moulavi's time. Knowing this aspect of the newspaper industry, Vakkom Moulavi's relatives discouraged him from venturing into journalism. However, Vakkom Moulavi maintained that

33Robin Jeffrey, "The Three Stages of Print: Testing Ideas of 'Public Sphere,1 'Print-Capitalism' and 'Public Action' in Kerala, India," (Paper presented at the 15"' Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia, Canberra, 29 June - 2 July 2004), 12. "ibid., 2. "This explains why the government suppressed newspapers in Kerala in the tust half of the twentieth century. Swadesabhimani (1910), Malayala Manorama (1938) and Desabhinumi (1943) were the three newspapers suppressed in Kerala. 56lbid.,6-ll.

239 I am not a businessman. What I want to achieve with the newspaper is social service and patriotism. Money is not the ultimate profit I need. I firmly believe that my country will get what I am looking for. That is enough for me.'

V. a. Objectives

At the beginning of the twentieth century, a British Resident controlled more or less the entire administrative machinery of the Travancore State, leaving the Maharaja practically confined to the role of a constitutional monarch in the most limited sense of the term. Dewans, who were the heads of the State bureaucracy, along with court officials and government bureaucrats, wielded enormous power and authority. l They were given free and direct access to the British Resident and full authority, untrammeled by the Maharaja and unfettered by public opinion.3 In order to secure their power and position, they protected the interests of the Resident, the Maharaja and other court officials. They rarely considered the legitimate aspirations and rights of subjects of the State nor did they feel obliged to work for their welfare.60 They "practically stood between the Maharaja and his subjects and prevented the cries of the latter from reaching the ears of the former."61 The Maharaja received information about his subjects through court officials and these latter greatly influenced him in his decision making. It was not possible for subjects to approach the Maharaja, except through them. They generally indulged in a continuous policy of nepotism and favoritism and filled the state bureaucracy with their own kith and kin. By indulging in corruption, bribery and nepotism, court officials

^Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moulavi," 12-13. 38Rajagopa! Chari, Dewan's Note Dated 1 5'1' August 1912, 2. 39The Regional Records Survey Committee, Kerala State, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, 2-3. 60 Kizhakkemuri, Swadesahhimani Ramakrishnapillai, I I. 6lThe Regional Records Survey Committee, Kerala State, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, 3.

240 amassed huge wealth and made the lives of common people miserable in Travancore.

Subjects had to seek the mercy and favor of court officials even to secure their rightful privileges. No constitutional provisions were available for people to challenge their decisions or to demand what was their due.6" The Maharaja and the Dewans not only failed to root out corruption and nepotism but also closed their eyes towards it.63 In this context objectives were clearly spelled out in Swadesabhimani. CP.

Govinda Pillai, the editor, wrote the following in its first editorial published on 19

January 1905;

We don't declare that Swadeshabhimani will perform great things for the Muslim community and other communities, who desire their well-being. Our primary objective is that Swadeshabhimani' s work should promote public welfare and prosperity. To achieve this objective we will do our utmost. We will not conceal any public grievances fearing dangers that may happen to us.

These objectives were reiterated again when Ramakrishna Pillai took charge as its editor on 1 7 January 1 906. '

We will remain extremely vigilant, on the one hand, in bringing to the notice of the government peoples' rights and aspirations, and, on the other, in making policies and measures of government better known to people. Thus, it is clear that public welfare and prosperity, especially that of Muslims, was the primary concern of Swadesabhimani.^ Vakkom Moulavi fully realized that it would not be possible to achieve it unless public grievances were brought to the attention of the Travancore government. At the same time, Swadesabhimani had to inform people

62Ramakrishnan Nair, The Political Ideas of Swadesabhimani (1878-1916) (Trivandrum: The Kerala Academy of Political Science, 1975), 13. 63lbid., 12 & 41-43. 64It is generally held that Ramakrishna Pillai radically changed Swadesabhimani and that its contributions towards political transformation should be solely ascribed to him. However, if we compare the above two editorials it is possible to see that both of them envisioned public welfare as the primary objective of Swadesabhimani. Many Kerala history books even hold that Ramakrishna Pillai owned the Swadesabhimani press and newspaper. Vakkom Moulavi's vision for Swadesabhimani was not adequately recognized at the time. foThis may be one of the reasons why many Muslims from Malabar also subscribed to Swadesabhimani.

241 of government policies and decisions. However, through this newspaper, this declaration was made at a time when freedom of expression and democratic aspirations were not realized as basic civil rights in Travancore. 66 People had no means to express their basic grievances. Neither the Legislative council67 nor the S ree Mu I am Popular Assembly68 was representative popular bodies. When people's rights and privileges were not respected by state bureaucrats, no one dared to raise voice against it and bring it to the attention of the Maharaja. Moreover, no journals in Travancore were ready to carry out this challenging responsibility. This was the gap that Swadesabhimcmi promised to fill. Therefore, the following slogan was proudly printed on its front page: "Fear, crookedness and greed will not build a country." ft was more than a fancy slogan: rather, it was this newspaper's mission statement.6 Through editorials and columns, people's rights -where these were challenged or denied- were highlighted even by risking everything and always living up to its ideals. Therefore, taking into consideration the political and social

structures of Travancore at the beginning of the twentieth century, Swadesabhimani was

the medium to express public grievances to the government, and indeed to challenge its responsibility.

66Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moiilavi," 14. 67In 1888, for the first lime in the history of any Indian state, a Legislative Council was constituted in Travancore. It was a small council of eight members, six officials and two non-officials, all nominated by the Maharaja. The Dewan was the ex-officio President and the tenure of the council was three years. It was not a legislative council as such, only an advisory council. Nair, The political ideas of Swadesabhimani, I I . 68The Sri Mulam P raj a Sabha [Sri IVI u lam Popular Assembly] was created by a Royal proclamation in 1904. It was an assembly of distinguished citizens, in addition to the Legislative council. It was not a law making body but a sort of debating society created to ensure better understanding between the government and prominent subjects of the state, it was composed of three kinds of members: those selected by heads of districts, those deputed by municipalities, other public bodies and associations; and those nominated by the government, [representatives of landholders, merchants and graduates, p. 12] In 1904 the total number of member was one hundred. It used to meet once a year and sit for few days. The Dewan was its president. Ibid., 33 f.n.7. 69KaIiIiU, Vakkom Moldavi. 39.

242 V.b.Nepotism and Corruption

Through Swadesabhimani, it was claimed that corruption riddled the Travancore government. It was primarily concerned with corruption, nepotism and favoritism on the part of court officials and the authority of their ruthless henchmen. Through articles, news reports, editorials and short notes Ramakrishna Pillai brought their true nature to light. Court rulings that mentioned corruption charges against bureaucrats were translated and published in Swadesabhimani. Ramakrishna Pi I Lai's writings agitated the Dewan and his bureaucrats.71 The style and language of his editorials were powerful enough to wound the feelings of the people against whom they were written. The titles of following editorials are noteworthy: "Bribery: Satan's mischief; "Vadasseri case"; "Subject's money"; "Suppression of newspapers or suppression of corruption"; "Thampuran [His Highness] Thampi";72 "Money of citizens"; "Supremacy of courtiers"; "Royal servants and the kingdom of Travancore"; "The great palace"; and "Why can't we exile Sankaran Thampi?". Even though these articles were written directly against court officials,

Ramakrishna Pillai was indirectly challenging the existing political and social structures of Travancore, and the Maharaja's failure to establish justice and equality. Several articles were then published about a house constructed by Shankaran Thampi. The cost of the building was over 100,000 rupees and Ramakrishna Pillai claimed that Shankaran Thampi had amassed his huge wealth by taking bribes. In an editorial published on 24 October 1906, on the day of Aran

70Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moulavi," 18. 71M. P. Appan (1913-2003), a prominent Malayalam poet and literary critic, noted that most of the bureaucrats who came in lor Ramakrishna Pillars ire belonged to the Nayar community. Appan, "Vakkom Moulavi: The Saint who combined Spirituality and Materialism," 14. 72Shankaran Thampi was one of the top court officials in Travancore. 7'Kizhakkemuri, Swadesabhimani RamakrishnapMai, 43.

243 river to bathe an ¡dol of a god or goddess), in connection with the festival at Sri

Padmanabhaswami Temple at Trivandrum, Ramakrishna Pillai wrote:

Your Highness, we are aware that just after 3. p.m. tomorrow when this issue of our paper will have reached Trivandrum and come into Your Highness' as well as Your Highness' subjects' notice, Your Highness and people will find your selves on the road leading from the Western Fort Gate to the Sankhumukhain beach. We do witness with our mind's eye a new mansion on the left (northern) side of the road, arresting Your Highness' as well as the peoples' eyes, just when the Western Fort Gate is left behind.... We do recognize that this lovely mansion is the palatial residence of one of the two individuals mentioned in our previous issue as heads of the Maharaja's palace servants and as better marked out by the appellation 'Palace-favorites,' who has been understood by the public as being though in point of service the second, yet in point of favor the foremost, at present.... Though, at the sight of this lovely mansion, neither surprise, nor regret springs in the minds of others, yet by our inner organs of sense, we do perceive the feeling roused in the hearts of the subjects who toil hard to enrich the State. With the aid of our mental ears, we do hear them say in their heart of hearts, with deep sigh, that it is portions of the money expended by the people for obtaining Sirkar [Sarkar] posts and increase of pay and for getting administrative affairs managed as they wish, that are thus transformed into stones, earth, timber and such like in this lovely mansion which costs about the a lakh [100,000] of Rupees. These news reports instigated people and they partially damaged the house on the following day.7 3 Apart from court officials, Swadesabhimani also criticized the then Dewan of

Travancore, P Rajagopalachari, who took charge on 24 October 1907. He was heartily

welcomed as the new Dewan of Travancore and the editorials and columns drew his kind attention to issues that he needed to see addressed immediately.76 Swadesabh iinani urged him to take steps to tackle corruption and the nepotism of court officials. His policies at the beginning of his rule contributed towards the welfare of people in Travancore. However, on 6 June 1909, Ramakrishna Pillai criticized him for his role in the so-called

14 The Travancore Deportation: A Brief Account of the K. Ramakrishna Pillai (Kottakkal: Ramgopal & Co., 1911), appendix 4, 22-24. 73Gopalaknshnan, "Vakkom Moulavi," 18. 16Swadesabhimani published a poem entitled "An ode to Dewan Bahadur P Rajagopala Chariar M. A. B. L"; see, Kizhakkemuri, Swadesabhimani Ramakrishnapillai, 44.

244 Chalai Riot Case of 1908. Swadesabhimani severely reprimanded the Dewan for his failure to wipe out corruption and accused him of gross immorality. ' In response to this editorial the Dewan dismissed Ramakrishna Pillai from Sri Moolam Popular Assembly.

