Report of the Washington Group (WG) on Disability Statistics Including an Executive Summary of the 20Th Annual Meeting
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Africa's Soft Power : Philosophies, Political Values, Foreign Policies and Cultural Exports / Oluwaseun Tella
“This seven-chapter book is a powerful testimonial to consummate African scholarship. Its analysis is rigorous, insightful, lucid and authoritative, providing fresh perspectives on selected uniquely African philosophies, and the potential ities, deployment and limitations of soft power in Africa’s international relations. The author rigorously Africanises the concept, broadening its analytic scope from its biased Western methodology, thus brilliantly fulfilling that great African pro verb made famous by the inimitable Chinua Achebe: ‘that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter’. This is truly an intellectual tour de force.” W. Alade Fawole, Professor of International Relations, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. “This book addresses an important tool in the arsenal of foreign policy from an African perspective. African states have significant soft power capacities, although soft power is not always appreciated as a lever of influence, or fully integrated into countries’ foreign policy strategies. Tella takes Nye’s original concept and Africanises it, discussing Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa via their respective philosophies of Pharaonism, Harambee, Omolúwàbí and Ubuntu. This study is a critical contribution to the literature on African foreign policies and how to use soft power to greater effect in building African agency on the global stage.” Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, Chief Executive, South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, South Africa. “Soft power is seldom associated with African states, given decades bedevilled by coup d’états, brazen dictatorships and misrule. This ground-breaking book is certainly a tour de force in conceptualising soft power in the African context. -
ASSEMBLY of the AFRICAN UNION Eleventh Extraordinary Session 17 - 18 November 2018 Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA Ababa, ETHIOPIA P. O. Box 3243 Tel: 251-11-5517700 Fax: 251-11-5517844 / 5182523 website : www.au.int ASSEMBLY OF THE AFRICAN UNION Eleventh Extraordinary Session 17 - 18 November 2018 Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA Ext/Assembly/2(XI) Original: English REPORT OF THE CHAIRPERSON OF THE COMMISSION ON THE AU INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS Ext/Assembly/2(XI) Page 1 I. CHAIRPERSON’S FOREWORD 1. On the occasion of this Extraordinary Summit it is appropriate, from the outset, to remind ourselves of the high aspirations that the founding members of the pan-African vision had for our common good and to celebrate their pioneering spirit in laying a worthy foundation which successive generations of Africans at home and in the Diaspora have built upon to this day. If there was any lesson that the pioneers of our pan-African dreams drew and then imparted through their teachings and actions, it was that solidarity among Africans and a unity of action among them were indispensable to the goal of retrieving and defending our individual and collective dignity. 2. It is, therefore, equally appropriate on the occasion of this Extraordinary Summit to recall and celebrate the fighting spirit that guided them as they mobilized the people of Africa from all walks of life to unite in the march to freedom and independence, doing so in the conviction that history was on the side of the oppressed. One abiding lesson which their efforts left for us is that no matter how imperfect the conditions may be, where the people and their leaders find the necessary political will, they can redirect the course of history in favour of their common cause for freedom, dignity, and unity. -
Africa and the OAU Zdenel< Cervenl<A
The Unfinished Quatfor Unity THE UMFIMISHED QUEST FORUMITY Africa and the OAU Zdenel< Cervenl<a JrFRIEDMANN Julian Friedmann Publishers Ltd 4 Perrins Lane, London NW3 1QY in association with The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, Sweden. THE UNFINISHED QUEST FOR UNITY first published in 1977 Text © Zdenek Cervenka 1977 Typeset by T & R Filmsetters Ltd Printed in Great Britain by ISBN O 904014 28 2 Conditions of sale This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form or binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition inc1uding this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. CONTENTS Preface vii Introduction by Raph Uwechue ix Author's Note xiv Map xx CHAPTER l:The Establishment of the Organization of African Unity 1 1. Africa before the OAU 1 2. The Addis Ababa Summit Conference 4 CHAPTER II: The OAU Charter 12 1. The purposes .12 2. The principles .13 3. Membership .16 CHAPTER III: The Principal Organs of the OAU. .. 20 1. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government .20 2. The Council of Ministers .24 3. The General Secretariat .27 4. The Specialized Commissions .36 5. The Defence Commission .38 CHAPTER lY: The OAU Liberation Committee . .45 1. Relations with the liberation movements .46 2. Organization and structure .50 3. Membership ..... .52 4. Reform limiting its powers .55 5. The Accra Declaration on the new liberation strategy .58 6. -
