Excursion report 30. August – 15. September 2013 2013 e pa l N r e p o rt x c u r s i o n E

Human Geography Department of Geography, University of Zurich, 2014 CONTENT

Edited by Isabelle Aebersold, Norman Backhaus, Editorial & Acknowledgements 04 06—Tourism and Environmental Annabelle Jaggi, Annina Michel, Anne Wegmann, Miriam Wenner, Norman Backhaus Protection in Nepal 64 Miriam Wenner Isabelle Aebersold, The Route 07 Davide Anderegg, Annina Michel, Photos by Norman Backhaus, Monika Haggen- Map Isabelle Thurnheer macher, Urs Mändli, Ulrike Müller-Böker, Pranil Upadhayaya, Micha Reichert, Isabelle Thurnherr 01—Religion and Culture 10 07—Lwang 74 Anne Wegmann, Miriam Wenner Annabelle Jaggi, Anita von — Community Forestry in Lwang and Däniken, Monika Haggenmacher the surrounding villages Layout: Anne Wegmann — Interview with the VDC-Secretary of 02—From Monarchy to Democracy. Lwang Cover design: Martin Steinmann Nepal till 1990 20 — Mothers’ Group Philip Boesch, Micha Reichert — The school in Lwang Cover photo: Urs Mändli 03—Restoration of democracy? Participants 82 Please cite as: Nepal 1990-2013 30 Who was there? Aebersold, I., Backhaus, N., Jaggi, A., Michel, Kathrin Honegger, Urs Mändli A., Wegmann, A. & Wenner, M. (2014): Nepal – Literature 88 Excursion report 2013, Department of Geogra- 04—Nepal in Transition 40 phy, University of Zurich, Zurich. Lisa Honegger, Irene Schärer, Anne Wegmann

05—Food security and Livelihoods in Nepal 50 Jill Brütsch, Sarah Hartmann, Alexandra Meister, Pascal Senn EDITORIAL

Miriam Wenner, Norman Backhaus

The excursion participants in Lwang

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Nepal is a country that many people associate these problems. In terms of gender equality and religious context expressed in the two major reli- equal tourism and nature conservation is the with beautiful landscapes, the highest mountains health Nepal seems to have made an impressive gions, Hinduism and Buddhism, to gain a better Machhapuchre Model Trek, parts of which we of the world, colorful culture and impressive progress since 2006 (ibid.). But the end of the understanding of people’s world views and daily explored during our excursion. Staying in Lwang temples, and the peaceful co-existence of different conflict – and the subsequent abolition of mon- religious practice. Various temples and shrines we had the chance to directly interact with dif- religious groups. Being situated between China in archy – also brought to the fore many cleavages such as Swayambhunath, Boudhanath or Durbar ferent groups and persons of this “home-stay” the North and India in the South, Nepal indeed in the Nepalese society. Ethnic and caste groups, Squares are not only sites of daily religious practi- village, including the Mothers’ group, the com- lives up to many of these expectations. Histori- which had long been oppressed by the ruling co- ce but testimonials of the century old history of munity forestry group, the Village Development cal trade routes and migration movements fos- alition and the monarchy, became more conscious the country and its cultural evolution. The end Committee president, and school teachers. Their tered the development of manifold cultural and about their rights, demanding greater access to of the civil war, the abolition of monarchy and first-hand comments and statements enabled us to religious traditions against the background of the resources and political participation at the centre the rise of new political actors in form of caste get more personal and locally grounded impressi- “abode of snow”, the Himalaya. in Kathmandu, posing new challenges to political and ethnic movements led to new challenges for ons of the joys and problems of village live. stability and raising the question of what a Nepa- the state and political stability. These include the Less people however take a more critical look at lese nation state should look like. continued violation of human rights, the lack of Our tour through the country and the people we this Shangri-La imagination. Behind the pictu- enforcement of law and order, and the effective met reflects our aim of looking behind “Shangri- resque scenes, the Nepalese population struggles One aim of the excursion was to gain a better un- participation of minority groups. The political in- la”. Starting in the old town of Bhaktapur, where with multiple challenges in terms of human deve- derstanding of this political and social transfor- stability in the country prior to the elections to a Nils Gutschow guided us through hidden lanes, lopment, human rights and political stability. Ne- mation. What happened in Nepal after the peace- new Constitutional Assembly in November 2013 we got a first glimpse into the daily practice of pal ranks among the “least developed” countries, agreement in 2006? What were the reasons and also caused several bandhs or general strikes, one religion and its embodiment in the physical urban behind Bangladesh and Bhutan (UNDP 2013). causes that led to the emergence of the violent of which we experienced during our stay in Ka- structure. During a brief visit to the Newar village According to the UNDP, about 44 percent of the Maoist movement? What does it mean to live in thmandu. Besides this political crisis, we address of Sankhu in the , Ulrike Mül- population live in multi-dimensional poverty (ac- Nepal for different groups of people? How do a more hidden crisis taking place mostly in the ler-Böker and Siddhi Manandhar gave us an int- cording to health, education, and living standard people make a living and meet their ends? remote villages of the country: the crises of food roduction into the village life, caste segregation, indicators) in 2013. Inequality in terms of wealth and livelihood insecurity. We then take a closer and agriculture. Leaving the Kathmandu valley to and access to resources is identified as one of the A first step to address these questions was to look at one of Nepal’s economic mainstays, its the West we stopped at the Manakamana temple major hindrances to a more equal and just de- explore the country’s political history from the natural heritage and tourism. Although offering where we got an impression of animal sacrifices velopment (United Nations Country Team Nepal rise of the over the Rana- potentials, we also show that questions of par- and the strong monsoon rain. We later reached 2012, 5). On the other hand, the political trans- rule and the system, to the processes ticipation and governance must be addressed in Sauraha, an entrance point to the Chitwan Nati- formation after the end of the decade long vio- that eventually led to the people’s movements order to fully explore the potential of nature con- onal Park in the region of the country. Du- lent conflict between the Maoists and the Royal in 1990 and 2006 and to the abolition of mo- servation and tourism for a more equal and just ring our three day stay where we did not only get Nepalese Army provides opportunities to address narchy. We also take a look at the cultural and development. One promising example of a more a glimpse of the Tharu-culture, the controversial Mountain TIBET THE ROUTE Mid-Hill

Terai

Far Western Dev. Region Eastern Dev. Region

Mid Western Dev. Region

Western Dev. Region

INDIA Central 0 100 km Dev. Region Source: HMG et al. 2002

Prayer wheels at Swayambhu temple Excursion route (modified map after HMG et al. 2002)

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history of the national park, or admire rhinos We want furthermore thank the following per- 01—Bhaktapur 05— and elephants, but were also attacked by fierce sons and institutions: Visit of Unesco World Cultural Heritage Site Pokhara is an important starting point for bears. Due to the protection of our experienced with a guided tour by Prof. Dr. Niels Gut- many treks and itself a tourist attraction. wild-life guides however we were all able to travel Prof. Dr. Nils Gutschow and his wife Vau for schow. on to Pokhara from where we began our trek to showing us Bhaktapur, the guides in Chitwan 06—Lwang the home-stay village Lwang where we received National Park, Sukhi Ram Chaudhary and Hari 02—Sankhu Lwang as a part of the Machhapuchre Model a heartily welcome by the villagers and Rajendra Chaudhary for bringing us close to wildlife and Segregation patterns, village development and Trek develops its community based tourism. Gurung of the Machhapuchre committee. Du- safely back, the Pokhara Tourism Council, Su- a misty mountain temple. ring our stay we did not only learn about ACAP rya Bahadur Bhujel, Basant Dawadi, Tika Ram 07— Kathmandu policies but also experience Gurung village life, Sapkota, Chiranjibi Pokharel and Ramu Gautam 03—Manakamana Different sites of religious worship (Pashupa- and learned that one better should refrain from for an inspiring discussion. Rajendra Gurung Nepal’s only cable car leads to Manakamana, tinath, Boudha, Swayambhu) and NGOs are taking long walks through forests infested by my- and the villagers from Lwang for their hospita- where at the important Hindu temple the faith- visited. riads of leeches. Our final journey led us back lity (VDC Secretary Kamala Pati; teachers Pra- ful bring offerings. to Kathmandu where we visited the religious si- kash Gurung, Badri Gurung, Mohan Ale and tes of Boudha, Swayambhu, and Pashupatinath. Jhapendra Adhikary; community forest users 04—Chitwan Ramesh Khatiwada led us to the Royal Palace, Dandapani Chapagai, Dandapani Bhusal and Lal Chitwan National Park is a sanctuary for the Durbar Square and Assan showing us places of kumari Gurung; translators Santosh Gurung and Indian Rhinoceros. Tharu culture is challenged. protest and political resistance. Meetings with Krishana Lamichane, and guide Anil Gurung). the Advocacy Forum and Kamal Pathak and the Kurt Burja and Pushpa Shrestha from the World World Food Programme, and Kurt Burja and Food Programme for giving us insights into their Pushpa Shrestha, completed our visit. work, Kamal Pathak from the Advocacy Forum for explaining the forum’s challenging cases, and This excursion and the unique experiences would Ramesh Khatiwada, who showed us Kathmandu not have been possible without the help of many from a different side. Last but not least we thank persons. Our special thanks go to Dr. Pranil Upa- Siddhi Manandhar and Dr. Bishnu Upreti from dayaya who organized most of our trip in Nepal the Nepal Centre of Contemporary Research for and took always good care of us, and Prof. Dr. their diligent accounting. Ulrike Müller-Böker, who led us through the first We would also like to express our special thanks part of the excursion and provided us with many to our experienced busdriver Suraj Shrestha and insights and valuable contacts. his helper Shyam who ensured our safe journey.

Photo next page: Sadhu resting in front of a temple.

RELIGION AND CULTURE IN NEPAL

Annabelle Jaggi, Anita von Däniken, Monika Haggenmacher

Little shrine at the roadside in Bhaktapur

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The geographical location of Nepal, bordering HINDUISM hensive, absolute concept without gender, not duties determined by someone’s role in society Tibet in the North and India in the South made The vast majority of the Nepalese population able to die and in no concrete way revealed. The (Majupuria & Kuman 2013: 66-67). Those du- Nepal to a melting pot of various groups of peo- follows Hinduism (Majupuria & Kuman 2013: creation, including mankind, is also part of the ties are based on caste and one’s role within the ple immigrating from India and Tibet (Majupu- 11). There are no written documents about the brahman. Hence, humans are connected to the family as well as within the professional environ- ria & Kuman 2013: 16). The assimilation of tho- origin of Hinduism but its beginning is presumed brahman via the creation (Wilkinson 2009: 168). ment (Seeland 1984: 60). The dharma changes se different cultures and a blending with cultural to have taken place over 2500 years ago in the re- More precise, it is atman, the soul, which is affili- during a human’s life. First, there is childhood, aspects of Nepal is the source of today’s indi- gion of today’s Pakistan (Wilkinson 2009: 163). ated. It is called to be equivalent to the brahman. which is based on development, followed by the genous Nepalese traditions (Majupuria & Ku- The oldest known sacred writings are the Vedas, The atman is completely unaffected by joy and formation of a family, and finally becoming a man 2013: 27). These various influences led to that include hymns to deities, demons, ancestors sorrow; it is complete (Rump et al. 2002: 23). grandparent. Latter ensues the retreat from the the emergence of 35 ethnic groups, which differ and kings (Wilkinson 2009: 163-164). Hinduism working world, which opens the opportunity to particularly in terms of dialect, religion, costu- was spread by Indian expatriates over Asia and The constant reincarnation, called samsar, is one concentrate specifically on spiritual questions re- me and locale (Majupuria & Kuman 2013: 28). thus also to Nepal (Rump et al. 2002: 21). But of the main aspects of Hinduism. Samsar is re- lated to the Brahman (Wilkinson 2009: 172). Hinduism and Buddhism are the main religions Hindus do not believe that Hinduism has a be- lated to moksha, the salvation of mamsar and in Nepal. 89.5% of the Nepalese population ginning or an end. It is not a religion introduced karma, that determines the actual way of life Values in Hinduism follow Hinduism and 5.3% follow Buddhism. by one person but has instead developed through which is influenced by the actions of the foregone The most important value in Hinduism is nonvi- The remaining 5.2% consist of Muslims, Jains, different ideas, beliefs and rituals (Majupuria & life (Majupuria & Kuman 2013: 66-67). Mok- olence (Dump et al. 2002: 32). This is based on Christians and others. Majupuria and Kuman Kuman 2013: 45). sha indicates the reunion of the brahman and the sanctity of life. Further, slaughter of animals (2013: 11) stress that there is great tolerance atman that leads to the liberation of the karma – especially of cows which are regarded sacred – between the religions. The word hindu has only little value to the fol- and therefore of the body, the death and with this is highly disapproved. The woman holds the role The Nepali daily routine is shaped by religion lowers of Hinduism. Their religious association the temporal binding (Wilkinson 2009: 168-169). of mother and housewife. Besides cleaning the and caste-affiliation (Cameron 1998). Therefore, does more depend on the cult they follow, which Moksha can only be reached if one recognizes the house, she is also bound to adhere to the spiri- the two main religions Hinduism and Buddhism is based on the duties of the pantheon (Majupuria cause of the cycle of rebirth, which is believed to tual traditions (Wilkinson 2009: 173). Puja, the will be explained subsequently. Further the eth- & Kuman 2013: 47). be greed. This is only possible through the search venation of an image of a deity is important. It nic group of the Newars that inhabit the Kath- of knowledge (Seeland 1984: 60). The main idea needs to be carried out with extreme ritual purity, mandu Valley and consist of both Hindus and Beliefs of Hinduism is that actions of the previous life, positive as well including taking a bath before the ritual (Wilkin- Vajrayana Buddhists, as well as the caste-system Hinduism is known as retaliation faith (Seeland as negative, influence the soul of the body and son 2009: 174). of Nepal will be looked at more closely. 1984: 60). The infinite, ubiquitous and omnisci- determine the next life (Seeland 1984: 60). To get ent brahman forms the basis. It is existence, con- a good karma, it is important to have a virtuous DEITIES OF HINDUISM sciousness and blessedness united in one (Rump conduct of life (Wilkinson 2009: 169), which is Deities are related to the brahman. God is the et al. 2002: 22). Thus the brahman is a compre- based on the dharma, the performance of one’s highest instance and thus considered as the high- Sadhus in Pashupatinath Swayambhu