Ramakrishna Pillai's editorials on Dewan Rajagopalachari's alleged immorality drew apt attention from the general public of Travancore. The editorials in

Swadesabhimani, published on 24 and 29 August 1910, provoked the Dewan and led him to swear revenge on Ramakrishna Pillai. The Dewan participated in the silver jubilee celebration of Sree Mulam Tirunal Maharaja while sitting among a group of women on the balcony of the girl's school inside the palace fort. Ramakrishna Pillai severely criticized Dewan's behavior and reported it with the headline, garhyamaya nadatha [censurable conduct]. He concluded his report by arguing that if Vishakham Tirunal were the Maharaja, the Dewan would have been publicly flogged with a horsewhip by the

Maharaja's horseman.

The merchants at Chalai Bazaar were often harrased by the police and so they submitted a petition to the government to remedy their distress. Getting no reply, they closed the shops in protest and went in procession to the Palace. Faced by police, the protesters stoned them and set fire to the police station. The demonstrators were finally suppressed with military help. The Regional Records Survey Committee, Kerala State, The History ofFreedom Movement in Kerala, 22, f.n. 5. 7SM.P. Appan (1913-2003), a prominent Malayalam poet and literary critic, noted that Dewan P. Rajagopalachari had done many things for the welfare of Travancore, especially for the welfare of lower caste people. However, all those contributions were forgotten in the wake of his attitude towards Ramakrishna Pillai. 79 Ramakrishna Pillai was elected unopposed to the sixth Sri Moolam Thirunal Popular Assembly from Neyyatinkkara. He had sent notice of two resolutions that he wished to see discussed in the ensuing session. The first resolution was related to the corruption among government officials in general and that of the Dewan in particular. The second resolution was related the corruption of and undue influence exercised by the group of sycophants surrounding the Maharaja. The way of avoiding an embarrassing situation found by the Dewan was to invalidate the election of Ramakrishna Pillai. However, after six weeks, his election was declared null and void on the ground that he was not a regular resident ofthat constituency. Ramakrishnan Nair, The Political Ideas ofSwadesabhimani, I I, 33-34 f.n. 8&9.

245 V.c. Contribution to the Social and Civil Rights Movement in Travancore Ramakrishna Pillai urged the government to look beyond caste and religious identity in its dealing with people. On 24 June 1906, he wrote an editorial against discrimination in appointment to government services. Muslims, Christians and Ezhavas were being denied entry into government jobs. Likewise, through a series of articles entitled "Travancore Reforms," Ramakrishna Pillai demanded more representation for civilians in the Sree Mulam Praja Sabha. Ramakrishna Pillai instilled a desire in people to work for freedom, democracy and social equality. Thus, Swadesabhimani became an important organ of rising public opinion in Kerala and was a major force motivating people to engage in the freedom struggle.'

Ramakrishna Pillai basically saw Travancore as representing British interests. He, therefore, questioned the "rule of colonial difference" and argued that Indians have the same rights as the British.' He also criticized the Maharaja's preferential treatment of the

British and insisted that Indians were "citizens" of a state just like Europeans were. He challenged the British attempt to create "difference" in rights between Indians and

British.

V.d. Dewan's Report on Deportation of Ramakrishna Pillai

In the face of mounting criticism against bureaucrats, and only five years after the appearance of Swadesabhimani's fust issues, Dewan P. Rajagopalachari began to devise plans to ban it. Finally he succeeded in getting a royal proclamation signed by the Maharaja to suppress Swadesabhimani and exile Ramakrishna Pillai. Thus, on 26

80Nair, Freedom Fighters, 220. slRajagopal Chari, Dewan's Noie Dated 1 5lh August 1912, 4.

246 September 1910, the Dewan arrested and deported Ramakrishna Pillai to Madras. Two years after the deportation, on 15 August 1912, the Dewan submitted a confidential document to the Maharaja's court {durbar).1 In this report, divided into fifteen sections, he justified his reasons for the deportation. From the report it is clear that the deportation was not only due to Ramakrishna Pillai 's accusations against government officials but also because of his understanding of civil rights, democracy, loyalty to the monarchy etc.

In addition to the detailed report, the Dewan added four appendices. The first appendix included the Royal Proclamation, which had led to the arrest and deportation of

Ramakrishna Pillai, suppression of the newspaper and confiscation of the press with all its paraphernalia. The second appendix was a collection of editorials published in various newspapers that endorsed the deportation. The third appendix was a timeline of two cases filed against Swadesabhimani, while in the fourth appendix he quoted excerpts of editorials of Swadesabhimani in order to highlight Ramakrishna Pillai's accusations against state bureaucrats. Dewan Rajagopaiachari asserted that Swadesabhimani challenged the traditional concept of sovereignty and promoted a radical understanding of rule and authority.

'"This report (Dewan 's Note dated 15" August 1912, on the Suppression ofthe Swadeshabhimani Newspaper) was found in the Australian National University Library. The document was translated into Malayalam by Puthupally Raghavan, who acknowledged that Robin Jeffrey was helpful in finding the document. According to Raghavan, the actual document is currently still in the custody of the Government of Kerala. It is not made available for study and research. See also Bashir, '"Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi' and Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai," 4-5. 8jThere were two cases filed against Ramakrishna Pillai, the editor, Vakkom Moulavi, the proprietor, and Abdul Kareem, the printer and publisher oí Swadesabhimani, on charges of defamation of character. The first case was filed on 3 September 1907. by Prakullath C Padmanabha Pillai, Quilon at the Kottayam Divisional First Class Magistrate court while the second was tiled on 17 September 1907, by the editor of Nasrani Deepika newspaper, K. Govinda Pillai, at the same court. (We do not know the details about the case.) However, a timeline for both cases was recorded in Dewan 's Note dated 15" August 1912, on the Suppression of the Swadeshabhimani Newspaper, Appendix III. The cases were in court for three years and only came to an end with the deportation of Ramakrishna Pillai. The cases caused many difficulties for Vakkom Moulavi. Abda, "Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into Sword," n.p.