The Origin and Persistence of State Fragility in Burundi
APRIL 2018 The origin and persistence of state fragility in Burundi Janvier D. Nkurunziza Abstract State fragility in Burundi has been a cause, and consequence, of the country’s political instability. Since independence, Burundi has endured six episodes of civil war, two major foiled coup d’états, and five coup d’états that have led to regime change. The root cause of state fragility is traced back to divisive practices introduced by the colonial power, which have since been perpetuated by post-colonial elites. This political volatility has generated persistent cycles of violence, resulting in the collapse of the country’s institutions and economy, even after the negotiation of the Arusha Agreement. This has led to mass migration of Burundi’s people and the emergence of a large refugee population, dispersed among neighbouring states and far away. Therefore, state fragility in Burundi is first and foremost the result of the strategies and policies of its political leaders, who are motivated by personal interests. Political capture calls into question the legitimacy of those in power, who feed state fragility through rent extraction, corruption, and mismanagement. This has had vast economic consequences, including slow growth, an underdeveloped private sector, an unstable investment landscape, and severe financial constraints. For reconciliation to be achieved, justice needs to be afforded to those who have encountered repression from the state, thereby breaking the cycle of violence. What’s more, Burundi needs strong and long-term engagement of the international community for the successful implementation of reforms, as well as the provision of technical and financial resources, to embark on a prosperous and peaceful path. -
African States and the Quest for an African Union Government
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Directory of Open Access Journals Journal of Alternative Perspective s in the Social Sciences ( 2009) Vol 1, No 3,645-671 In Search of Greater Unity: African States and the Quest for an African Union Government Sharkdam Wapmuk, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos, Nigeria Abstract The paper examines the notion of an African union government. It argues that the proposal for a ‘union government’ has often divided African leaders into different ideological groups. That not withstanding, Africa leaders have had to bury their differences and embrace African unity in the fight against colonialism and racist rule. Under the OAU, these constituted the rallying point for African leaders until the last vestiges of colonialism and racist rule were crushed in South Africa in 1994. More than 40 years after the idea of unification of Africa was first suggested by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana; the Libyan leader, President Muammar Ghaddafi re-tabled the proposal. However, the machinations being employed by the Libyan leader to actualise his vision of a union government in Africa under a single president necessitate a deeper exploration of the idea. The paper observed that the challenges to achieving a union government are numerous at this time. In addition to problem of lack of integration at national levels and poor funding of the AU; Africa is presently faced with several problems bordering on violent conflicts, poverty and underdevelopment, economic development, diseases such as HIV-AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, and bad governance amongst others. -
African Liberation and Unity in Nkrumah's Ghana (1957-1966)
Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/36074 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Grilli, Matteo Title: African liberation and unity in Nkrumah's Ghana : a study of the role of "Pan- African Institutions" in the making of Ghana's foreign policy, 1957 - 1966 Issue Date: 2015-11-03 4. The Age of Radicalization (January 1961 – December 1962) Introduction The Congo Crisis signed the end of a first phase of Nkrumah‟s foreign policy and it also had relevant effects on his internal policy. Between 1957 and 1960, the Ghanaian head of government had tried unsuccessfully to sponsor a peaceful path towards the attainment of African liberation and unity. The murder of Lumumba proved this type of approach wrong. The “neo-colonialist” forces were stronger than expected and Nkrumah had failed to counteract them. Moreover, he had also failed in avoiding the entry of the Cold War confrontation in African politics. No Pan-African platform had stopped the intervention of the East and the West in Congo, nor was it going to stop it elsewhere in Africa. Nkrumah could not even count on the UN, which had caused disappointment among the Pan- Africanist ranks for the way it dealt with the Congo crisis.398 The events in the Congo had also caused a split of the independent African states into two groups, one of “radicals” and one of “moderates”, respectively represented by the so- called “Casablanca Group” and the “Brazzaville Group” (later merged into the Monrovian one). With this split, the target of a continental government became even more difficult to be achieved than before. -