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est formless variableness (Wilkinson 2009: 168) very strict vaishnavas. Furthermore, the Nepalese task. When he reached the age of twenty-nine, he rings. Buddha also began teaching the second and and truthfulness. God is more powerful than any Vaishnavism became influenced byshaivism and decided to continue his life in loneliness and me- third turning of the wheel of dharma, which form terrestrial manifestation (Rump et al. 2002: 14). Buddhism. Shaivism is older than vaishnavism ditation (Gyatso 1995: 5). After years of medita- the mahayana Buddhism, the great vehicle. Ma- There exist many different deities that are hier- and is the most popular sect of Hinduism in Ne- tion, Siddhartha was liberated from all suffering, hayana teaches how to attain enlightenment not archically structured into more potent and sub- pal (Majupuria & Kuman 2013: 48-52). attained enlightenment and thereby became Bud- only for oneself but also for other living things by ordinate deities. The highest authority, which is dha (ibid.: 8). Buddha then attracted more and supporting them on their way to enlightenment the trinity of the creator (Brahman), the preser- BUDDHISM more disciples (Schoeps & Bolle 1959: 41). (Gyatso 1995: 9). Mahayana is popular in North ver (Vishnu) and the destroyer (Shiva), is called Buddhists form the second largest religious group and East Asia (Schoeps & Bolle 1959: 52). In trimurti (Seeland 1984: 61). A majority of Hin- in Nepal (Majupuria & Kuman 2013: 11). Bud- Buddhist belief Nepal the vajrayana Buddhism is prevalent (See- dus idealize a particular deity but it is also usual dhism is closely connected to Hinduism and de- The main goal of a Buddhist is it to free oneself land 1984: 69). Vajrayana was initially a part of to include other deities into worship (Wilkinson veloped as a reform movement in a hindu culture. from the never-ending cycle of uncontrolled death mahayana school and was later on distinguished 2009: 169). In Nepal especially, Hinduism and Buddhism are and rebirth, called samsara, and thereby be libe- as a buddhist school of its own also called the strongly entangled (Seeland 1984: 69). The fol- rated from all suffering (Gyatso 1995: 37, 71). diamond vehicle. Vajrayana is practiced in the The main orientations of Hinduism lowing chapter provides anoverview of the Bud- To achieve this goal, it is necessary to realize that mountain regions of Nepal and Tibet and is, be- Many different orientations of Hinduism are co- dhist belief in general and of how it is practiced there is no permanent self and instead accept in- sides mahayana, also comprised by the Tibetan existent. The six main sects of Hindus are shai- in Nepal. finite emptiness and non-self (Gyatso 1995: 71). Buddhism (Seeland 1984: 60). vas, vaishnavas, shaktas, ganpatyas, saurapathas Only through meditation one can reach this state and smartas (Majupuria & Kuman 2013: 48). The origin of Buddhism of inner peace called nirvana (Gyatso 1995: 40). Vajarayana Vaishnavism and shaivism have the most devo- Buddhism is based on the teachings of Buddha. The path to enlightenment is based on empathy In Nepal hindu and buddhist traditions are very tees. Vaishnavism worships god Vishnu who res- Siddhartha Gautama, the future Buddha, was and unconditional love for all living beings (Gy- strongly connected (Van Kooij 1978: 5) and ent- tores the threatened world order, while shaivism born as a prince in 624 BC in Lumbini, which atso 1995: 78). angled with elements of various pagan beliefs focuses on the main god Shiva who, contrarily to today belongs to Nepal (Gyatso 1995: 3). While (Seeland 1984: 59). The vajrayana Buddhism Vishnu, destroys and recreates world order and growing up he started visiting the capital of his This Buddhist teaching is called wheel of dharma shows strong elements of Tantrism such as ma- thus incarnates contrasts such as life and death father’s kingdom. There he realized that all living (Gyatso 1995: 10). The turnings of the Wheel of gic spells and conjuration rituals. Meditation, (Wilkinson 2009: 178). things are to experience birth, aging, illness and Dharma symbolize the different streams of Bud- yoga and the feeding and decorating of statues of death and that these sufferings repeat itself every dhism. The first turning of the wheel ofdharma gods are seen as special techniques to accelerate Animals are sacrificed in rituals connected to the lifetime (Gyatso 1995: 5). Siddhartha Gautama forms the hinayana Buddhism, also called the the path to enlightenment. Vajrayana Buddhists strict worship of Vishnu. There are only a few wanted to save all living creatures from this terri- small or inferior vehicle. Hinayana is mainly worship a multitude of gods and saints including strict vaishnavas in Nepal, the majority of the de- ble cycle of suffering and realized that only a fully spread in South Asia (Schoeps & Bolle 1959: many local deities, ghosts and nature manifesta- votees of Vishnu are non-vegetarian and thus not enlightened Buddha would be able to perform this 39). It shows how to free oneself from all suffe- tions. Various magic and mythical rituals are part Boudha Boudha Social life often takes place in public

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of religious life. These elements have little in com- The Newars have their own language (Löwdin In the Kathmandu Valley, the Newars are very Since unified the country in mon with traditional Buddhism and closely relate 1985: 6), which is originally Tibeto-Burman and influential in the economic, social, and political 1769, high-caste Hindus have been politically do- to Hinduism (Seeland 1984: 69). Many gods and influenced by Sanskrit, Prakrits, Persian, Hindi, life. Both, Newari men and women are extensi- minant in Nepal. Politically elite high castes im- demons are worshipped in both religions, even Nepali and more recently also English (Gellner vely involved in business and trading. Women’s posed a hierarchy on the resident ethnic groups. though their names and depiction differ between 2001: 252). The original Newari script is being involvement in business activities is socially re- These ethnic groups were variously absorbed the two. The strong resemblance is rooted in the used less frequently nowadays (Löwdin 1985: 7), cognized and there are few restrictions on their into the hindu caste hierarchy, some groups al- mutual origin in the Vedic time (Seeland 1984: as the Newari culture has been thoroughly india- travelling or interaction with men (Stash & Han- lied with the high-caste political elite (Stash & 59). Vajrayana Buddhism has also integrated the nized (Van Kooij 1978: 1). Nevertheless, the Ne- num 2001: 360). Hannum 2001: 357). caste system in its philosophy which originally is wars still maintain certain non-Indian elements in rejected by Buddhism (Seeland 1984: 69). their culture, which are connected to the culture THE CASTE SYSTEM OF NEPAL In 1854, early in the period of Rana rule, a Natio- of the Himalayan regions (Van Kooij 1978: 1). Introduction nal Legal Code (muluki ain), that laid out detailed Vajrayana Buddhism has a number of enlighte- In the Kathmandu Valley, the earliest detailed codes for inter-caste behaviour and specified pu- ned Buddhas, which are worshipped in a special The Newars are both Hindus and vajrayana Bud- record of the caste system operating in Nepal is nishments for their infringement, was proclaimed order of priority. The highest ranking Buddha is dhists (Löwdin 1985: 11), while Buddhism and from the reign of the Newari king Jayasthiti Mal- (Bennett, Dahal & Govindasamy 2008: 2). It was the Adibuddha. He is followed by five divine Bud- Hinduism are practiced very closely together la (1380-1394), when 64 different castes were al- not until 1963 that hindu rules, including those dhas and Bodhisattvas. Latter omit the last level (Seeland 1984: 59), which often leads to some lotted different tasks and hierarchical ranks (Ben- governing caste considerations, were formally re- of redemption in order to help other living beings kind of loyalty to both religions (Gellner 2001: nett, Dahal & Govindasamy 2008: 1). Later, Ram moved from law (Stash & Hannum 2001: 357). on their way to enlightenment. Ranked below 93). The Newars have a caste system of their own Shah (1609-1636) introduced some rules and re- The old version of muluki ain was replaced by these are five human Buddhas and Boddhisatvas (Seeland 1984: 61). Only the higher castes tend to gulations concerning relations between different the new muluki ain of 1963 and later in 1990 (Seeland 1984: 69). be exclusively Buddhist or Hindu (Löwdin 1985: groups of people outside the Kathmandu Valley, by the new constitution, in which discrimination 11). Ritual practices are regarded most important but it is not known how rigid or widely practiced was forbidden by law. Although the discriminati- The Hindu and Buddhist Newar in terms of religion (Gellner 2001: 93) and play, these rules were. “It is clear however that during on was abolished by law in 1963 with the procla- One ethnic group which combines buddhistic and together with festivities, a vital part in everyday the 17th century as they conquered the various mation of a reformed muluki ain and later by the hindu traditions are the Newars. Their origin is life (Löwdin 1985: 13). Certain deities are wor- petty kingdoms in the territory that is now Nepal, constitution of 1990, the deeply-rooted strictly found in the clash of the Aryan tribes of India and shipped by all Newars, whereas some deities are the Shah rulers used the concept of the caste hier- hierarchical and exclusive system of government the Mongoloid tribes of Tibet (Majupuria & Ku- associated only to certain groups of castes. Very archy as an organizing principle for consolidating with its institutional social, economic and cultu- man 2013: 27), and are now named as the origi- important Newari deities are the Kumaris, virgin the diverse people inhabiting Nepal into a nation ral oppression of the vast majority of the mul- nal inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley (Löwdin goddesses, which are represented by prepube- state under their authority” (Bennett, Dahal & tiethnic state’s population remained unaffected 1985: 6, Gellner 2001: 252). scent girls (Löwdin 1985: 12). Govindasamy 2008: 2). by this few formal and superficial changes in the political structure (Krämer 1996: 232). Main Caste/ Caste/ethnic groups with regional divisions (11) and social groups (103) Main Caste/ Caste/ethnic groups with regional divisions (11) and social groups (103) Ethnic Groups from 2001 census Ethnic Groups from 2001 census

1.1 Hill Brahman 4 Newar Hill Brahman Newar Newar 1 1.2 Hill Chhetri 5.1 Hill/Mountain Janajati Brahaman/ Chhetri, Thakuri, Sanyasi Tamang, Kumal, Sunuwar, Majhi, Danuwar, Thami/Thangmi, Darai, Bhote, Baramu/Bramhu, Pahari, Kusun- Chhetri da, Raji, Raute, Chepang/Praja, Hayu, Magar, Chyantal, Rai, Sherpa, Bhujel/Gharti, Yakha, Thakali, Limbu, 1.3 Tarai/Madhesi Brahman/Chhetri 5 Lepcha, Bhote, Byansi, Jirel, Hyalmo, Walung, Gurung, Dura Madhesi Brahman, Nurang, Rajput, Kayastha Janajati

Adivasi/Janajatis 5.2 Tarai Janajati 2 2 Tarai/Madhesi other castes Tharu, Jhangad, Dhanuk, Rajbanshi, Gangai, Santhal/Satar, Dhimal, Tajpuriya, Meche, Koche, Kisan, Mun- Tarai/Madhesi Kewat, Mallah, Lohar, Nuniya, Kahar, Lodha, Rajbhar, Bing, Mali Kamar, Dhuniya, Yadav, Teli, Koiri, Kurmi, da, Kusbadiya/Patharkata, Unidentified Adibasi/Janajati Caste Groups Other Castes Sonar, Baniya, Kalwar, Thakur/Hazam, Kanu, Sudhi, Kumhar, Haluwai , Badhai, Barai, Bhediyar/ Gaderi 6 Muslim 3.1 Hill Dalit Muslim Madhesi Muslim, Churoute (Hill Muslim) 3 Kami, Damai/Dholi, Sarki, Badi, Gaine, Unidentified Dalits Other Dalits 7 Other 3.2 Tarai/Madhesi Dalit Other Marwari, Bangali, Jain, Punjabi/Sikh, Unidentified Others Chamar/Harijan, Musahar, Dushad/Paswan, Tatma, Khatwe, Dhobi, Baantar, Chidimar, Dom, Halkhor

Table 1: Main nepal caste and ethnic groups with regional divisions and social groups (2001 Census) (Bennett, Dahal & Govindasamy 2008: 3)

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The 1991 census accounted for no less than 60 by people regarded as impure cannot be eaten by these groups consumed homemade beer and spi- Importance/ meaning of the caste system caste-ethnic groups. While many of these groups the pure, though, for example, rice can either be rits, they were called ‘liquor-drinkers’ or matwali In the 2001 Census around 81 percent of all Ne- are concentrated in certain regions of the country, neutral when it is uncooked or not, when it is by the Brahmans and Chhetris whose caste status pali reported their religion as Hindu, thus loca- several of the major groups are scattered over the cooked (Cameron 1998: 7). does not allow them to consume alcohol, which ting themselves within the caste system (Bennett, whole country. is considered as polluted. In contemporary Nepal Dahal & Govindasamy 2008: 1). But Nepalis Occupying both the top and the bottom of this these various ethnic groups are now referred to as were already socially defined by the caste system Overview of the caste system in Nepal system were the hill Hindus, or parbatiya who the Adivasi or Janajati (indigenous nationalities) several hundred years ago and even earlier in In Nepal’s caste system everyone is integrated migrated to Nepal from the western hills. They (Bennett, Dahal & Govindasamy 2008: 2). This some areas, regardless of whether they were Hin- according to their relative ritual purity into the brought with them their traditional caste-based broad framework of the caste hierarchy is repli- du or not. Some in the high mountain areas may four broad varnas of the classical Hindu caste social structure, which already allocated the high- cated with countless local variations and elabora- have been more influenced by Tibetan Buddhism system: the brahman priests, the kshatriya kings est rank to the Bahuns (Brahmans), the Chhet- tions all over the Indian sub-content. and others in remote valleys and jungle areas by and warriors, the vaisya traders and businessmen ris and Thakuris (Kshatriya). Both of these were shamanistic or animistic beliefs. For them, con- and the sudra peasants and laborers – with an classified astagedhari , or ‘wearers of the sacred The 2001 census listed 103 social groups, based tact with the hindu world view may have been additional group technically ‘outside’ the caste thread’ signifying their status as ‘twice-born’ or on caste, ethnicity, religion and language as well minimal, but for most people living in the terri- system (Dalits) because of their ritually defiling those initiated into the sacred Hindu texts (Ben- as unidentified groups, some comprising less than torial boundaries of the modern Nepalese state – occupations which rendered them ’untouchab- nett, Dahal & Govindasamy 2008: 2). People 0.1 percent of the population (Bennett 2005: 15). especially after the promulgation of the National le’ by others (Bennett, Dahal and Govindasamy from the ‘pure’ middle-ranking vaishya and sudra Numerically, no single group is predominant. Code or muluki ain in 1854 – the caste system 2008: 1). Purity and impurity, or pollution, are varnas do not seem to have come along with the- Generally, the population can be divided into has been a major determinant of their identity, concepts found in Hindu culture that refer to sta- se Hindus on their migration eastward through the Hindu caste groups and janajatis, and a third social status and life chances (Bennett, Dahal & tes of people, objects, and actions. Pollution com- the hills but the occupational groups, Kami group, the religious minorities (mostly muslims). Govindasamy 2008: 1). Table 2 shows that caste- prises three broad types: that incurred by death, (blacksmiths), Damai (tailor/musicians) and the In 2001, caste groups constituted 57.5 percent of affiliation has strong influence on purchasing po- birth, and miscarriage; contact with various ob- Sarki (cobblers) did. Falling within the ‘impure’ the population, janajati 37.2 percent and the re- wer parity (PPP), life expectancy or adult literacy. jects (metals, cooking utensils, soiled garments, group, collectively called pani nachalne or ‘tho- ligious minorities 4.3 percent. Among the 10 ma- The upper castes (Bahun – Chetri – Newar) have places, animals); and parts of the body (feet, sex se from whom water cannot be accepted’, they jor social groups, the hill Brahmans and Chhetris human development indicators which lie about organs) and bodily substances (saliva, phlegm, were ranked at the very bottom and classified as (B/C) had the highest numbers (31% of the popu- 50% higher compared to the hill ethnic, Tarai semen, blood). Interaction between castes as well achut or ‘untouchable’ (Bennett, Dahal & Govin- lation), hill Janajatis, 28.5 percent and the Tarai ethnic, and occupational caste groups (Murshed as between men and women is partly regulated dasamy 2008: 2). In Nepal’s hilly and mountain Middle Caste, 13 percent (Bennett 2005: 15). & Gates 2005: 126). Income per capita amongst by rules of impurity avoidance. Water is a potent areas, the middle rank was accorded to the exis- the disadvantaged hill ethnic groups is about transmitter of both purity and impurity because it ting indigenous groups, mainly belonging to the 55% of Newaris (Murshed & Gates 2005: 126). is used to purify through bathing. Food prepared Tibeto-Burman language group. Since many of PPP GDP Gap HDI Gap Life Gap Adult Gap per capita expectancy literacy