247 But even more insidious than the attacks on His Highness the Maha Raja personally, is the extraordinary theory of Government which the Swadesabhimani made such persistent attempt to popularize during the tenure of its existence. The Swadesabhimani waged bitter and relentless war against the idea of personal rule which is the basis of Government in a Native State, in the opinion of this paper, no one is entitled to respect by mere birth in a Royal family; the power of the Sovereign is vested in him for the good of the people; ...a Raja is only the representative of the State and its people, and respect for the Raja is respect for the State; ... there is no authority enjoining that loyalty should be shown to a King at the sacrifice of one's sacred liberty and rights; to assist the actions of a Sovereign which are opposed to the well-being of the people is not disloyal; ... devotion to the State is more exalted than devotion to the Sovereign.84 The Dewan also commented on Swadesabhimani'' s "gospel of government by the people."

In my opinion, the most serious thing against the Swadesabhimani has always been the remarkable persistency with which it preached the gospel of government by the people, and the exhortation which it held out to the people of Travancore to unite and demand self-government. It is a serious matter for a newspaper, published at the capital of a Native State, to tell the people from day to day that they are making a great mistake in believing in the semi divine right of their Raja to rule over them or in the absolute obligation lying on them to obey him. 8^

The Swadesabhimani was by no means content with merely preaching doctrines subversive of the existing political system of the country. It also preached the gospel of action.... Having told the people of Travancore that they were under no personal obligation of loyalty or obedience to their Malia Raja and that the obligation lying on the subjects to obey lasted only so long as they were correctly governed, and that the contention for political liberty could not by any means be considered treasonous ... The Swadesabhimani in several places indicated how the people should combine and not hesitate to defy the government if they felt that government was not being properly conducted.' '

V.e. Swadesabhimani's Contributions to the Development of the Muslim

Community

Swadesabhimani also contributed towards socio-economic reform among the Mappila Muslims of Kerala. It published several articles in an effort to motivate Mappilas

Rajagopal Chari, Dewan's Note Dated 15 August 1912, 3. 85IbJd, 4.

248 to pursue modern education and eschew 'superstitious' beliefs and practices.' In fact Ramakrishna Pillai's association with Vakkom Moulavi developed in him an interest in

Islam. Therefore, in his writings and sermons, Ramakrishna Pillai acknowledged the uniqueness of Islamic principles. He also emphasized the need to formulate a Muslim mahasabha (association). He participated along with Vakkom Moulavi in several public meetings, organized by various Muslim associations, and talked about the need for reform.88 Swadesabhimani featured several articles of prominent Muslims leaders in order to promote the socio-religious reform movement among Muslims. Vakkom Moulavi also published articles in the periodical and likewise wrote about the necessity of forming a Travancore Muslim mahasabha. Hamadani Thangal too contributed articles to Swadesabhimani. According to Sharafudeen, Swadesabhimani even published Malayalam translations of essays published in Rasrud Rida's al-Manär. ' Swadesabhimani was also keen to bring the grievances of the Muslim community to the attention of the government and sought its response. In order to motivate the Muslims to pursue secular schools, it demanded the introduction of the Arabic language in schools. It also published the proceedings of the All India Muhammadan Education Conference.

Vl. The Legacy of Swadesabhimani Swadesabhimani occupies a glorious chapter in the history of journalism and the freedom struggle of Kerala. According to Bashir, "Vakkom Moulavi and Ramakrishna Pillai symbolized the nationalist aspirations of the common man. Through their sacrifice

87Gopalakrishnan, "Vakkom Moulavi," 19. 8SJohn Ochaduruth, "Islamic Reform and Vakkom Moulavi," n.p. 89Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi, 29. 90lbid., 28. 91 Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in the 20' ' Century, 60-6 1 .

249 and devotion, they laid the foundation of the nationalist movement [in Kerala]." The ideas expressed through Swadesabhimani still motivate people to rise up against socio- political structures that negate rights and privileges of people. The history of

Swadesabhimani was the story of the ideological agreement, courageous cooperation and unique sacrifice of Vakkom Moulavi and Ramakrishna Pillai. Therefore, both of them are equally entitled to acknowledgement for their contributions to the growth and development of Swadesabhimani. J Kerala historians adequately acknowledge Ramakrishna Pillai's fearless attack against the state's policies and its bureaucracy. For this reason he remains a hero of Kerala journalism and came to be known after the name of the newspaper, i.e., as "Swadesabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai."94 However, it is highly unfortunate that Vakkom

Moulavi, who founded the newspaper and appointed Ramakrishna Pillai as its editor, has not been given his due place and recognition in the journalistic history of Kerala. Considering the fact that he was the founder and proprietor of Swadesabhimani and was keenly interested in every aspect of its development, he is much more eligible to be known as "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi." Venugopal, like other historians, completely divorces Vakkom Moulavi from Ramakrishna Pillai's intellectual world. In his opinion, Ramakrishna Pillai was the originator, organizer, soldier and commander of the Swadesabhimani movement. Vakkom Moulavi, by appointing him as the editor of

92Bashir, "Speech Delivered by Mr. K.M. Bashir at the Inaugural meet of the Trust on 21s' June 1987," n.p. 93Kareem, "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Abdul Khadir Moulavi," 4. '"¦After his deportation, Ramakrishna Pillai wrote a Malayalam essay on Karl Marx, published in 1912, often claimed to be the "First substantial essay on Marx in an Indian language." Robin JeFFrey, "The Three Stages oFPrint...," 8. He also published a biography oFGandhiji and a series oFaiticles on socialism. He wrote a book on his deportation entitled The Travalicare Deportation, which was published both in English and Malayalam.