The Brazzaville Twelve Hella Pick
76 THE BRAZZAVILLE TWELVE HELLA PICK Ajrequent contributor on French-speaking African Affairs to The Guardian ' and the British Broadcasting Corporation BARRING a few exceptions—some honourable in the sense that, like Sierra Leone, they will soon cease to be an exception; other dishonourable, like Angola and Spanish Guinea, whose overlords show no signs of self-removal—West and Equatorial Africa are now independent. The start of the Pan-Africanist race, however, has been ragged. Though there are such com binations as the Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union, and the iEntente' of the Ivory Coast, Niger, Upper Volta and Dahomey, deep divisions appear to have developed between independent African countries. Many have taken sides by joining either the Casa blanca or the Brazzaville Group, while the remainder still sit on the stands, watching with disapproval, and have so far been either unable or unwilling to induce a greater unity of purpose or policy among all the independent African States. These, though, are early days, and it is impossible to know whether the present divisions in independent Africa will deepen; whether the dream of African unity will be shattered or whether it still has a chance of fulfilment, and in what shape. To begin with, it is easy to exaggerate the depth of the present divisions. There is a tendency to attach fashionable labels to the Brazzaville and Casablanca Groups. To one school of thought the Brazzaville Group seems pro-Western, rational and practical in its approach to international affairs and the problems of African unity; while the Casablanca Group is fellow-travelling, if not actually Com munist, and full of unrealisable ideas about African unity. -
The Organization of African Unity and Its Role in Regional Conflict Resolution and Dispute Settlement: a Critical Evaluation P
Boston College Third World Law Journal Volume 19 | Issue 2 Article 1 5-1-1999 The Organization of African Unity and Its Role in Regional Conflict Resolution and Dispute Settlement: A Critical Evaluation P. Mweti Munya Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/twlj Part of the African History Commons, African Studies Commons, Dispute Resolution and Arbitration Commons, International Law Commons, Military History Commons, Military, War and Peace Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, and the Race, Ethnicity and post-Colonial Studies Commons Recommended Citation P. Mweti Munya, The Organization of African Unity and Its Role in Regional Conflict Resolution and Dispute Settlement: A Critical Evaluation, 19 B.C. Third World L.J. 537 (1999), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/twlj/vol19/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Third World Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY AND ITS ROLE IN REGIONAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND DISPUTE SETTLEMENT: A CRITICAL EVALUATION P. MWETI MUNYA* A purely contemporary view of any problem is necessarily a limited and even distorted view. Every situation has its roots in the past . the past survives into the present; the present is indeed the past undergoing modifications. l INTRODUCTION Mrica has never experienced a lasting peace. Peace and stability proved elusive in pre-colonial and colonial Mrica. The scourges of the slave trade, inter-tribal warfare and the imposition of colonialism did not allow it. -
HARMONY OR a CACOPHONY? the Music of INTEGRATION in the AFRICAN UNION TREATY and the NEW PARTNERSHIP for AFRICA's DEVELOPMENT
A HARMONY OR A CACOPHONY? THE MusIc OF INTEGRATION IN THE AFRICAN UNION TREATY AND THE NEW PARTNERSHIP FOR AFRICA'S DEVELOPMENT Nsongurua J.Udombana* We have noted, at the close of the 20th century, that of all the regions of the world, Africa is indeed the most backward in terms of development from whatever angle it is viewed and the most vulnerable as far as peace, security and stability are concerned.' I. INTRODUCTION On July 11, 2000, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), "proudly," adopted the Constitutive Act of the African Union2 to "replace the Charter of the Organisation [sic] of African Unity."3 The Treaty establishes an African Union (AU) to, inter alia, "accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent." 4 The AU was formally launched on July 10, 2002, at the last summit of the OAU Assembly, which also became the first summit of the AU Assembly. South Africa hosted the summit in Durban, according to a timetable earlier agreed upon at Sirte.' It was at that summit that the Assembly emerged into a new order or sensibility. In the Durban Declaration that followed the summit,6 the Assembly, inter alia, paid tribute to the OAU "as a pioneer, a * Senior Lecturer, the Department of Jurisprudence and International Law, University of Lagos, Nigeria; former visiting Research Fellow, The Danish Centre for Human Rights, Copenhagen, Denmark; LL.M., LL.B. (Lagos); Member of the Nigerian Bar; [email protected]. The author expresses his thanks to Prof. -
Sovereignty and the African Union