Nepal 1186 0.325 55.0 36.72

Bahun 1533 129% 0.441 136% 60.8 111% 58 158%

Chhetri 1197 101% 0.348 107% 56.3 102% 42 114%

Newar 1848 156% 0.457 141% 62.2 113% 54.8 149%

Limbu 1021 86% 0.299 92% 53.0 96% 35.2 96%

Muslim 979 83% 0.239 74% 48.7 89% 22.1 60%

Ahir 1068 90% 0.313 96% 58.4 106% 27.5 75%

Occupational 764 64% 0.239 96% 50.3 91% 23.8 65% castes

Other 1130 95% 0.295 91% 54.4 99% 27.6 75%

Table 2: Caste differences in 1996 (Murshed & Gates 2005: 127) / Source: UNDP (1998)

RELIGION AND CULTURE IN NEPAL 18

Bennett, Dahal and Govindasamy (2008: 4) wri- and most importantly by getting an insight in the te, that “the issue of government’s failure to en- people’s daily routine and customs, when religion sure equal access to rights (e.g. citizenship, justice is most apparent. The caste system becomes like- and political representation), public services (e.g. wise comprehensible through everyday life. Even health and education) and opportunities (e.g. jobs though it has been legally abolished, people’s so- in the civil service and army) to those lower in cial interaction is often still influenced by caste- the caste/ethnic hierarchy, to women and to those relations. from the Tarai/Madhes region has simmered for centuries, but especially after the overthrow of the Rana regime in 1951 when a more democratic polity was expected.“

Today, social exclusion and discrimination against Dalits, Janajatis, Muslims and Madhesis is openly discussed. One of the major demands of the Democracy Movement in 2006 was not just democracy, but more inclusive democracy and greater government attention to overcoming the persistent disparities between the dominant high caste Parbatiyas and the urban Newars (along with a few other Janajati groups and certain pow- erful Madhesi castes) – and the rest of the country (Bennett, Dahal & Govindasamy 2008: 4).

CONCLUSION In summary, it can be pointed out that the reli- gious diversity in Nepal is hardly tangible from outside the Nepalese cultural context. However, one can get an impressive feeling of Nepal’s reli- gious and ethnical variety by visiting the country

Preparing offerings at Durbar Square in Kathmandu FROM MONARCHY TO DEMOCRACY: NEPAL TILL 1990

Philip Boesch, Micha Reichert

Figure 1: Boundaries of the Empire of the Gorkhas after the . (http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sugauli_Treaty2.PNG, access 15.7.2013)

20 21

This chapter provides a brief overview on the his- blue flame emanated which is known today as a unified governmental body (Wiesner 1976: 13). After the death of Yakshamalla, the Malla King- torical events in the region known today as Ne- Swayambhu joti (“self-originated flame”). Ha- Despite its prominent role, the Malla Kingdom dom was divided into three independent king- pal. The historical account presented here starts ving heard about this extraordinary incident, was not the only kingdom but rather “part of a doms: Kantipur (Kathmandu), Lalitpur (Patan) with the emergence of the Malla dynasty around pilgrims began to visit this lake to pay homage wider network of states” (Whelpton 2005: 22). and Bhadgaon (Bhaktapur). The division was a 1200 AD and ends with the 1990 people’s mo- to this auspicious flame. Among the pilgrims was In the 15th century, many small states emer- result of hereditary disputes between his three vement, jana andolan.The main focus will be Mahamanju shree from Mahachina with his two ged in the western and central hills. Besides the sons. Despite ongoing rivalries and small violent laid on the period between the 18th and 20th spouses Varada and Mokshada. After honoring Gorkhas, who would soon reshape the political conflicts between the three kingdoms, the sense century, the Shah and the Rana dynasties and the the Swayambhu joti, he planned to drain the landscape of the region, a cluster of many small of unity remained. Instead, through this rivalry reemergence of the king’s power which led to the lake. Finally, with the help of his spouses Varada states emerged known as the baisi (‘twenty-two’) the three kingdoms pushed each other to cultural establishment of the panchayat system. During and Mokshada, he cut a narrow slit into the hill and the chaubisi (‘twenty-four’) (Whelpton 2005: prosperity what became visible in the architec- the early , the Kathmandu Val- at Chobhar and the water flew out of the lake. 23). The Malla dynasty can be divided into two ture and art of that time (after Wiesner 1976: ley is the focal point of historic narratives. Alt- Hence, the lake was converted into a valley suita- periods: the early Malla period (1200-1482) and 13f). Since the period, the Kathmandu hough there are important events in other parts ble for human settlement. Later on, a stupa was the period of the three kingdoms (1482-1768). Valley’s location along a major trans-Himalayan of the region as well they remain outweighed by built in the place where the Swayambhu joti had The early Malla period was characterized by cha- route favored its strategic importance and wealth the prominence of the Kathmandu Valley. emerged. That very stupa has been known as the os and instability resulting from several raids by (Whelpton 2005: 19). Swayambhu Mahachaitya. (Swayambhu, Depart- neighboring kings which culminated in the inva- EARLY HISTORY ment of Archaeology, access 15.7.20013) sion of Muslim Sultan Shams ud-din Ilyas of Ben- AND UNIFICATION – The Legend of Swayambhu and the emergence of gal in 1349/50. He devastated the Kathmandu THE GORKHA KINGDOM Kathmandu Malla Dynasty Valley which is the reason why there are no buil- The conquest of the Kathmandu Valley by Prith- Swayambhu is one of the holiest places of pilg- The earliest inscription referring to “Nepal” was dings in Kathmandu dating older than the 15th vi Narayan Shah, King of Gorkha (1723-1775), rimage in the Kathmandu Valley and equally ve- found at Changu Narayan dating back to the year century. It was Jayastithimalla (1382-95) who can be considered as one of the most important nerable for Buddhists and Hindus. The story of 465 AD. In the first millennium AD, the Kathman- reorganized and reshaped the political as well as events in the history of Nepal. Many rulers of the Swayambhu is closely associated with the origin du Valley and the surrounding hills were under the cultural structure of Nepal and brought sta- Gorkha Kingdom west of the Kathmandu Valley of the Kathmandu Valley. According to the Swa- the control of the Licchavis (Whelpton 2005:18f). bility to the region. Under Jayastithimalla, Nepal had the intention of expanding its territory at the yambhu purana, in the beginning, the valley was Under the influence of war, refugees from Nort- underwent a radical hindufication, in particular expense of the three Valley Kings. But eventually, a big and beautiful lake known as kalidaha. The hern India a new ruling dynasty appeared – The through the establishment of the caste system and it was Prithvi Narayan who succeeded in doing legend further explains that the Vipaswi Buddha Mallas (literally “wrestlers”) (Bilder aus Nepal, its codification into law. The Kathmandu Valley so. He embodied the qualities of a successful con- once came here and sowed a lotus seed in this access 2.12.2013). The Malla dynasty emerged was transformed from an open to a closed and queror: determination, political and military skills beautiful lake, which grew and bloomed with in a political landscape consisting of multiple, strictly structured society. and, when necessary, brutality. It was in 1768/69 thousand petals. On that very flower, a dark- small, loosely connected territories, which lacked when Prithvi Narayan Shah conquered the Kath- especially for the selection process (Bhandari 2013). Fol- The lowing the family tradition (up to five generations of ser- Since 1815, soldiers recruited from Nepal have ving history) of joining the British army offers prestige, served the British crown loyally (army.mod.uk). Every fame and money to young Nepali men. Some say, failing year in December thousands of young Nepali apply for selection is considered a shame in the eyes of the family the Gurkha regiment at the Gurkha Recruiting Center in so that some young men commit suicide. Pokhara. In 2012, 6134 men applied for 126 positions in the hope of following the great Nepalese tradition of Since 1815, the Gurkha regiments fought in numerous serving at least 15 years as a Gurkha within the British conflicts all around the globe. During World War I, army (Bhandari 2013). Since members of the British 200,000 Gurkhas fought in British and Indian regiments – army were not allowed to enter Nepal until 1951, local almost the entire Gurkha male population of eligible age. recruiters went to the hills, gathered the recruits, made an The services in World War II and missions in the Falk- initial selection and marched with the candidates down lands, the first Gulf War, Bosnia and most recently in Af- from the hills and across the border into India. Today, re- ghanistan and Iraq added to the high reputation of the cruiters, mostly former Gurkha soldiers called galla wal- Gurkha regiment (Parker 2005, xvii). In the last few ye- lahs, search the hills and forward the young men to the ars the reorganization and reduction of costs in the Bri- Recruiting Center (Parker 2005, 23). Training academies tish army diminished the number of Gurkha soldiers. But in the surroundings of Pokhara prepare these young men the popularity of the Gurkhas in Nepal remains the same.

Parts of the ancient Royal Palace and the Durbar Square in Kathmandu

FROM MONARCHY TO DEMOCRACY: NEPAL TILL 1990 22 23

mandu Valley and named Kathmandu the capital ongoing struggle for power between the royal fa- Gorkha territory had to be surrendered to the of the Gorkha Kingdom. Until his death in 1775 mily under the influence of the regent queens and British. Today’s boundaries of Nepal originated After 1846, a new Dynasty emerged in Nepal he nearly occupied all of eastern Nepal and much the prime ministers that belonged to the Chhetri- from this treaty (compare Figure 1). In addition, which ruled the country for 100 years until 1951 of modern Nepal. However, he feared to provoke caste. After Rana Bahadur returned from exile the British were allowed to install a permanent – the Rana family. On September 15th in 1846, India or China. Shah sought to establish indepen- in 1804, he murdered Dalmodar Pande who had resident in Kathmandu and to recruit Nepalese general Jang Bahadur Rana gathered almost the dence and self-sufficiency. He emphasized the lo- plotted against him. Shortly after, Rana Bahadur soldiers called “Gurkhas” (Thapa 2005: 76). The whole political elite under false pretenses in the cal rather than the Indian culture (after Whelpton was killed by his half-brother. In this time of great latter clause was included in the treaty because “Kot-”wing of the royal palace in Kathmandu. 2005: 35-39). After the death of Prithvi Narayan political disorder, , an advisor of many British officers were highly impressed by Over 130 people were killed in the following mas- his only two-year-old son Rana Bahadur became Rana Bahadur strived for power. With the help the fighting prowess of the Gorkha army (Parker sacre (Bilder aus Nepal 5, access 23.5.2013). The king in 1777. His mother Maharani Rajendra of one of Rana Bahadur’s wives, the Maharani 2005: 45) (see Box 1). Nevertheless, the Nepalis exact nature of the massacre is not well known Lakshmi Devi and his uncle Bahadur Shah, the Lalit Tripura Sundari, he plotted against the royal are still proud of never being formally colonia- and historians are still unsure by whom it was brother of Prithvi Narayan took over the govern- family. In a tragic massacre – known as the Kot lized by the British. initiated. The trigger for the tragic events was the ment affairs. This was the beginning of a period Parva - in 1806 nearly 100 members of the royal murder of Gagan Singh, a favorite and supposed in which the king’s mother exercised great power. court were killed (amongst them the remaining During the Shah Dynasty (except for Prithvi lover of the reigning Queen. As a consequence of It is referred to as the age of the Regent Queens wives of Rana Bahadur) to make sure the Maha- Narayan) the power mostly lay in the hands of the massacre, 6000 members of the courtier fami- as in the next 70 years Nepal was ruled by “kings rani Lalit Tripura Sundari could take over the po- the regent queens and the prime ministers descen- lies fled from the country, among them the Tha- who were either underage, inept, insane, or all wer while reigning in place of Girbanyudha who ding from other noble families like the Pandeys, pas, Pandeys and other Chhetri-caste families. three” (Thapa 2005: 73). Shortly after, Bahadur then was still a child. But the actual power lay in Thapas and other Chhetri. But the power of the This event cleared the way for another Chhetri Shah was sent to exile by the queen. After her the hands of Bhimsen Thapa. king was not only weakened by the ambitions of clan – the Kunwars under the leadership of ge- death in 1785, he returned from exile and assu- nobility but also by ongoing intrigues and strugg- neral Jang Bahadur Rana (Thapa 2005: 78-79). med power. When the actual King Rana Bahadur The ongoing expansion of the Gorkha Kingdom les for power inside the royal family and the fact He became the new prime minister. The reigning turned old enough to reign by himself, he arrested under the command of Bhimsen Thapa and his that children were on the throne over a long pe- king Rajendra was sent to exile in India. One year his uncle who then committed suicide in prison. regent queen Lalit Tripura Sundari affronted the riod of time. It was a period of several political later, he returned to Nepal in an attempt to regain After the death of one of his wives, his compro- British in India, particularly in the Tarai. A vi- murders. From 1769 to 1846 none of the prime power but he was arrested and kept under house mising behavior forced him to abdicate and give olent confrontation seemed inevitable. During ministers died a natural death. A contemporary arrest for the rest of his life (Whelpton 2005: 46). the power to his one-year-old son Girbanyudha. the Anglo-Nepalese war (sometimes also referred British observer once said: “The power of the pri- From then on, the king was only a marionette of Rana Bahadur went into exile to India. In the me- to as the Gorkha war) from 1814-16, the Bri- me minister is absolute – until he’s shot” (Bilder the Rana family but still highly respected by the antime General Dalmodar Pande assumed power tish East India Company managed to retreat the aus Nepal 4, access 23.5.2013). Nepalis. From the beginning of the regime, the in Kathmandu. He was the first or Pri- Gorkha army. The war ended in the signing of Ranas had to struggle against political opponents me Minister of Nepal. It was the beginning of an the Treaty of Sugauli. Around one third of the and particularly against survivors of the Kot-mas- The Kathmandu Valley seen from Swayambhu temple