250 Swadesabhimani, simply prepared the chariot for him to enter into the warzone.9"' Thus, despite lending his entire support to Ramakrishna Pillai and playing a major role in the latter's grooming, Vakkom Moulavi was completely forgotten.96 Bashir believes that "justice was not done to Vakkom Moulavi either by the people as a whole or even by his community, which owes so much to him."97 Harun Kakkad further notes that "[t]here was an organized attempt to study Ramakrishna Pillai. However, that did not happen with regard to Vakkom Moulavi."98 Therefore, recently, scholars, including D.C. Kizhakkemuri, M. Bashir and N. A. Karim, have explored the relationship between Vakkom Moulavi and Ramakrishna Pillai, in an attempt to underline the former's contributions to Swadesabhimani.

Taking Vakkom Moulavi's commitment to the political transformation of Travancore society into consideration, it is clear that he was closely engaged in Swadesabhimani 's work. He was keenly interested in each and every aspect of Swadesabhimani''s growth and development. Profit making was not Vakkom Moulavi's intention behind running the print shop and newspaper. He spent huge amounts of money to buy the printing press and to maintain it. Therefore, Venugopal has rightly pointed out that "whatever Ramakrishna Pillai did, it was to do the same thing that Vakkom Moulavi spent huge amount and started Swadesabhimani."99 Even though the amounts received through subscription fees were insufficient to meet expenses, he made sure that

Swadesabhimani was published regularly.

3T. Venugopal, "''Swadesabhimani' Prasthanathinte Muvar Sangham" [Three-member Association of Swadesabhimani Movement], Madhyamam, I July 1988, n. p. %Sharafudeen, Vakkom Moulavi, 65. Bashir, "Speech Delivered by Mr. K.M. Bashir at the Inaugural meeting of the Trust on 21s' June 1987," n.p. Harun Kakkad. "Vakkom Moulavi: Navodhana Chanalile Nilya Vismayarir [Vakkom Moulavi: The Everlasting Wonder in the Renaissance Tradition |, Shabah 24, no.4 (2000), 9. "Venugopal, "Three-member Association of Swadesabhimani Movement," I.

251 For the uninterrupted work of the newspaper he ensured that Ramakrishna Pillai and his family never suffered financially. According to Muhammad Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi always paid Ramakrishna Pillai much more than that he agreed to as his salary.1 ( He was hesitant even to check the account of the newspaper and settle it with

Ramakrishna Pillai. Therefore, when his relatives insisted that he do so, he replied that

"we don't have any accounts to settle with each other. We both have only one obligation. That one is towards this country. We will fulfill it as best we can." ' " If Vakkom Moulavi was concerned as to his editor's material needs, it also implied that he was concerned of his intellectual grooming. He certainly shared his knowledge and wisdom with him, especially when they were living in the same compound and met every day to discuss various aspects of socio-political development in Travancore. It was Vakkom Moulavi who suggested to Ramakrishna Pillai that he pursue a legal education. He even allowed him to relocate the press to Trivandrum for his convenience and left it completely under his control. It was out of his belief that Ramakrishna Pillai 's intellectual development

1 0? would be highly significant for the growth of Swadesabhimani. It was Vakkom Moulavi's firm ideological conviction and sacrificial mentality that enabled Ramakrishna Pillai to fulfill his task as the editor ?? Swadesabhimani. When he entrusted the press and newspaper to Ramakrishna Pillai for an independent expression of opinions, after recognizing his convictions and courage Vakkom Moulavi was creating the proper conditions for the free development of Ramakrishna Pillai's

Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 49. ,2Bashir,'¡Ibid. "Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi," 6.

252 thinking and writing.10"' Therefore, according to Gomati Annua, daughter of Ramakrishna

Pillai,

the history of Swadesabhimani newspaper is not only the history of the exiled editor but also that of Mordavi who was its proprietor and founder. If one's role was outside the dressing room, the other's was inside. Doesn't it seem that his hands strongly supported the editor's role until the government destroyed the dressing room? In 1912, Vakkom Moulavi had the rare opportunity to meet Ramakrishna Pillai for the last time.105 According to K.M. Seethi Sahib, prominent Muslim leaders of

Kodungalkir, such as Seethi Muhammad Sahib and P. K. Muhammadanunni Sahib, who were regular subscribers to Muslim and Swadesabhimani., had an earnest desire to meet both Vakkom Moulavi and Ramakrishna Pillai.106 Therefore, they were invited to the first annual meeting of Lajnat al-Hamadaniya at Kodungallur.1 Both of them were given a warm welcome at Seethi Muhammad Sahib's house and they stayed at his house.10. Even after the deportation, Vakkom Moulavi was eagerly concerned of the well-being of Ramakrishna Pillai's family.109 In 1925, Vakkom Moulavi also met Kalyanikutty Anima, Ramakrishna Pillai's wife, at Vanchiyoor, Trivandrum.110 Vakkom Moulavi also actively participated in a meeting held at Thampanoor, Trivandrum, to discuss building a memorial for Ramakrishna Pillai.

l03Abda, "Vakkom Moulavi who Turned Words into Sword," l04Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi and Leaders of Renaissance {Biographical Studies), 1 82. l05Ramakrishna Pillai died in 1916 due to lung disease. l06Seethi, "A Few Reminiscences about Vakkom Moulavi," 348-349. Vakkom Moulavi was accompanied by A. Muhammad Kunju Sahib, A.M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi and Kilimanoor Muhammad Abdul Khadir. See also, Seethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: A Few Reminiscences," 139-140. l07Lajnat al-Hamadaniya was started by Hamadani Tangal. Seethi Muhammad Sahib was the president and P. K. Muhammadunni was the secretary. See Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi, 117-119. l0SSeethi Sahib, "Late Vakkom M. Abdul Khadir Moulavi: Few Reminiscences," 140. l09Venugopal, "Three-member Association of Swadesabhimani Movement," 1. "°Seethi, "A Few Reminiscences about Vakkom Moulavi," 353. K.M. Seethi Sahib and some of his friends also accompanied Vakkom Moulavi, when he went to meet Kalyani Kutty Anima. '"Ibid., 353.