Sovereignty and the African Union by Leila J. Farmer [email protected] Abstract This paper discusses way the principle of sovereignty influenced the ideological framework of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African Union (AU). While both the OAU and the AU represent the institutionalization of Pan-Africanism, this paper argues that by entrenching the notion of popular sovereignty in its constitution and peace and security institutions, the AU has a greater capacity to achieve the ideals of Pan-Africanism. Introduction In his book, Africa Must Unite , Kwame Nkrumah argued that complete political and economic independence in Africa was threatened by neocolonialism and only through solidarity could freedom be achieved. Nkrumah recognized that African development depended on cooperation and unity among the newly independent states. Though Nkrumah’s vision of a united Africa has not been realized, the argument for a political union has not been forgotten. Muammar Gaddafi, the leader of Libya and the Chairperson of the African Union throughout 2009, has taken on Nkrumah’s position. Gaddafi claimed that Africa must “unite or die” and without a political union, the forces of globalization would continue to exploit Africa. The debate for a politically united Africa, however, is still unresolved and there is much opposition to this idea mainly because the contentious principle of sovereignty is at the center of this debate. As such, it is the focus of this paper. 93 The Journal of Pan African Studies , vol.4, no.10, January 2012 This paper examines way the principle of sovereignty influenced the ideological framework of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African Union (AU). -
Competing Regionalisms in Africa and the Continent's Emerging Security
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 9, Issue 3 | Spring 2007 Competing Regionalisms in Africa and the Continent’s Emerging Security Architecture BENEDIKT F. FRANKE Abstract: While the relationship between the United Nations and Africa’s various regional and sub-regional organisations has already been the subject of much debate, hardly any attention has been paid to the relationships these African organisations maintain with each other and the way they impact on the continent’s emerging security architecture. Consequently, this article aims to shed some light on both the evolution of competing regionalisms in Africa as well as their impact on the prospects and chances of today’s security institutions. It thereby argues that the ongoing proliferation of intergovernmental organisations and the resultant competition for national and international resources, political influence and institutional relevance threatens the viability of a continental approach to peace and security by duplicating efforts and fragmenting support. It further contends that the often uneasy coexistence of these organisations is symptomatic of the deep divisions, nationalist tendencies and regional imbalances underlying the multiple processes of regionalisation in Africa. More optimistically, however, the article concludes that, even though some of these divisive factors seem here to stay, the African Union has taken a number of noteworthy steps to harmonise the continent’s numerous security initiatives. Both, the creation of regionally based multinational brigades as part of an African Standby Force as well as the decision to limit official cooperation to seven organisations are meant to prevent needless duplication of effort and to ensure that the continent’s limited resources are applied to areas of real need. -
The African E-Journals Project Has Digitized Full Text of Articles of Eleven Social Science and Humanities Journals
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Zambezia (1984/5), XII. THE QAU: AN ANALYSIS OF THE FUNCTION, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF THE ORGANIZATION W. MANGWENDE Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Harare THE ORGANIZATION OF African Unity (OAU) is the contemporary embodiment and the vehicle of the mode of political consciousness historically referred to as Pan-Africanism. As a historical phenomenon, Pan-Africanism has already been the subject of extensive research anji writing by various scholars.1 There are also accounts of Pan-Africanism by those historical figures who were directly involved in the movement.2 A fruitful appraisal of the functions, problems and prospects of the OAU is possible only with a sound grasp of the historical background leading to the inception of the Organization in 1963. There have been several tentative definitions of Pan-Africanism, each laying particular emphasis on some political, cultural or racial element. As a broad working definition we shall refer to Pan-Africanism as that historical phenomenon and mode of consciousness consisting of three major characteristics: An intellectual and political outlook among African and Afro-Americans who regard or have regarded Africans and people of African descent as homogeneous. This outlook leads to a feeling of racial solidarity and a new self-awareness and causes Afro-Americans to look upon Africa as their real 'homeland', without necessarily thinking of a physical return to Africa.