FROM MONARCHY TO DEMOCRACY: NEPAL TILL 1990 24 25

sacre. Jang Bahadur Rana tried to gain the trust his death in 1929, corruption and favoritism re- of the Nepal Praja Parishad (people’s council). It Gyanendra the new regent. However, only three of opposing families via intermarriage, endow- appeared. Even though the slight modernization had a broad base in the public, people from diffe- months later, King Tribhuvan – supported by the ment of land and lower administrative positions. in the 1920’s, a systematic ban on technology and rent castes and ethnic background as well as the and the Indian government – To capture the power of the king, he married his foreigners helped the Nepalese rulers to maintain king, Tribhuvan Bir Bikram Shah. The goal was was able to return in triumph, put an end the son to a royal princess and convinced the king to cruel and rigid controls on its ill-educated people to overthrow the Rana regime and to introduce Rana dynasty and declared a democratic system. declare him “Maharaja” in 1854 (Thapa 2005: (Parker 2005: 11). Education was only allowed to a democratic system under the patronage of the 86). The Ranas were anxious to establish a good a privileged section of the population. When the king, hence a constitutional monarchy. In 1940, 1951 followed an interim relationship with the British in India. Jang Baha- first tourists entered Nepal in 1955, they saw a the Ranas dissolved the party because it had be- with basic principles of democracy such as a mul- dur was the first Nepalese official to visit London medieval state. “No traffic, no billboards, no con- come too large. Besides the well-organized net- tiparty system and periodic elections. This coa- in 1850 and France later on. Besides, “inspired by crete and glass,… no noise or chemical pollution” work of spies working for the Ranas, which made lition cabinet was made up of the congress and the Napoleonic code, [he] immediately ordered (Parker 2005: 12) – unlike what one experiences it difficult to keep political action secret, the in- Ranas (Whelpton 2005: 72). But the head of the the task of codifying Nepal[ese] law, resulting in in contemporary Nepal. effectiveness of the pamphlets made by the oppo- state, the king, and fragmented political parties the promulgation, in 1853, of the Muluki Ain or sition due to fear of the government and people’s were unable to agree on a coherent political sys- the ‘Law of the country’, the basis for Nepal[ese] NEPAL’S FIRST DEMOCRACY & RETURN analphabetism is another reason for the failure tem (Barthelmes 2009: 6). law today” (Thapa 2005: 86). The British reco- OF THE SHAHS (Krämer 1991: 19). Nevertheless, numerous other gnized the “Maharaja” as a sovereign, the legiti- Inspired by national movements in India, politi- political parties (some of them with their own In 1955, King Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah ascen- mation for the Rana’s claim to power. The Ranas cal awareness developed amongst the Nepalese private army) were founded between 1940 and ded the throne, following his father’s demise. He then provided the British with military help in the population at the turn of the century. Although 1950, including the Nepali Congress Party led by gradually consolidated the bases of royal rule. 1857 Sepoy rebellion in India. In return, the Bri- being confined to a small cultured class only, Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala. After the invasion The first elections were held in February 1959. tish handed some Nepalese territories back over younger generations adopted ideas which slowly of Tibet by troops of the Chinese People’s Libe- The Nepali Congress won with a huge majority. to the government (Thapa 2005: 87). After the manifested in different sections of society. Several ration Army, India was worried about its own Their leader, B. P. Koirala, became prime minister death of Jang Bahadur in 1877, a new struggle writings reported on the bad state of affairs and safety. The weak Rana regime meant for India but was not able to restrict King Mahendra’s am- over power emerged among his offspring. While advocated for an improvement of social condi- that the border between Nepal and Tibet seemed bitions (Gellner & Hachhethu 2010: 133). the majority of the Rana prime ministers sought tions. Krishna Prasad Koirala, a follower of Ma- no longer secure (Krämer 1991: 22). The retreat their own enrichment and glory, Chandra Shums- hatma Gandhi, was an important early figure in of the British in India further weakened the au- In December 1960, King Mahendra imprisoned her Rana (ruling from 1901-1929) succeeded in the Anti-Rana movement (Krämer 1991: 17). thority of the Ranas. In November 1950 with the prime minister B. P. Koirala and his cabinet which implementing social and economic reforms. He Although the Ranas fought those movements, help of the Indian government, King Tribhuvan he considered too powerful after dissolving the fought corruption, abolished slavery and moder- they could not prevent the formation of politi- fled the palace and had to go into exile in India. parliament and suspending the constitution. nized the infrastructure in the country including cal parties. In 1937, discontent among the lower Subsequent, the last Rana prime minister Mohan Reasons for the failure of this first democratic the electrification of Kathmandu in 1927. After classes was high which led to the establishment Shumsher Rana proclaimed the king’s grandson intermezzo were reforms which challenged the Thamel, a vivid part of Kathmandu Gleaming gagris (water containers) and copper dishes on display at Assan tol

FROM MONARCHY TO DEMOCRACY: NEPAL TILL 1990 26 27

traditional elite, for example the eradication of The basic idea of the panchayat system was the JANA ANDOLAN I ther democracy was an adequate political form tax-exempt lands or the abolition of the rajyau- decentralization of responsibility and an initiative (PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT) in view of Nepal’s historical legacy. In 1990, ta system, which allowed to raise taxes granted of countrywide development as well as the elimi- In 1990, the still banned and therefore illegal most Nepali supported the idea of a multi-party to families of ancient kings (Thapa 2005: 120), nation of all powerful political organizations such political party Congress and several left-front democracy in the country and fought for its re- as well as internal opposition in the Nepali Con- as parties, trade unions, etc. Elections were only communist movements formed an alliance to res- alization. The public discussed the structure of gress. The previously banned Communist Party held at the local level. This was supposed to raise tore democracy. The goal was to bring an end democratic change and how to realize this goal and conservative forces like orthodox Hindu lea- the political awareness among the local populati- to the panchayat and absolute monarchy and to (Pfaff-Czarnecka 2004: 2). After 80 years of mo- ders as well as landowning farmers added further on based on hindu tradition and principles of self- establish a constitutional multiparty democracy. narchic rule, characterized by the unification of to the pressure (Whelpton 2005: 98). In 1961, the government. Elected officials provided the higher Rapid urbanization and the rise of an educated Nepal and the Shah Dynasty, and 100 years un- panchayat system was introduced and one year ranking district-members. The king had the right middle class were two reasons for the success of der the repressive Rana regime, democracy was later absolute monarchy was reestablished in the of veto concerning adopted acts and performed as the 1990 mass movement (Gellner & Hachhethu introduced in the 20th century for the first time, constitution. the head of the executive. Direct political involve- 2010: 131). Another important external factor shortly followed by the panchayat system. Politi- ment on a national stage was therefore virtually contributing to the people’s movement, or jana cal suppression and the poor economic situation THE PANCHAYAT SYSTEM impossible and the constitution restricted basic andolan, was the current economic situation in in Nepal led to discontent among the population, In 1962, the panchayat system was established rights of the population. Nepal. India had imposed an economic blocka- fueled by urbanization and a growing educated through a new constitution that set up direct- de caused by Nepal’s weapon import from China middle class. These developments culminated ly elected village or town councils (panchaya- After the death of King Mahendra in 1972, his that in the eyes of the Indian government was a in the jana andolan 1990, leading to an end of ts), whereat their members formed an electoral son Birendra Bir Bikram Shah, educated at Eton violation of the 1950 Friendship Treaty (Chadda absolute monarchy and the reintroduction of a college to choose district-level representatives and Harvard, took over government affairs. He 2000: 113). Consequently, Nepal experienced a multiparty democracy. (Whelpton 2005: 101). “These district pancha- did not fulfill the hope of political leaders to rein- shortage of basic goods such as salt etc. which led yats in turn elected members to fourteen zonal troduce party democracy, attempted however to to protests in Kathmandu. In April 1990, King Challenges that remain during this nation-buil- councils. From the members of these zonal coun- be a benevolent ruler (Chadda 2000: 120). In Birendra had to give in to the public pressure. ding process are the rivalries between the diffe- cils, ninety were elected to the national-level 125- 1980, he allowed a referendum on the panchayat After a series of strikes and pro-democracy riots rent political parties and their leaders as well as seat parliament, called the National panchayat” that ended in favor of the old system by 55 per- he abandoned the panchayat and adopted a new internal disputes. The ongoing presence of the (Thapa 2005: 123). The remaining seats were cent. “Despite losing the referendum, the parties constitution, transforming Nepal into a constitu- king in form of the constitutional monarchy, fra- assigned to royal nominees and representati- had been allowed the freedom to organize during tional monarchy again. gile economy, strained foreign affairs with India ves of class-organizations, the latter standing the campaign, a freedom that was hard to reverse and high hopes of the population can be added to for broad sectors of the population like youth, after it was over” (Gellner & Hachhethu 2010: CHALLENGES OF THE NEW DEMOCRACY that list (Pfaff-Czarnecka 2004: 2). women or peasants (Whelpton 2005: 101). 134). Hence, the whole system moved in a more The political changes that occurred in 1950 and democratic direction. the following years raised the question of whe-

Photo next page: Pottary Square in Bakhtapur

RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY? NEPAL 1990 – 2013

Kathrin Honegger, Urs Mändli

School children in Sankhu

30 31

When talking about Nepal, people in western (2010:135), was additionally fuelled by falls of in late April. As a consequence, King Birendra by a council of ministers headed by the prime mi- Europe, like Switzerland, often draw a rather dictators and authoritarian regimes in other parts called upon the public for full support of the in- nister. In 1991, the first parliamentary elections simplified picture of the country: a stunning na- of the world. Several left and communist parties terim government and proclaimed his belief in a were held from which the NC emerged as the ture, mystical ancient cities, and majestic snow- teamed up and formed an alliance, called the Uni- multi-party democracy (Hutt 1991:1024). Besi- strongest party (Hachhethu & Gellner 2010:136- covered peaks of the . However, un- ted Left Front (ULF) (Thapa 2002:80). Together des maintaining law and order, the main tasks of 137). After 13 months of interim government, like this glorified Shangri-La imagination, only with the Nepali Congress (NC), a liberal demo- the interim government were to “[…] develop a Girija Prasad Koirala became first prime minis- little about Nepal’s true distinctiveness is gene- cratic party, the ULF intended to put an end to multi-party system on the basis of Constitutional ter when interim prime minister Krishna Prasad rally known. In particular, little is known on the the partyless panchayat system. monarchy, draft a new Constitution, and hold Bhattarai – also a representative of NC – was not topic of Nepal’s recent history and the struggles General Elections” (Hutt 1991:1027). A recom- elected for a second term (Krämer 2000). for democracy. Even today, shortly ahead of the The people’s movement (jana andolan I) reached mendations commission was set up to decide on constituent assembly elections on November its peak on April 6th, 1990, when the demonst- best practices in how to form a new constitution POLITICAL PARTIES AND ECONOMIC 19th, 2013, the ongoing processes do not hit the rators on the streets of Kathmandu tried to storm (Hutt 1991:1027). But when sending the draft of REFORM POLICIES IN THE 90S headlines in western media. On the other hand, the Narayanhiti Royal Palace and security forces, a new constitution to the king in October 1990, In the 1990s when the first (1991), second (1994) while being in the country itself, the political interfered by firing into the protesting crowd new tensions arose when the palace released its and third (1999) parliamentary elections took challenges of reaching a political stability are (Thapa 2002:80). Several dozens of unarmed de- own draft to the media which was widely seen place, it became clear which parties influenced the evident all over Nepal. This chapter provides a monstrators were shot in the streets outside the as similar to the previous form of the pancha- political landscape in Nepal the most. The three brief outline on Nepal’s rich history since 1990 palace (Hutt 1991:1021). Two days later, King yat period, including various privileges for the leading parties were the Nepali Congress (NC), with the focus on its political landscape. Birendra lifted the 30-year ban on political par- royal family etc. (Hutt 1991:1034). However, a “[...] the Communist Party of Nepal, Unified ties. The main representatives of the democracy compromise was found and the new constitution Marxist-Leninist (CPN-UML), which had been PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT AND RESTORATI- movement declared it as officially over due to was promulgated on November 9th. Hutt (1991: formed in early 1991 by the unification of two ON OF DEMOCRACY their achievements regarding the legalization of 1035) summarises it as follows: “[…] a compro- splinter groups of the former Nepal Communist In 1990, the panchayat period had come to an parties, a constitutional monarchy and respect for mise had been achieved that generally favoured Party, and the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) end and a new era in Nepal started. The growing human rights (Hutt 1991:1022, 1024). Negotia- the demands of the Democracy Movement but or National Democratic Party, the party of the dissatisfaction with the regime, including the high tions for the formation of an interim government still reserved important powers and privileges erstwhile panchas, the politicians of the partyless rate of unemployment and price rises, eventually began and in November 1990, the new constitu- for the monarchy”. The form of government had panchayat system” (Krämer 2000). The NC’s led to the uprising of 1990 (Hachhethu & Gell- tion of Nepal, the fifth in the country’s history, changed from an absolute monarchy to a consti- identity was seen as liberal and centrist, the CPN- ner 2010:135). Primarily driven by the frustra- was promulgated (Hutt 1991:1020). However, tutional monarchy. With this shift, the king ag- UML was known as leftists and progressive, and ted urban middle-class, Nepal’s mass movement after calling the movement off, new parties emer- reed to give up his full control over the executive the RPP as rightist and conservative (Hachhethu took place in a global atmosphere of pro-demo- ged with more differentiated aims, which led to power which was from that date on represented 2000:4). And whereas the NC favoured a multi- cracy and, according to Hachhethu & Gellner further riots and deaths in the Kathmandu Valley not only by the king as the head of state but also party system, the CPN-UML idealized an one- Picketers at Durbar Marg during a bandh called by the CPN-M led alliance to protest against the elections to the constitutional assembly scheduled for November 2013. Demonstration of the CPN-M

RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY? NEPAL 1990 – 2013 32 33

party communist system. The RPP, on the other scape of Nepal remained unstable and according had to undergo a fundamental change in their any fruit. In general, a socio-economic improve- hand, was considered to be the party of advocates to Hachhethu & Gellner (2010: 136), was rather status: “With the reinstatement of a multi-party ment in the country could not be observed in tho- of the former partyless panchayat system. Consi- full of stress and strains. Furthermore: “The poli- system, the role and functions of political parties se years right after the restoration of democracy dering these different backgrounds of the three tical parties began with a huge fund of goodwill, changed from that of illegal organizations to le- and an increase in the per capita income mainly main parties, Hachhethu (2000: 3-4) points out which they rapidly squandered” (Hachhethu & gitimate power contenders” (Hachhethu 2000: resulted from other factors such as remittances that a major ideological breakthrough was made Gellner 2010: 136). Krämer (2000) agrees with 2-3). (Thapa et al. 2008: 51). Since 2000, the number by both the CPN-UML and the RPP giving up this view, and summarizes that the parties and of Nepalese labour migrants has increased five- their initial faith in the systems they wanted to their politicians forgot all their ideology and ma- Economic reform policies, for example, were fold (Willjes 2012: 53). achieve (one-party and partyless) in order to com- nifestos as soon as they were in power. seen as an effective way to pull Nepal out of its pete in the system of parliamentary democracy. economic misery. Unfortunately, the neoliberal Regarding development assistance (ODA), Ne- The first phase of transition – from 1990 to 1994 – approach of selling nationalized industries and pal shows a massive lack in government mecha- Despite of a general tendency of disorganisation is seen as a rather successful period compared to placing some of Nepal’s infrastructure projects in nisms to mobilize the resources in an efficient among the parties, the RPP appeared to be one the following years until 1999, when Nepal had foreign hands did not work properly. No additio- way. Nepal receives a relatively high amount of of the most disorganized ones. The RPP initially already experienced eight different governments. nal jobs could be generated with it and the lack of ODA which has additionally increased since the emerged out of two separated parties which were The defeat of the NC in the mid-term elections in transparency and good governance could not be Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) was signed each led by former panchayat prime ministers 1994 marked the end of this first phase of tran- filled (Hachhethu & Gellner 2010: 136). Never- in 2006 (see below) and the transition from war (Thapa and Chand) and then was unified in the sition. The next phase of transition was far less theless, due to the increasing amount of remittan- to peace began (Chaulagain 2012). early 90s. Hachhethu (2000:7) comments: “The promising. On the contrary, the political party ces from Nepalese migrant workers and because weakest point of this party is that it was not for- system started to erode from the inside and was of revenues through market globalization, the NEPAL’S MAOIST REBELLION AND med on the basis of ideology, but on the ground overwhelmed by intra- and inter-party conflicts state’s bankruptcy could be prevented (Hachhe- PEOPLE’S WAR 1996 – 2006 of common political background and identity of (Hachhethu 2000: 1). Thus, democracy in Nepal thu & Gellner 2010: 136; Thapa et al. 2008: 51). After the 1991 elections, the political power in its ranks and files as the erstwhile panchas”. was characterized by manipulation, incompetent Even though the state remained financially liquid, Nepal was centered between NC and CPN-UML. governance, mismanagement, irresponsibility the disparities between the rural and the urban However, tired of the permanent political infigh- The NC formed a majority government after the and excessive political intervention in bureaucra- areas increased dramatically (Hachhethu & Gell- ting between these two dominating parties and elections in 1991 and 1999, whereas the CPN- cy and an erosion of ideology. To understand the ner 2010: 136). Further economic reform poli- the resulting insufficient democratization process, UML formed a minority government after the weakness of the party system, it is important to cies, which were launched after the restoration the Nepal Communist Party (Nepal Communist elections in 1994 when they achieved most seats bear in mind that parties in Nepal already existed of democracy in 1990, such as removal of import Party (Maoist) (CPN-M)) started a “People’s in the congress but still had a lower share of po- before the restoration of democracy in 1990 – as license, full convertibility of Nepalese Rupees, a War” in February 1996. This Maoist uprising pular vote compared to the NC (Hachhethu & some sort of opponents of the panchayat regime value added tax system, and freeing banks depo- was the beginning of a bloody ten-year civil war Gellner 2010: 136). However, the political land- (Hachhethu 2000: 2-3). However, these parties sits for private sector investments, did not bear with 13’000 to 17’000 deaths, massive destruc- Statue of King Mahendra Miniature kites decorating a house Daily traffic jams on the Prithvi Highway, the main artery from Kathmandu to the West

RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY? NEPAL 1990 – 2013 34 35

tions of infrastructure, severe human rights abu- communist movement in Nepal – with its utopian almost totally ignored by the prime minister and war without an organized armed force (Sharma ses and many displacements. There are different ideal and promises of ending inequalities – was the media (Sharma 2001:38). 2001: 41) and only a few dozens of fighters (Eck opinions about the reasons for the dramatic rise considerably backed by the country’s poor, youth 2010: 33). One week after the beginning of the of such violence. Amongst the most mentioned and different minority groups (Lawoti 2010: 6). These demands (for full list see Appendix A in war, the government treated it as a law and order are poverty, unemployment, failed development, Furthermore, the successful mobilization of eth- Hutt 2004: 285) give an impression about aims problem and responded with police repression ethnic uprising and bad governance (Hachhethu nic and tribal support in the heartland of Nepal and political tendencies of the CPN-M and its and mass arrests (Hachhethu 2001: 61). Then, 2001: 58). However, as Lawoti (2010: 3) points played an important role. As Pahari (2010) points ideological leader Baburam Bhattarai. The list the home minister declared: “I am confident that out, there are no simple answers to it. To gain a out, the Maoists initiated their movement in the included some genuine concerns such as “Nepal we will be able to bring the present activities un- more complex understanding of it, other aspects, mountainous districts of Pyuthan, Rukum and should be declared as a secular nation”, “Land der control within four or five days” (Sharma such as the fall of the communist ideology in the Rolpa, where Moham Bikram Singh, a native of should belong to tenants”, and wishful issues 2001: 49). In the first two years of the people’s rest of the world, the restoring of democracy in Pyuthan district and a senior patron figure, lived such as “Drinking water, roads and electricity war, the Maoists killed 38 persons – the police Nepal 1990 (democracy is supposed to defuse among the Kham Magar communities in Rukum should be provided to all villagers”, or “Em- killed 91 persons and arrested several suspects violence), and the slightly improving living con- and Rolpa and helped to build a radical commu- ployments should be guaranteed for all” (Lawoti (Hachhethu 2001: 61). ditions in the following years must be considered nist underground movement (Pahari 2010: 205). 2010: 7). There are also some demands on natio- as well. But whatever one might consider as the nalism such as ”The open border between Nepal In the early 2000s, the war intensified for two reasons for the Maoist insurgency, “the present The origin of the Maoists lies in numerous splits and India should be regulated”, and ”Nepal[ese] reasons: First, in the aftermath of 9/11 and the conflict is not a product of just the past few years. of the CPN-Fourth Congress and the emergence workers should be given priority in different sec- U.S. war on terror, the Nepalese government (and It has behind a long history of bad governance, of the CPN-Unity Center (CPN-UC) and the tors”, which shows that Nepalese communists also the United States) labeled Maoists as terro- oppression, corruption and marginalisation of CPN-Masal. A subgroup of CPN-UC, the United were highly nationalist and different from the in- rists (Sharma 2006: 1247). Second, in June 2001 people, especially women” (Sharma & Prasain People’s Front Nepal (UPFN), was not recognized ternational communist movement (Lawoti 2010: King Birendra and much of the royal family were 2002: 152). by the Election Commission in 1994 (Lawoti 6). The Maoists were also strict opponents to the killed in a rampage by – according to the official 2010: 6). In 1995, after another split, the CPN- monarchy: “All special privileges of the king and version – Crown Prince Dipendra. The Crown The communist movement in Nepal was divided UC renamed itself as CPN-Maoist (CPN-M) and the royal family should be abolished” (Lawoti Prince committed suicide and died a few months in more than one dozen communist parties and on the 4th of February in 1996, the UPFN sub- 2010: 6). after the incident. The newly enthroned king was factions. They ranged from the radical Mao- mitted a list of 40 demands to the government Birendra’s brother Gyanendra, who had been ists on the one hand to more moderate groups, while threatening with insurgency if the demands On February 13th, 1996, a few days after the de- king for a short while as a child. While there were such as the CPN-UML, on the other hand (La- were not met (Lawoti 2010:7). At this time, only mands were submitted, the people’s war began. It many rumors about the rampage, it seems to be woti 2010: 5-6). Despite the factionism and the few people were aware of the CPN-M as one of started with strikes against factories, offices and conflict-unrelated (von Einsiedel et al. 2012: 19). downfall of other communist regimes in other countless communist parties and groups. The police outposts in the districts of Rolpa, Rukum, However, while King Birendra had been reluctant parts of the world at the end of the century, the forty-point demand list was hardly noticed and Gorkha and Sindhui. The Maoists began their to deploy the army against its own people, Gya- are international flights, ambulance services and water be familiar with the situation and behave calmly. Impressions of a bandh transports. On a bandh-day, Kathmandu seems to be a It is not clear to us what the precise demands of the Kathmandu on September 12th, 2013 completely different city. Tourists could easily get ner- protesters are. One reason might be that some political vous when looking for transportation to the airport. Ne- parties are opposing the upcoming Constituent Assembly «Tourist Shuttle Bus Service» says the huge banner, pali people, however, act in a way that shows us that they elections on November 19th. Another rumor says that mounted between the head lamps of the bus – it al- are used to this situation. Bandhs take place frequently they are protesting against increasing ticket-prices for lows this bus to drive through the empty streets of Ka- in Kathmandu. People know how to inform and organize public transport. However, in regard of the elections, the- thmandu on this Thursday, September 12th, 2013. It is themselves. Websites like nepalbandh.com provide infor- re might be more strikes coming. Despite the relatively our second-last last day in Nepal and the capital city mation about the date, on which a bandh is planned, its peaceful atmosphere on that day, a bandh leads to nega- of Kathmandu is our last stop of our excursion. When reasons and who the organizers are. Today, small groups tive consequences such as economic damages and deepe- we arrived at Kathmandu airport two weeks ago, traffic of protesters, primarily young men, are marching in the ning mistrust in public services. Furthermore, there is a noise, crowded roads, and polluted air were among the streets, swinging banners and shouting paroles. Strike pi- huge potential for violence. It becomes clear to us that first impressions. Not today – the streets are empty, the ckets, which are located on crucial road junctions, should trust in political structures and democratic instruments air seems purer than on the days before, and there are ensure that no vehicles are on the streets, except for tou- are fundamental issues for Nepal. Therefore, to include no howling motors, squealing brakes or blowing horns rist buses and rickshaws. Armed police forces are placed the protesting voice into politics might be a step forward startling newly arrived travelers. It is bandh in Nepal. A around these strike pickets, observing without getting in to reduce the frequency of bandhs and shutdowns of bandh is an organised strike, which means a shutdown touch with the protesters. Here too, all involved groups whole cities. of shops, schools, public services and traffic. Excluded like policemen, protesters or tourist-bus-drivers seem to

A bus that allowed tourists to reach the airport during a bandh

RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY? NEPAL 1990 – 2013 36 37

nendra decided to call the Royal Nepalese Army elite and non-elite groups facilitated the Maoist’s to implement its roadmap [...]” (Crisis Group and a new party led by Mohan Baidya called itself (RNA) in November 2001 (Hachhethu 2001: 71, recruitment of youth from rural and remote areas 2006). Jana andolan II was seen as a full success once more Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). von Einsiedel 2012: 19). The year 2002 was the (Sharma 2006: 1247). Spreading from their po- for the people of Nepal regarding the King’s resi- The remaining other two powerful parties, the bloodiest with over 4’500 killings reported rela- wer base, they penetrated into the cities and the gnation, the hope for better political leadership, NC and UML, “[...] have rejected many aspects ted to the People’s War, where less than 1’500 Kathmandu Valley and almost all of Nepal’s 75 the demonstration of people’s constraint on the of the proposed socio-political transformations, killings occurred between 1996 and 2001 (von districts (Sharma 2001: 38), forcing police and Maoists, and a strong signal to the international notably by opposing identity-based federalism” Einsiedel 2012: 20). Nevertheless, police forces army to withdraw from large regions of the coun- community. On the 30th of April, Girija Prasad (Crisis Group 2012). Provided that all parties as well as the army were rather ineffective against try (von Einsiedel 2012: 20). Koirala, by the time aged 84, was once more in- are struggling with factional and ideological di- the guerilla-like tactics of the Maoists, which in- augurated as prime minister (Crisis Group 2006). visions, an overall consensus is not in sight. The cluded the killing and kidnapping of people and JANA ANDOLAN II AND THE END OF 601-member Constituent Assembly (CA) was dis- damaging institutions and infrastructure (Sharma MONARCHY CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION solved on May 27th, 2012 (FES 2013). Despite 2006: 1247). After the royal coup in 2002, King Gyanendra Today, seven years after the Peace Agreement, the the violent opposition of the CPN-M led coaliti- addressed the ongoing riots in a harsh authoritari- political situation in Nepal seems deadlocked. In on, elections to a new constituent assembly were “Guerilla warfare cannot sustain without the an way and made it clear to take Nepal back to an the 2008 elections of the Constituent Assembly successfully held on November 19, 2013 with a support and compliance of the people” (Lawo- absolute monarchy. The so called all-or-nothing the Maoists emerged unexpectedly as the new voter turnout of about 70%. While the Nepa- ti 2010: 16). Therefore, the Maoists somehow gamble by the king signalised that there was no leading party (Crisis Group 2012). They changed li Congress and the UML emerged as the clear ought to win the support in the villages. To do prospect of a stable balance of power between pa- from a rebel group to an official party. However, winners of the polls (with 196 and 175 seats res- so, they engaged in the building of infrastructu- lace and parties. However, with no improvement Nepal’s politics had soon to face further chal- pectively), the CPN-M was relegated to the third res like roads and bridges. Further actions against achieved, the monarchy of King Gyanendra was lenges when new Madhesi parties – representing place with a meager 80 seats. unpopular village elites, untouchability, ethnic increasingly questioned - not only by the parties people of the southern Tarai region – emerged as prejudice and sexism, domestic violence against but also by the civil society (Crisis Group 2005). powerful forces in the assembly. The Communist CONCLUSION women and the prohibition of public sale of alco- Eventually, a large scale people’s movement (jana Party of Nepal (Maoist) unified with the Com- Nepalese politics have faced several major hol in some areas have led to a pro-people image andolan II) was initiated in April 2006 against munist Party of Nepal (Unity Centre-Masal) in shifts in the last 23 years. 1990 marked the of the Maoists (Lawoti 2010: 16). the direct rule of King Gyanendra. Then, after 19 January 2009 and renamed itself to Unified Com- year when the executive and legislative powers days of protest, this second people’s movement munist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN (Maoist)). were taken over by political parties. However, At the end of the war in 2006, when the Compre- came to a successful end with the capitulation of Together with the United Democratic Madhesi the leading parties failed to restore the young hensive Peace Agreement was signed, the Mao- the king on the 24th of April (Calder 2008; Crisis Front (UDMF), they have argued for an identity- democracy into a stable and inclusive system ists had about 30’000 fighters under their control Group 2006). That day, Gyanendra “[...] accep- based federalism which should take into consi- which, eventually, culminated in the civil war (Eck 2010: 33). The rise of poverty and inequa- ted popular sovereignty, reinstated parliament deration the historical marginalisation of indige- from 1996 to 2006 that has left indelible scars lities between rural and urban areas as well as and invited the mainstream seven-party alliance nous groups. In 2012, the UCPN (Maoist) split in various respects. Regarding the country’s Youth wing of the CPN-M demonstrates against the scheduled elections to a Constituent Assembly in Basantapur/Kathmandu

RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY? NEPAL 1990 – 2013 38 recent history, it seems that the disagreement on the political level is merely the only thing that is constant, unchanging and reliable. On our excursion it was astonishing to see how routinely the people dealt with the political impasse in their everyday lives. On the day the general strike (bandh) took place (see box “Impressions of a bandh”), it felt like people on the street knew how to come to terms with the situation. Furthermore, Nepalese people, with whom we had the chance to talk, seemed to be rather distanced from politics than eager to get involved themselves in the political tur- moil. Nepal’s political transition has certainly not been completed yet. There remain hurd- les to overcome. The government will have to address persistent problems of law and order, lack of genuine leaders, impunity, dependence on foreign aid, infrastructure, and food inse- curity to name a few. The fronts are hardened and political credibility is in deep crisis. We as- sume that the radical turnaround from 1990 was an important step into a new political Ne- pal. However, from our present point of view there is still a very long way to go until demo- cratic structures are strengthened. The tense si- tuation in Nepal resembles a powder keg that could easily explode again.