253 Conclusion

Vakkom Moulavi recognized the importance of the state in the modernization process and believed that it should be accountable to people and pa)/ attention to their grievances. This understanding was the guiding principle ?? Swadesabhimani. Through it, with the help of Ramakrishna Pillai, he contributed tremendously to the political transformation of Travalico re society. On the one hand, he challenged existing political and social structures of power and authority. The Dewan and court officials were criticized for rampant corruption in the government bureaucracy. On the other hand he educated people about their rights and responsibilities as "citizens" of Travancore State. He taught them to realize that they were no longer "subjects" of a king ready to follow his orders blindly. "Civic education" through Swadesabhimani motivated people to participate in the freedom struggle and to work towards a "self-government" in Kerala. Being one of the early activists of Indian National Congress in Travancore, a major objective of his reform movement was to bring Muslims to the forefront of the freedom movement and the anti-colonial struggle. He perceived religious reform and participation in the political process as two sides of the same coin. Therefore, it is very difficult to identify the line that separates his patriotic thinking from his religious reform activities.

He believed that along with religious reform Muslims also need to participate actively in the political process of Travancore, without which Muslims would not achieve prosperity nor even the opportunity to pursue modern education.

254 Conclusion

The socio-economic changes brought about in Kerala by the British colonialism challenged traditional structures of power. This opened up avenues of modern education to various communities to whom it had hitherto been denied and eventually resulted in increased social mobility. Therefore, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the various communities in Kerala demanded more opportunities for education and employment in the civil service. However, Mappila Muslims' long-standing tradition of struggle against the colonial powers and their hatred of British rule had led them to reject modern education, making them a socially and economically backward community in

Kerala. It was in this context that Vakkom Muhammad Abdul Khadir Moulavi (1873-

1932) decided to initiate a socio-religious reform movement in order to persuade

Mappilas to embrace modern education. He effectively used media to propagate his ideas of reform to promote education and religious reform.

Vakkom Moulavi' s socio-religious reform movement was largely shaped by the colonial discourse on modernity. Therefore, the rational, secular and universal humanism of the European Enlightenment became the framework for him to understand Islam and reinterpret Islamic principles. He believed that Islam is fully compatible with modernity and that Islamic principles never contradict science or reason. He noted the key concepts in colonial discourse, such as progress, scientific rationality and status of women, and argued that they are compatible with Islamic principles. Since these concepts were already familiar to Muslims even before they were to Europeans, he argued that Islam is superior. Moreover, he responded to Christian missionaries' and atheists' allegations against Islam on the basis of his reinterpretation of Islamic principles.

255 The colonial fantasy of Oriental degeneracy, which was used to legitimize the Europeans' 'civilizing mission,' became the framework for Vakkom Mou lav i to read Muslim history and to implement his religious reform. He believed that Muslims had begun to decline after the period of the sallaba and tabi'ün and that the contemporary Muslims of his time had fallen behind all other communities in the world. His reading of Muslim decline necessitated initiating religious reform among Mappilas. He believed that it was necessary to reinterpret Islamic principles, on the basis of the Qur'än and hacfith, as the first step towards religious reform. However, his reinterpretation precluded the possibility of understanding Islam as a discursive tradition. This in turn negated the potential vibrancy of Islamic societies - a problematic idea also indulged in by

Orientalists.

Education was the most effective "cultural tool" adopted by Europeans in order to establish their cultural domination over colonized societies. They used the criterion of 'useful' knowledge in order to discredit the traditional educational system of India and to introduce modern education. Vakkom Moulavi accepted this criterion and believed that Mappilas' traditional educational system was no longer 'beneficial' for the community in view of the socio-economic changes in Kerala brought by colonialism. Therefore, he emphasized the necessity of pursuing modern education. He also challenged the conservative 'ulama's position that modern education was incompatible with Islam. In order to reform religious education he argued that it should be offered along with modern education in secular schools. However, this new experiment eventually uprooted traditional religious education from its long-standing historical and cultural traditions.

256 Vakkom Moulavi held that in the modernization process, religious reform and participation in the political process were two sides of the same coin and needed to be undertaken simultaneously. Therefore, while initiating religious reform, he also expressed concerns over the political situation in Travancore. He believed that the state had a vital role to play in the modernization process of Muslims. However, the contemporary government in Travancore was not accountable to people and paid little attention to their genuine grievances. This necessitated a campaign for just government and a bureaucracy free of corruption and nepotism, to make it possible for Muslims and other communities in Kerala to ensure their rights and privileges. At the same time he educated people about their rights and responsibilities.

This study has shown that the colonial discourse on modernity needs to be taken seriously when analyzing religious reform movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Colonial discourse introduced European categories and concepts into everyday habits of thought. Therefore, it became a habit for Vakkom Moulavi to use the European understanding of progress, scientific rationality, status of women, 'useful' knowledge, and the decline of Muslims to understand various aspects of Islam and also to reinterpret it. These categories became all the more important for him because modernization was the overall purpose of his reform movement. Therefore, even though he resorted to

Raslild Ridä's al-Manär and to Wahhabism for his religious reform, he appropriated those ideas only within the framework of colonial discourse and also to further his modernization agenda.

Even though Vakkom Moulavi appropriated the discourse on modernity, he was very critical of the effects of modernization on European societies. He noted that

257 modernization had ushered in individualism and the decline of religion in Europe. It was his patriotic thinking, which was so central to him, that shaped his ambivalence towards modernity. Therefore, while promoting modernization, he also made a conscious effort to build his community and to interpret Islamic principles in a way that was relevant for the

Muslims in Kerala. His writings motivated the educated middle class Muslims of Kerala to establish local organizations to propagate his ideas. Through the work of these organizations many schools, libraries and bookstores were established, which provided ample opportunities for Muslims to promote modern education and religious reform.

Vakkom Moulavi's contributions to shaping the islähj leaders of Travancore and Malabar and his ability to network with them, as well as his close engagement with various Muslim organizations in Kerala, confirm the commonly held position that Vakkom Moulavi was the "father" of the islähj movement in Kerala. He played a major role in nurturing future leaders such as K.M. Moulavi, K.M. Seethi Sahib and many others. Moreover, he was closely associated with prominent Muslims organizations like Alappuzha Lajnat al-Muhammadiyya, Nilakyamukku Muslim Samajam, etc. However, his major contribution was his attempt to establish the Travancore Muslim Mcihascibha and his close engagment with Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham. Moreover, his writings exerted an impact on Kerala Muslims for several decades after his death. According to CH. Muhammad Koya (1927-1983), who was the chief minister of Kerala in 1979,

"almost all the later of Kerala grew through the columns of the Muslim.^

Samad, Islam in Kerala, 66.

258 His religious reform was part of the world-wide islähj movement spearheaded by

Egyptian scholars like Muhammad 'Abduh and Raslfid Rida through the periodical ai-

Manar. In addition we have seen how Vakkom Moulavi shared the ideas of other Muslim modernists, like Muhammad Iqbal, Fazlur Rahman, etc. However, Vakkom Moulavi' s contributions to the modern education of Muslims and his role in shaping leaders of the islâhi movement in Kerala, his networking with them and his efforts at motivating them to build the necessary infrastructure for the advancement of the reform movement, as well as his arguments about the significance of the state in the modernization process, were not commonly shared by other Muslims modernists. Therefore, Vakkom Moulavi's ideas were significant not only for the Muslims of Kerala but also for Muslims all over the world. For these reasons the foundational texts written by him in Malayalam need to be translated into other languages.

However, there are many other areas highly significant for our understanding of

Vakkom Moulavi's reform movement that still need to be explored. In a significant work, K.N. Ganesh notes that the artificial boundary between 'tradition' and 'modernity' is not helpful to understand the religious reform movement in Kerala. He rejects the idea that modernization was the end result of society's departure from tradition in the race to embrace modernity. Rather, he believes that modernization was the end result of the engagement between the forces of 'tradition' and 'modernity' in a society." This study has focused on the forces of modernity and highlighted the conservative u/amä's opposition to it. Therefore, it would be important to study in greater depth these two forces engaged in Kerala and contributed towards the modernization of Mappilas. At the

2K. N. Ganesh, Culture and Modernity, 13-18.

259 same time it would be useful to learn how Vakkom Moulavi's ideas were appropriated in the later islähj movement in Kerala. Even though his reform included religious, educational, and political aspects, in the later period only his notions of religious reform received any attention among Mappilas.

260 Appendix 1 This a letter that Vakkom Moulavi wrote to Rashld Rida, which was later published in al- Manir 30, no.2(1929)

Letter of Complaint from al-Manäi to al-Manäi\ from one of the Scholars of Malabar [This is a letter from our colleague, distinguished professor Moulana Muhammad Abdul Qadir Malabari Hindi] To the honorable rector, Hujjat al-Isläm, proprietor of the journal al-Manär in Cairo. May God perpetuate and preserve him for the Muslims and increase his nobility and power

From one of his disciples, in absence, one who benefits from the streams of ink from his pen, one guided by the beam from his lighthouse, Muhammad Abdul Qadir Peace be upon you! Mercy and blessings from God I beg you to favor me a with a few minutes of your precious time to hear my complaint, which I wanted to raise to you for quite some time but could not because of the repeated difficulties I encountered for quite a few days. The primary reason that prompted me to bring my complaint to you and to speak to you in sorrow is that the [shipment of] al-Manär, which 1 was receiving continuously, has been terminated for the last three years. I am deeply saddened by this loss. I became like the one who has fallen into darkness from the moment I failed to receive it. Al-

Manäi was the true light for me. I had been reading al-Manär continuously for the last nine years. It was your sincere generosity, rather than my being one of its subscribers, that made receiving al-

idi Manar possible for me. This began in 1334 [AH], when I was managing my magazine "Muslim". During that time, when I happened to learn about al-Manär, I wrote directly to the al-Manär office. However, I did not receive a reply. Then, I wrote again and also included five rupees with my letter. I wrote yet again and yet still did not get a reply. In this way I requested the journal in writing repeatedly for more than eight months. Even then, I did not receive a reply from the office, only silence. At last I received a letter, written by the late Salili Mukhlis Rida, along with a few issues. He wrote the following in the letter, asking pardon for the fault of being late with his reply: When my brother, Sayyid Muhammad Rashkl Rida, saw your last letter, dated 1331 DhU 1-Hijja 21, he deeply regretted that you did not receive the journal. He told us to send al-Manär as you have requested. He told to us to send it, not treating you as a subscriber, but rather presenting it to you as a donation or in exchange for your magazine, Muslim. Therefore, please, accept it. Also, please, consider the money you sent as the cost of one of our publications, which you may request in the future. He sends his sincere regards to you. In this way, I became one of the readers of al-Manär. It is impossible to express how great a debt of gratitude I owe to this great generosity. Similarly, I cannot forget even for a moment in my life that it was one of Allah's great blessings that he made me become one of the readers of al-Manär. Al-Manär gave me a new life. It provided insight to my heart and stimulation for my mind. I started a magazine, named al-Islam, in Malayalam for the propagation of the ideas presented in al-Manär. When the light of al- Manär was [first] reflected through my magazine, people deplored it. It began to cause an uproar among them. They spread it about that I had gone astray, that I was a wrongdoer and so on. They began to call me by the nickname, 'Wahhabi'. However, once the light of truth enters hearts it will not leave. It had shaken the belief of so many people. Many were awakened in their spirits. In short, it opened the door to reasoning and religious