Demonstration of the CPN-M led 33-party alliance against the elections. NEPAL IN TRANSITION IMPUNITY & RULE OF LAW, FEDERALISM, AND THE SITUATION OF MINORITIES IN NEPAL

Lisa Honegger, Irene Schärer, Anne Wegmann

Lonely street vendor at Durbar Marg during the CPN-M called bandh, overseen by the armed and traffic police.

40 41

After a ten-year long civil war (1996-2006) bet- write a definite constitution has not been success- law and order by police authorities was almost argument to keep delaying the jurisdiction (PBI ween the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) ful. For a better understanding of the today’s situ- inexistent. Those circumstances granted the Mao- 2011: 3). So far, the two commissions have failed, and the government security forces, Nepal is in ation, we shall give a brief overview on the recent ists the justification for the enforcement of their although previous governments had promised in- a state of political transition. In this chapter, we history of the political changes in Nepal, focusing own “law” (ACHR 2008: 4). vestigation on wartime crimes several times (Hu- will discuss some of the challenges Nepal is fa- on the constitution and the rule of law, as both man Rights Watch & Advocacy Forum 2011: 3). cing concerning the election of the Constituent are crucial to the stability and functionality of a The human rights atrocities include rape, killing Up to this day, authorities have tried to protect Assembly and the effects of the present state of democracy. As the multiparty democratic system and the disappearance of people. Both sides were both sides – security and rebel forces – from being impunity without a permanent constitution on under the constitutional monarchy did not meet accusing each other of being responsible for the- made accountable for human rights abuses, as human rights, focusing on the situation of the people’s expectations, the Maoists started the se acts of violence (Human Rights Watch & Ad- both are now participants in the government. Key minorities living in the country. We shall also “people’s war” against the government in 1996, vocacy Forum 2011: 13). Many unsubordinates elements in these protection strategies are case examine the debate on federalism, which is of si- which marks the starting point of a ten-year civil were taken into custody, while their families were withdrawals and general amnesties, as explained gnificant importance in the difficulties of writing war (Chiang 2013: 942). not allowed to visit and were often even threate- further down (Human Rights Watch & Advocacy the constitution. ned themselves (Human Rights Watch & Advo- Forum 2011: 25). When in 2006 the Maoists and the Seven-Party cacy Forum 2011: 17). THE CONSTITUTION, IMPUNITY Alliance representing the parliament signed a After elections to the Constitutional Assembly in AND RULE OF LAW Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), this In order to address these wartime atrocities, the 2007, an Interim Constitution was adopted and In 2007, the century-old monarchy was to be marked the end of the civil war (Chiang 2013: government created two commissions: the “Truth it was agreed to write a completely new constitu- replaced by a secular democracy and an Inte- 943). Both sides committed to condemn impu- and Reconciliation Commission” (TRC) and the tion for a federalist, secular state (Pimentel 2010: rim Constitution was implemented, according to nity and to investigate human rights violations “Commission of Inquiry on Disappearances” 289). According to this Interim Constitution, the which Nepal is understood as a Federal Republic (NHRC & OHCHR-Nepal 2011: 16). Royal po- (CD) (Chiang 2013: 943). These commissions are state is required to uphold human rights as well (Hachhethu & Gellner 2010: 142). Although the- wers were reduced and the Maoists were invited meant to support the criminal justice system as a as to eliminate corruption and impunity. re was a Constituent Assembly in charge of writing to participate in the government (Pimentel 2010: fact-finding body rather than dealing with pro- However, the Interim Constitution has weaknes- Nepal’s constitution, the country’s government 289). secutions, which still remains duty of the court. ses regarding the distribution of power. The fact is at present time still operating under the Inte- Problems arise when investigation and prosecuti- that the president holds the power on recommen- rim Constitution implemented in 2007 (Pimentel Both the security forces and the Maoists commit- on are largely postponed by the political parties dation of the Council of Ministers to suspend, 2010: 283). Further, serious atrocities against hu- ted many violations of the International Huma- and courts, referring to the work of the TRC and commute or reduce any sentence imposed by any man rights committed by both sides in the conflict nitarian Law, such as killings, enforced disappea- the CD. On the one hand, political parties seem court and other authority or institutions stands are still not addressed, leading to what some call rances or torture (Chiang 2013: 942), especially to hesitate to grant the mandate of investigation in contrast to the requirements of the state under a “state of impunity” (Human Rights Watch & during civil war. The army was close and loyal to the TRC. On the other hand, they use their re- the Interim Constitution. Exculpations or amnes- Advocacy Forum 2011: 2). So far, the attempt to to the ruling monarchy, and the enforcement of liance on the work of the TRC and the CD as an ties can only occur after investigation and prose- tion of wartime crimes. They see a big lack of accounta- Advocacy Forum bility and are hoping for support from the International The Advocacy Forum (AF) is an NPO and an NGO which Community to take repressive measures in order to put was established in 2001. Its goal is to promote the rule some pressure on the politicians. of law and uphold international Human rights standards as well as fighting the culture of impunity in Nepal. AF is AF faces obstacles in their work, since many of the cur- working in 20 districts out of 75 in total, employing 75 rent political leaders themselves are somehow linked to staff members in 16 offices. the committed wartime atrocities. Up to this day, AF The AF has five separate departments: the Criminal Ju- cannot account for one case successfully solved. AF finds stice Department, the Transitional Justice Department, their cases by visiting detention centers, or victims re- the Prevention of Torture Department, the HR Documen- porting to them in their offices or through their radio tation and Monitoring Department, and the Child Rights programs on the topic. Monitoring and Juvenile Justice Department (Advocacy They receive funding from different organizations such Forum 2013). as Unicef and European governments and stress that it is important to invest the money first in the establishment In our discussion with representatives of AF it became of human rights before investing it in other development clear that in their opinion, missing political will of politi- projects. cians in charge is a core problem hindering the investiga-

Visit of the Advocacy Forum

NEPAL IN TRANSITION 42 43

cution of crimes, but the Constitution Assembly The current state of instability and lack of ac- yat system was overthrown by the people’s mo- as the dominant group’s share is almost nowhere has failed to propose an article to prohibit such countability hinders the introduction of a definite vement and street battles and demonstrations led more than 50%. Another risk is the dissociation pardons for serious crimes (NHRC & OHCHR- constitution to a federalist system in Nepal. Ac- to the legalization of political parties, a new con- of units and the reduction of loyalty to the state Nepal 2011: 14f). So far, more than 600 wartime counting for all the different needs and interests stitution was allowed, which defined Nepal as “a (Töpperwien 2009: 13f). criminal cases have been withdrawn by successive of the various ethnic groups in Nepal and dividing multi-ethnic, multilingual, democratic, indepen- governments (Human Rights Watch & Advocacy the power equally among them is no easy task. dent, indivisible, sovereign, Hindu and Constitu- The proponents of the fiscal approach pursue the Forum 2011: 25). Also, the country’s diversity of natural resources tional Monarchical Kingdom”. As a consequence same economic conditions of all units to create an and the access to them is a big issue among peo- of the panchayat system, under which all Nepa- even development for all regions, which would, The existing Emergency Power Article within the ple, as there are regions with high fertility, and lis were claimed equal, the ethnogenesis started in their opinion, prevent conflicts over resources. Interim Constitution even enables the president others with almost no usable natural resources. (Gellner 2007: 1825). Subsequently ethnicity be- Critical voices state that marginalisation cannot to suspend legal rights fixed in the Interim Con- Thus, in the next chapter, we focus on the debate came more prominent since different groups were be prevented by a fiscal approach, which will stitution, such as the right of speech, the right of on federalism in Nepal, as it has a big impact on enabled to live their culture freely. lead to a society controlled by elites and con- assembly or press freedom. Abuse of legal right the process of constitution writing. flicts within constituent units between the pla- is therefore possible, since it can be suspended Nevertheless, the political debate in Nepal main- nes and the mountain areas (Töpperwien 2009: exactly at the point when needed most (Pimentel DEBATE ON FEDERALISM IN NEPAL ly concerns the establishment of the federal units 13f). Aalen and Hatlebakk (2008: 7) suppose 2010: 312). The governance system where power ist divided and their borders. In the literature there are two that an equal allocation is impossible because between a central authority and constituent po- main opinions to be found: One is the idea of 12 districts out of 63 generate 94% of the state Human rights organisations state that, in order litical units is called federalism (The free dictio- creating units based on ethnic groups, while the income. Possible solutions for this conflict are a to be able to address the committed violations nary: 2009). Nepal tries to introduce a fair fede- other position favors a fiscal federalism, where combination of the approaches, the elimination through transitional justice, it is crucial to esta- ralism, which possesses the advantage of equally units are based on an equal allocation of natu- of people’s concerns through enacting laws that blish the rule of law so that all persons are held considering all regions and ethnic groups, to ral resources (Töpperwien 2009: 13f). Both op- further minority rights by the central govern- equally accountable to the laws that are consis- fulfill the diverse demands of its multi-ethnic po- tions have several advantages and disadvanta- ment, proportional representation of the popu- tent with international human rights norms. Only pulation. Reduced marginalization of disadvan- ges. While the formation based on ethnic groups lation in politics, reserved education places for if people can be held accountable for the commit- taged groups and religion through a strengthened would lead to an equal political representation of marginalized groups, fiscal exchange between the ted violations, citizens will feel justice and thus political representation, the stimulation of deve- all groups and increased security of minorities, units, guidelines about how the resources should start to trust in the government again, which is lopment and democratization and the reduction antagonists claim that these constitutions could be shared or the development of mechanisms for important for sustainable peace and democracy of conflicts through equal empowerment of all facilitate civil war amongst the about 100 diffe- conflict solving (Töpperwien 2009: 13). In 2002, (Chiang 2013: 945). groups are three potential advantages federalism rent ethnic groups and more than 70 linguistic an official list of 59janajati (indigenous nationa- can bring to Nepal (Aalen & Hatlebakk 2008: 2, groups in Nepal. Furthermore, there is no way lities) groups was published by the state. For tho- Töpperwien 2009: 2). After 1990, as the pancha- to create units with a homogeneous population se groups included on the list, seats in political, Preparation for a demonstration of the CPI-M at Kathmandu‘s Durbar Square Hopeful younger generation

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administrative and educational institutions will diversity, which is regarded as extremely vital for merous ethnic groups and minorities often causes into different castes was done by assigning the be reserved (Gellner 2007: 1825). In 1990, a new the further democratization in Nepal (Hangen problems and conflicts. No matter how the units highest caste to the people who adopted the most national organization called NEFIN (Nepal Asso- 2007: 2). The Madhesi movement gained atten- are built up in the end, it has to be combined with of the Hindu culture (Krämer 1996: 21-34). But ciation of Indigenous Nationalities) was founded, tion of the state as it turned more violent, thus political sanctions and a centrally managed poli- because of the multiplicity of ethnic groups, there in which all 59 janajati groups are represented capturing the attention of the media in 2007. The tical system which coordinates the compensation were many tribes that retained their traditional today. The organization urges the government to Madhesis are an ethnic group living in the Terai of the disadvantaged groups and regions. The customs and refused what they regarded as a for- uplift the janajatis and is also successful in attrac- region but do not include the Tharus, the latter debate on federalism often mentions minorities. eign culture and philosophy. The tribes that adap- ting large grants from the British Department for having formed a separate movement. While the The following section takes a closer look at these ted the least were classified as the lowest caste or International Development (Gellner 2997: 1825). Tharu are Nepal’s fourth largest ethnic group, minorities. even as not being part of any caste (Krämer 1996: This controversial debate emphasizes the fact that they do not share a common culture, language or 21-34). The following groups count as minorities federalism on its own will not bring a solution to history, as ethnic labels shifted over time, empha- MINORITIES IN NEPAL in Nepal: inequality and marginalization in Nepal. sizing the fact that identities are in flux. Conflicts One of the main challenges in solving the prob- about different boundary demarcations lead to lem of federalism in Nepal is the diversity of its Dalits To stress the importance of the federalism deba- violent protests in spring 2012, when the Mid- population. In Nepal, the majority of the popula- The Dalits are also called “untouchables” (Krä- te its impact on society and several movements and Far-West districts such as Banke, Bardiya, tion belongs to so-called minorities, which are de- mer 1996: 34). Many of them are farmers or will be discussed in the following. It is not only a Kailali and Kanchanpur were affected by clashes fined by Prasad Bhattarai (2004: 312) as a group descendants of the servants of escaped Indians, point in a politician’s agenda – it has also influ- between Tharuhat activists, ‘undivided Far-West’ of people that suffers from oppression by another who belonged to one of the highest castes (Krä- enced the daily life of almost every Nepali person. movement activists and security forces (Nepali group. Therefore, a minority exists “only in rela- mer 1996: 34). Several protests and movements related to fede- Times 2012b). According to Kretowicz (2010) tion to a majority” (Prasad Bhattarai 2004: 312). ralism in Nepal (Hangen 2007: viii) eventually and Kumar (2008) Tharuhat is the name for the These people in Nepal, who have been margina- As they were classified even below the lowest cas- led to the collapse of the Constituent Assembly. land of the Tharu origin. A 19 day long bandh lized and excluded from politics for many years, te in the 18th century, they were seen as ritually Therefore, Nepal still has no constitution and (a general strike) ended after the parties signed now demand a voice and rights. polluted, also because of their non-hindu culture only an interim government at the present time. an agreement to ensure multi-ethnic federal states and practice. This made it impossible for them to Subsequently, the janajati, Madhesi and Tharu but the Tharuhat activists are still agitating (Ne- The oppressed groups emerged in the 18th cen- produce and sell goods because they were regar- movement will be discussed briefly. Thejanajati pali Times 2012b). tury, when Hindu people declared Nepal as a ded as impure. They were excluded from police movement tries to achieve more political stabi- Hindu state and the Hindu caste system was ad- and school, their rituals and traditions were puni- lity and asks for more attention to their ethnic To sum up, the debate of federalism is not only opted to the local population (Krämer 1996: 21). shed and as their goods were not demanded, they demands. The activists demand a redistribution an issue that is being discussed by politicians, but Nepal was composed of many individual parti- suffered poverty and slavery. If they owned land, and wider sharing of political power and the right also a topic that leads to protests and civil war. al states with their own tribes, their individual it had to be assigned to the higher castes (Krämer to freedom of expression of political and cultural Especially the equal representation of the nu- culture, ethnicity, and laws. The classification 1996: 232). Observing the newcomers in Lwang Women in Bhaktapur producing wicks from cotton wool for oil lamps.