262 reform in the land of Malayalam, which was rigidly closed by conservatism. However, many who were involved in disseminating religious knowledge began to oppose these ideas. They commanded that no one should read my magazine. They also warned the people to be cautious about reading al-Manär, even though they had never seen even its cover page... Therefore, the efforts I made to get some subscribers for a/-Manär did not succeed as I could find no one. I had given a few issues to some of my friends, whom I regarded as kind-hearted and courteous. I did so after taking into consideration that Allah might help them find the right path by its light.

I emphatically state that it did not disappoint me. Some of the inhabitants of this land not totally corrupted in their nature generally began to understand the true perspective of al-Manär. Thus, in these days, it has become evident that some of them want to become subscribers al-Manär. So they have written to al-Manär's office requesting it. They include Abdul Qaqir from Cannanore,1 Muhammad Siti from Cranganore, in Cochin," editors of Al-Irshcid and Yuvcdokam. However, if in the past [they have borrowed] issues from me, due to the cyclic motion of time, today I have to borrow [it from them]. 1 would like to openly declare that today they have as much reluctance in lending al-Manär as they had in borrowing it from me, in the past. However, when I think about my situation with regard to al-Manäi\ I cannot but tell you that it is giving me great pain.

Therefore, I wish that you would, please, make arrangements at the office to regularly send me al-Manär. I have not received any issues after the second issue of volume 27. However, I do not think that it is right to ask to you immediately to send me

'This is P. Abdul Khadir Moulavi. See Mahataya Sahitya Charitram, 555. 2TMs is K.M. Seethi Sahibi. 565-566.

263 all the issues that were published from then until now. I will request them whenever I get the opportunity to pay for their cost. I wish that I may at least receive a/-Manar from the

first issue of the current volume.

Along with that, I am ashamed to beg you to continue the generosity, which you were showering on me for the last nine years. Therefore, concerning al-Manäi\ I will send either the amount that satisfies you or the whole subscription. 1 have not sent it until now because I lack the resources. However, I firmly believe that I will not forgo the fortune of reading al-Manär. Love for a/-Manär has become part of my blood. Reading it [gives] power to my spirit. I am in a state where I cannot be separated from it. A life without it will not be pleasant to me. I will not be able to bear it if my above mentioned friends

were not receiving it and I was not able to get a few issues from them and read it from

time to time.

I would like to provide you with some information, suitable to be published in al- Manär, this information concerns the necessity of "lslah al-cfin" in Malabar, the efforts

that are going on here towards that "lslah," fand] the opposition that has been instigated

by those who associate themselves with religious knowledge, condemning it as

"wahhabiyat." This is a group that has been formed recently, headed by a youth who returned last year from Egypt after being there for some time with a group of people who

were under the influence of western civilization, who sided with Muhammad 'AH [1 878-

1931] and Shawkat ?? [1873-1938] in condemning Imam Ibn Saud and his followers and his nation as "wahhabis". If God wills, I will send this information in the form of an article.

264 Appendix 2

Vakkom Moulavi wrote the following two letters to Ramakrishna Pillai. The first letter was written on 5 February 1915 and the second one on 16 March 1915. Both these letters were later found in Ramakrishna Pillai's ancestral home.

"You must have heard about the European Lord Headley embracing Islam. When

I read his A Western Awakening to Islam I thought it would be a good idea to publish it in

Malayalam. However, it would be better if the translation were yours. But I'm not sure if your present health will allow it. I shall send the book to you if the reply is positive.

Some issues of 'Muslim' were discontinued as I was not well. The Kanni and

Thulam [names of months in the Malayalam calendar] issues are almost finished printing.

Please do reply with all details."

Appendix 3

Another letter was a short one written on 16-3-1915.

"Today I've sent the book I had mentioned in the previous letter. Translate it at your convenience. Many readers await a reply to Balakaleshakkaran's article."

265 Appendix 4

This letter is signed by Vakkom Moiilavi's brother-in-law A. M. Kunju. The letter was written to Ramakrishna Pillai's wife. It is believed that Vakkom Moulavi dictated it and A.M. Kunju wrote it. This letter was also found at Ramakrishna Pillai's ancestral home.

"We're sunk in deep grief. Our sense of sympathy is ineffable. Please do not be impatient even in the most troublesome period in life. Both the ups and downs are God- given. So, be patient, God is with those who are patient. I think if 1 had not followed these sage counsels of Islam, I would have been doomed to be with those who are cursed.

This disturbing feeling would have grown until I came to visit you, who have been a perfect foil to a great man. However, in such circumstances, visiting you would be painful, would it not? It has been so the world over. No, never. But in this, you are in a lofty position so that you can give a unique lesson or two to the world. That is what I feel.

Though I think in this way, [i.e. that] there is nothing to rescue our literature at a time when even truth and freedom are helpless, let me wind up my sorrowful jottings here. May God bless everyone!"

Sorrowfully,

A. M. Kunju

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