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Janajati of their low status in society and because they are Religion demands a girl’s virginity when getting disapproval, indifference and less respect because Some Dalits belong to the janajati. Janajati is ano- legally disadvantaged. married. In the case that she is pregnant before of women’s low position in Nepalese society (PBI ther word for “tribe” (Gellner 2007: 1825). The marriage, she can be ostracized and thrown out 2012). A lack of capital resources and limited ac- term was first used in the 1990s, when activists One of the challenges they face is the procure- of the paternal home (Yamayola-nepal 2010). cess to international humanitarian organizations started their protests. It comprises the hill tribes ment of food for the family, for which they are Women in West Nepal are also discriminated by additionally impedes their work. of Nepal as well as groups of Tibetan culture and responsible (Bhattarai 2012: 75). Especially if be- the Chaupadi-system, where they get separated a small number of tribes from the Terai (Gellner longing to one of the marginalized ethnic groups, and locked up in a hut away from home during Following the people’s movement and the civil 2007: 1825). The distinction between caste and food is often rare because of poverty. The fact menstruation, owing to their “impurity” (Bhat- war, policies were established to improve the janajati is similar to the difference between caste that women do not have the right to access capi- tarai 2012: 76). situation of these three minorities but their im- and tribe in India but in Nepal, more than 40 % tal equipment or assets makes it even more dif- plementation appears as difficult. Despite the of its population belongs to the janajati (Gellner ficult to obtain food security (Basnet 2012: 85). All these legal, cultural and societal discrimina- official abolishment of the caste system, even to- 2007: 1825). All these ethnic groups have their To guarantee the children can be fed, women of- tions lead to the low position and marginalization day nearly all members of the lower castes suffer own culture, traditions, and area of settlement ten decide to work as day laborers, where they of women in Nepal. An improvement is difficult from a lack of land and education and are still the (Kern 2012: 64). The janajati are subdivided into have to work hard and under dangerous condi- because they do not get help from the state. As most marginalized and poorest group of people two main groups, the Hill/Himalaya-janajati and tions (Bhattarai 2012: 76). shown earlier in this paper, impunity and corrup- in Nepal (Krämer 1996: 232-252). Although the the Madheshi janajati (Bansh Jha 2004: o.A.). tion make it impossible to punish these offences interim constitution states that by law 45% of Another problem they face is prostitution. Often on women (PBI 2012). Police officers – mainly positions in the bureaucracy are reserved for op- Just as the Dalits are marginalized by higher cas- due to poverty women end in prostitution, where male – often do not believe women when they pressed groups and that they should be represen- tes, the janajati claim that they suffer from po- they suffer physical and psychological mistreat- seek help for mistreatment, or regard rape as a ted proportionally to their portion of the popu- litical and social exclusion, lack of education, ment (Gurung 2012: 79). Prostitution, its parlous right of a husband to his wife (PBI 2012). lation, their voices and claims often are ignored poverty, and discrimination because of their di- conditions, and the fact that annually 20,000 (Hachhethu & Gellner 2010: 142). sobedience of the hindu ideal (Kern 2012: 64). young women are sold to Indian brothels, whe- During the last years, human rights activists tried Even within the janajati exists a hierarchy, and in- re they are victims of forced prostitution, show to improve the situation of the Nepalese women. Just as the janajati nowadays can participate in dividual ethnic groups can be oppressed by other the discrimination of women and their lack of However, their work is not welcomed by every- political parties, the interim constitution also members (Prassad Bhattarai 2004: 309). rights (Bansh Jha 2004: o.A.). These discrimina- one, especially by men (Pariyar 2012: 59). Men states that political parties must guarantee 33% tions come along with women’s low position in accuse them of interfering with their privacy, and of the state positions to women (Hachhethu & Women society and religion. While the husband is allo- thus threaten and intimidate the activists (Pari- Gellner 2010: 142). But the implementation of Women in Nepal also belong to a minority. Many wed to address his wife with the lowest level of yar 2012: 60). While male human activists find these rules is, as shown earlier in this paper, dif- of them suffer marginalisation, discrimination courtesy, the woman is forced to use the highest it easier to make themselves heard by the police, ficult. To improve women’s position in Nepal, and violence as well as sexual harassment because level for communication (Yamajola-nepal 2010). female human rights activists are often met with granting them a say, access to land, assets, and to Members of the armed police force watching over the bandh at Durbar Marg

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penal court would be necessary as well as chan- from a combination of these two concepts, the ging of the widespread patriarchal mentality. The right of access to land and assets, rigorous integ- government should help women by supporting ration of the minorities into politics and the pu- them in their requests and take measures to gua- nishment of human rights violations are seen as rantee food security (Bhattarai 2012: 78). potential actions to meet all the different needs of the population and to respect the manifold tradi- CONCLUSION tions and cultures in Nepal. Since the implementation of the Interim Consti- tution in 2007, the government of Nepal has not been able to draw a new constitution. Despite of the state’s requirement to prevent human rights violations, corruption and impunity, the situation has not improved. Discrimination of minorities such as women, Dalits and janajati continues and the implementation of laws to integrate them into politics seems to be difficult. The concen- trated power of the state in a few positions was identified as a reason for this situation. Bandhs, demonstrations and the ongoing debate on fe- deralism express the dissatisfaction of different groups in the country. Federalism is seen as an important point to enhance the situation of the marginalized groups and to regain the people’s trust in the government. The main challenge is how the units of a federalist Nepal should be built to be able to include the needs of all the diffe- rent (ethnic) groups. Both suggestions, a division of Nepal into different units with equal natural Rani Pokhari (the “Queen‘s lake”) in the resources as well as its formation by units of dif- centre of Kathmandu. The pond with a ferent ethnic groups seem to be difficult. Apart Shiva temple in the centre was contructed by King Pratap Malla in the 18th century in memory of his dead son and offered as a consolidation for his wife. FOOD SECURITY AND LIVELIHOODS IN NEPAL

Jill Brütsch, Sarah Hartmann, Alexandra Meister, Pascal Senn

The sustainable livelihood approach (Source: Steimann 2006:2)

50 51

Nepal is one of the poorest and most food inse- Sustainable Livelihoods Approach The SLA makes it possible to analyse the reasons Definition and current situation cure countries in Asia. Although Nepal has made The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA) of declining food availability at the household le- The FAO describes Food security as „a situati- progress in poverty reduction, the situation for is a concept that evolved in the late 1980s and vel. As the SLA looks at the complex interplay on that exists when all people, at all times, have the people remains often precarious and many gained popularity in the course of the paradigm of assets, external factors and activities the ap- physical, social and economic access to sufficient, causes of food insecurity are still not addressed. shift from top-down to bottom-up development proach supports an understanding of the reasons safe and nutritious food that meets their dieta- In the following, we give an overview of food approaches in that time (Ellis & Biggs 2001: 443- of famines and how interventions can possibly ry needs and food preferences for an active and security, land rights and land distribution in 444). improve people’s livelihoods. The ownership of healthy life” (FAO 2003: 28). Further, the FAO Nepal (Food Security Monitoring Task Force Figure 1: The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach land can be a crucial natural asset to gain a be- divides food security into four dimensions: 2010: i). To describe the food security situati- (Steimann 2006: 2) neficial livelihood outcome and to avert famine on in Nepal and gain a better “understanding of (Food Security Monitoring Task Force 2010: 13). 1 — Availability of Food, referring to the the livelihoods of poor people” (IFAD 2013), we It has its roots in Amartya Sens’s “asset vulne- The following discussion of food insecurity, land presence of food in a country (or on a draw on the sustainable livelihoods approach. A rability framework” (Sen 1981) that he develo- distribution and food assistance in Nepal draws more local level), coming either from do- sustainable livelihood is a major factor for food ped in the context of famine analysis. One of the on these basic insights of the livelihoods frame- mestic production, commercial imports or security as it gives the opportunity to take hold main characteristics of this approach is its explicit work. We will start with discussing food security food aid (FAO 2008: 1). of issues that allow having a good life and being focus on the people and their livelihood strate- in the next chapter. food secure (Oni & Fashogbon 2013: 110). In gies. People’s assets are placed in the centre of 2 — Access to Food, describing „a turn, food insecurity implies a nutritional risk the framework (Ellis & Biggs 2001: 445). In their FOOD SECURITY household’s ability to acquire adequate and can lead to poverty and damage livelihoods daily life, people have to earn a living operating There is a wide spectrum of definitions and inter- amounts of food through its own home (Young et al. 2001: 1). with their human, natural, financial, physical pretations of food security. Food security reaches production and stocks, direct purchases, After introducing the livelihoods approach, we and social assets. The framework embeds the- from the national or even global availability of barter, gifts, borrowing or food aid“ (FAO discuss the problems in connection with food se assets in a wider context. On the one hand, adequate food supplies on one hand to adequa- 2010: 8). security in Nepal. Thereby we particularly focus people’s lives are threatened by external factors te nutrition and well-being of every individual on land rights and land distribution systems and like shocks, trends and seasonality that build the person on the other hand (FAO 2003: 3). In the 3 — Food Utilization, which consists of their influence on food security. The remainder so called “vulnerability context”. This can inclu- following, we will discuss the definition given by different factors. One is the ability of the of this contribution briefly outlines the role of de adverse weather conditions, diseases or fluc- the FAO with its four dimensions. This chapter human body to absorb and use nutrients. food assistance as one reaction to food insecu- tuations of the economy. On the other hand, the will further explain the current food security situ- Another is the storage of food, its proces- rity. The World Food Program is spotlighted as assets are embedded in institutional structures on ation in Nepal and discuss local disparities, land sion and preparation. Further, the usage of one of the main actors in food aid. Concluding, different levels, including norms and values, of- ownership and external threats such as influences water and cooking fuel and the hygienic the different themes are reconsidered and again ficial laws or policies. due to the people’s war. conditions are part of it as well as intra- embedded into the conceptual approach. household food distribution (FAO 2008: 1). Paddy fields near Lwang Mobile street vendor So called "local chicken" are usually prefered to broilers. They are also used for Hindu rituals and sacrifices.

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4 — Stability, which means that all three 80% of the food required on the national level which depends on different factors (Rakodi 2002: There are different reasons why people are expe- factors are given at all times and includes an (Adhikari & Paudel n.y.: 29). This number va- 315). The entitlement approach of Amartya Sen riencing failure of food entitlement. There can be individual’s condition such as health or em- ries between different areas of Nepal. Especially (1981) helps to explain the access dimension of physical, financial and social barriers, as the de- ployment as well as external influences such the far- and mid-western districts are experienci- food security. It basically consists of three con- finition of food security (Food Security Monito- as natural disasters and social, political ng a severe deficit, cultivating only about 30% ceptual categories (Osmani 1993: 3): ring Task Force 2010: 1) and the sustainable live- and economic conditions (FAO 2010: 8). of the amount of food required, while the Terai lihood approach already showed. Entitlements is the most important area for agricultural pro- 1 — Endowment set: that consists of all can be production- or trade-based (Sen 1981: Food insecurity that might occur if these dimen- duction. This is mainly due to environmental resources a person has, whether these are 2). As already mentioned, many households in sions are not given can be chronic, seasonal or factors such as topography and climate, but also tangible or intangible assets; Nepal only produce a limited amount of food transitory, depending on the cause, consequence due to the limited possibility of using agricultu- due to their small land holdings. Many Nepale- and duration of these (FAO 2008: 1). If a per- ral inputs in order to increase productivity. If the 2 — Entitlement set: that is all possible se households are farm households but only own son is food insecure he or she cannot consume production growth rate remains stable and the combinations of goods/services a person 0.83 ha of land in average and 45% even own less the amount of food needed (Osmani 1993: 3). In population continues to grow, Nepal will become can obtain by using his endowment set; than 0.5 ha, which is not enough to produce an Nepal, 17% of the population was experiencing consistently food deficient (Food Security Moni- adequate amount of food (Food Security Monito- malnourishment in 2010 (Joshi et al. 2010: 2). In toring Task Force 2010: 13f). Food availability 3 — Entitlement Mapping: the relation- ring Task Force 2010: 13). the following, this situation is discussed in detail is further impeded by the lack of infrastructure ship between the two sets named above. taking into account the four dimensions menti- such as all-weather roads, through which food It shows how the endowment set can be Another reason for access-based insecurity, which oned above. deficits in peripheral areas can be alleviated (Food converted into goods/services. directly affects the trade-based entitlement is the Security Monitoring Task Force 2010: 1). Such weak infrastructure, such as the lack of a road FOOD SECURITY IN NEPAL distribution problems indicate that a local or na- This concept resembles the SLA explained be- network and markets in remote areas. 60% of Availability of Food tional availability of food does not guarantee that fore. People have to ensure their access to food Nepal’s road infrastructure can be found in the Agriculture is responsible for producing food and households are provided with sufficient food. The while utilising given assets under certain external Terai. Weak infrastructure does not allow the it is the most important economic sector in Ne- access dimension of food security captures these influences. This is part of a successful livelihood people to easily trade their crops or buy food. pal. However, while the productivity is low and aspects. strategy. If a person is experiencing a failure of Rural people have to travel over two hours on the production shows a long-term stagnation, the food entitlements, he or she cannot obtain the re- average to reach market places. This is less prob- population growth is high (Deraniyagala 2005: Access to food quired amount of food no matter how he or she lematic in urban areas (Food Security Monitoring 54). There are different levels of food availabili- A household’s ability to acquire adequate reallocates resources to obtain food. Famine then Task Force 2010: 15). ty; regional, national, district or community level amounts of food is not only dependent on its mo- means that a large number of people suffer from (NPC & CBS 2013: 3). The World Food Program netary income but much more on its livelihood this entitlement failure at the same time (Osmani Even if food is available it is often not affordable (WFP) estimates that Nepal is producing about strategy, including its ability to produce or trade 1993: 3). for households. This economic barrier is a prob- Drying lentils, an important staple food Tea garden in Lwang

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lem as 31% of Nepal’s population is living below Food Utilization rity are political stability and the absence of vio- Before 1950 the poverty line. Money is either required to buy Food utilization has different meanings. We al- lence and terrorism (FAO 2013: 16). In the time before 1950 it was mainly the state inputs for adequate agricultural production or to ready discussed availability and access that exist To gain a better understanding of the different who acted as a landowner that distributed the access markets. Conversely, food insecurity can on national/local and household level. Utilization factors influencing food security and livelihoods land to its people. There were two different main lead to or increase poverty, as we will see when concerns an even smaller scale. It is understood as in Nepal we focus on two factors in the following. forms of land tenure: The Raikar system and the discussing coping strategies later (Food Security the nutrient and energy intake of an individual, The first regards the past development of small Kipat system. Raikar was land that was cont- Monitoring Task Force 2010: 17). which depends on feeding practices and dietary land holdings. Access to land is influenced by fac- rolled by the state while Kipat land was managed diversity as well as food storage and preparation tors deeply rooted in history. The second factor, by a particular community where the state had no Caste or gender may be social barriers to food (FAO 2008: 1). It further points at differential which posed serious threats to food security in influence (Adhikari 2008: 22). access. The caste system is very important in food distribution within the household. Soci- Nepal was the people’s war from 1996 to 2006, Nepal and it often defines who has access to re- al factors are of big importance in this context; a period characterised by political and economic The Raikar system sources and opportunities (Food Security Moni- male children may be favoured and women may instability that directly threatened the availability In the Raikar system the state assigned land to toring Task Force 2010: 5). Statistics show that only be allowed to eat after the men have satis- of and the access to food. private persons under the condition that taxes Dalits are most often suffering from food inse- fied their appetites (Food Securing Monitory Task had to be paid for the land. Until 1951, Raikar curity while Brahmins and Newars are less often Force 2010: 1). LAND RIGHTS AND LAND DISTRIBUTION land made up approximately 50 percent of the struggling with food insecurity (NPC & CBS The origins of present conditions of land owner- cultivated land in Nepal. From the two systems 2013: 81). Also gender plays an important role Stability ship in Nepal, with households holding small mentioned above, especially the Raikar system for possibilities to access food. Women are more As discussed before, there are external factors parts of land, lie far back in the past. The Ra- includes many additional subsystems, of which likely to suffer from food insecurity and they are that influence food security and livelihood re- na-dynasty, which was in power until 1951 and the Birta and the Guthi systems are worth menti- the first ones within the household who have to spectively. These can be of various origins and practiced different forms of land tenure, played oning (Adhikari 2008: 23). reduce food intake. Women do not have as many can threaten all three dimensions of food securi- an important role in that. Serious attempts for endowments as men do. They rarely own land, ty. The agricultural production is highly depen- land reforms only emerged after the downfall of In the Birta system the state distributed land house or livestock, they often do not get the same dent on weather conditions and its outputs are the Ranas (Adhikari 2008). The history of land rights exempt from taxation to individuals who education and employment opportunities and strongly varying from year to year (Food Security tenure in Nepal can therefore be roughly divided were close to the ruling class. As a consequence, their control over household decision-making is Monitoring Task Force 2010: 14). Furthermore, into two periods: The time before 1951 and the people who helped to establish the interests of lower than men’s (Food Security Monitoring Task economic factors such as volatile food prices or time after 1951. Subsequently, a short overview the ruling class were entitled to privileges in land Force 2010: 7f). unemployment can impede food security. Someo- of the most important forms of land tenure in Ne- tenure. Until 1959, Birta land made up 36% of ne may be food secure for the moment but things pal is given. the land in Nepal. Afterwards, this system was can change rapidly or in a periodic cycle (FAO abandoned (Adhikari 2008: 23). 2008: 1). Other important factors for food secu- Figure 2: Overview of the pre-1950s land tenure system in Nepal (Adhikari 2008: 23) Work in the tea gardens Breakfast in Lwang with buckwheat roti

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The Guthi system consisted of land that was as- on of resources, mainly land, because forests and 64ff.). Among these measures were for instance CIVIL CONFLICT INFLUENCE signed to religious or charitable institutions. This cultivable land were mostly given to the elites. the Land Act 1957, which should grant security After showing how access to food can be influ- land was exempt from taxation and could not be Farm workers, who did not own land themselves of tenure to the tenants, the abandonment of the enced by land ownership, a factor deeply roo- taken back by the state. As a consequence, this and therefore could not profit from the land, are Birta system and the conversion of those lands to ted in history, we will now look at how it can guaranteed property made Guthi land very popu- still stuck in poverty today (CBS & World Bank the Raikar system in 1959. be rapidly interrupted by political instability and lar among people. Today there is still 2 percent of 2006). Families with little land, who need the violence. Seddon and Adhikari (2003: 78f) de- the land under this system (Adhikari 2008: 24). land as a livelihood-basis, are highly vulnerable Also worth mentioning among governmental scribe the impact of Maoist and security forces to food insecurity (CBS 2006a). measures with little impact is the government’s actions on food security, mentioning three areas The Kipat System policy towards the Kamaiya people. Kamaiya of effect: Firstly the effects on food production: The second main form of land tenure in Nepal A second implication of the system was an insecu- are people in a permanently bonded farm labour The access to land and inputs was reduced and was the Kipat system. The land in this system was rity of land tenure among the people, as the state system (Adhikari 2008: 51). These people could the availability of labour was (and still is) small, in possession of a community and only the com- could claim back the land at any time, even land not repay the debt on their land to the landlord especially as young most able-bodied members munity members were allowed to use the land. exempt of taxation like in the Birta system. Only and thus had to serve the landlord until the debt were leaving the households to join the move- This form of land tenure was mainly assigned to land under the Guthi system was safe from being was paid. However, because of compound inte- ment. As a consequence of the conflict there was communities of Mongoloid origin. In 1966 the reclaimed, a reason why this form of land tenure rests, this almost never happened. In 2000 there a large-scale displacement of people and involun- Kipat system was abandoned. At that point, 4% was very popular. were over 100,000 Kamaiya people. In the same tary migration from rural areas, which threatened of the land was held in the Kipat form. year, the government declared the bonded labour the agricultural production. Secondly, the conflict After 1951 system to be illegal (World Organization Against affected food distribution: Security forces in ru- The constitution of land tenure in Nepal con- After the downfall of the Rana regime in 1951 Torture 2006: 23) and promised to give land to ral areas did not allow the people to carry more sisted of more subsystems, which due to their there were several attempts to modernize land the poorest Kamaiya households, but often the than one day’s food supply as they wanted to stop complexity and number cannot be discussed here tenure in Nepal. Worth mentioning are, among land was either too small for big families to pro- the Maoists’ food supply. This was problematic in detail. Figure 2 gives an overview of the land others, the land rights movements of Bhim Datta duce sufficient food for themselves, or the land for people who had to walk far to reach distant tenure systems before 1950 (Adhikari 2008: 24). Pant around 1950 or the Jhora Movement from was under community forestry or covered by ri- markets and needed to be able to carry food sup- Figure 2: Overview of the pre-1950s land tenure 1967-69. A listing of further movements can be vers, so that it was hardly useable. Most of the ply for one month. Further, bridges were dest- system in Nepal (Adhikari 2008: 23). found in Adhikari (2008: 33). families received land only on paper, but not in royed by Maoists, which turned otherwise short the field. The government argues that there is not distances into long walks. A third area of effect Implications of the system As a reaction to public protests over the years, the enough land for distribution, while activists and concerned stocks and stores: Security forces were This network of different systems of land tenure government began to implement reform measu- society experts maintain that in western Nepal punishing farmers who were providing food sup- in Nepal in the past had mainly two implications. res. However, for several reasons these measures there is lots of public land available for distribu- plies to Maoists by removing their food. People On the one hand, it led to an unequal distributi- did not have the desired impact (Adhikari 2008: tion (Adhikari 2008: 52). were at times looting the WFP food stores, which Hot ingredients Permanent paddy fields in the lower reaches, shifting cultivation in the hills

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had adverse effects on those relying on these (Sed- ted. This may happen in form of cash transfers, development” (Lowder & Raney 2005: 7). Low- (Pyakuryal, Roy & Thapa 2010: 25). The World don & Adhikari 2003: 78f). In the following we social protection (such as free healthcare, food der and Raney (2005: 7) define the third form, Food Program, the biggest humanitarian aid agen- discuss how people try to cope with transitory stamps, emergency assistance etc.) or food as- program food aid, as following: „Program food cy in Nepal at that time, started support in 1970. and chronic food insecurity. sistance (Food Security Monitoring Task Force aid is either donated or sold at a concessional pri- They mainly delivered wheat, corn and rice. The 2010: 31). The next chapter discusses the role of ce to the government of a recipient country which amount of food deliveries to Nepal by aid agenci- Coping strategies food assistance in Nepal. then sells the food on the market“. These three es rose from 1976 to 2009. Whereas the general “Coping strategies are the ways a community, types show that there are different forms of food trend shows that the support grew over the years, household or individual adjust their livelihood FOOD AID IN NEPAL aid. Some of them are long-term interventions this trend is marked by temporal fluctuations. For strategies in response to food insecurity” (Food Due to the aforementioned reasons causing food and related to development programs, others fo- example, the annual weather situation has a big Security Monitoring Task Force 2010: 27). Stu- insecurity as well as due to its unequal distribu- cus on temporary aid in critical situations. The- impact on the supply situation. The type of food dies found that there is an order of such coping tion, there is a need for food aid in Nepal. This re are various ways in which food aid is finally aid has also changed over time. In the last years strategies that differ in their long-term effects on chapter first discusses the basics of food aid and performed. Some organisations supply regions in food support in emergency situations has incre- a household’s assets, distinguishing between nor- later turns to various organizations. critical situations with food, others concentrate ased at the expense of long-term programs and mal and negative coping strategies (Food Securi- on agricultural projects to involve the local popu- projects (Bishokarma 2012: 50-51). ty Monitoring Task Force 2010: 27). Normally, Food aid – Definitions and types lation and set the stage for further development. people first change their diet and start consuming The Food and Agriculture Organization FAO Differences between governmental efforts and Nepal Food Corporation (NFC) less preferred food that is cheaper. Then they defines the term “food aid” as “the provision non-governmental programs are discussed in the In the late 1940s the state took first measures to may borrow money to buy food on credit, which of food commodities by one country to another, following. improve the provision of food to the population might result in debts that lead the household to free of charge or under highly concessional terms, and soldiers. The governmental institution for more drastic steps. Members of the household to assist the country in meeting its food needs” After all, one should keep in mind that food aid is food aid, the Nepal Food Corporation (NFC) may migrate in search for employment. There- (FAO 2002). Three types of food aid are usually a controversial subject and the critics warn about was founded in 1974. The main tasks were the after, they may sell household assets, livestock, distinguished: The first type is emergency food some negative long-term consequences as impacts procurement, storage and distribution of food in agricultural tools or inputs. At the very end the aid, which is “distributed to the food insecure in on the local agriculture or relationships of depen- tight supply situations. household also has to sell its land. That shows times of crisis such as war or famine” (Lowder dencies (cf. Barrett 2006). how frequent negative coping strategies possib- & Raney 2005: 7). The second form is project In 2010, there were about 600 members of staff ly result in a downward spiral towards chronic food aid, that implies „food that is distributed Food aid in Nepal working in zonal offices, branch offices and -de food insecurity (Food Security Monitoring Task for free (or in exchange for work) to participants The provision of food to the population is a pots. The main task of the NFC is the procure- Force 2010: 27, Maxwell et al. 2003). As food in programs typically run by non-governmental well-known challenge in Nepal. Because of the ment, storage, transport and distribution of food security is a basic human right, people who are organizations or the World Food Program that recurring tight supply situation the government but there are some other activities. Some of them suffering from hunger are supposed to be protec- are intended to promote agricultural or economic established the “Department of Food” in 1951 are more organizational, like the monitoring of Mustard seeds Legumes as intercrops Sale of hot chillies (dalley kursani) in the market

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the available food stock and the management of by NFC and that the quantities are insufficient in Rome – the Food and Agriculture Organizati- January 2013 the organization started the new food grains supply. There are also political ef- as well (FAO 2010: 27). Another problem is that on (FAO) and the International Fund for Agricul- five-year Country Program, which supports the forts to stand in for the interests of farmers and “the budget available for the transportation of tural Development (IFAD) – as well as with other government of Nepal in focusing on social safety consumers. The development of the necessary in- food severely limits the amount that the NFC can government, UN and NGO partners. The WFP nets in the areas of nutrition, tackling food inse- frastructure (construction of storehouses, mills, supply” (Food Security Monitoring Task Force has five objectives: curity, education and rural livelihoods support. traffic routes etc.) is also important to realize the 2010: 31). The strategy concentrates on the most vulnera- projects (NeKSAP 2010: 7). The governmental 1 — Save lives and protect livelihoods in ble population in the mid- and far- western hills organisation pursues the following five goals (Py- Along with the governmental organisation there emergencies and mountain regions where most food-insecure akuryal, Roy & Thapa 2010: 25): are some NGO’s fighting famine and working for people live. One problem in these regions is the a sufficient food supply. Since 1990 there is a shift 2 — Prepare for emergencies already mentioned insufficient infrastructure, 1 — Procurement, storage, transport and from governmental measures to private and non- which has negative impacts on food supply. The distribution of food to fair prices to cover governmental actors (Pyakuryal, Roy & Thapa 3 — Restore and rebuild lives after emer- main points of this five-year country program are the need of some remote and poor regions 2010: 25). The World Food Program as a pro- gencies (1) mother- and child-health and nutrition, (2) in the country. minent humanitarian organization plays a crucial school meals, (3) productive assets and liveli- role in Nepal. The guiding principles and inter- 4 — Reduce chronic hunger and undernu- hoods support and (4) capacity development of 2 — Provide the population with sufficient ventions in Nepal are presented in the following. trition everywhere WFP’s partners (WFP 2013b). food and other essential commodities. WORLD FOOD PROGRAM 5 — Strengthen the capacity of countries Shift away from traditional Farming (2011) 3 — Implementation of the governmental “In emergencies, we get food to where it is nee- to reduce hunger No matter how hard the people in far-west Nepal rice-export-program. ded, saving the lives of victims of war, civil con- worked many of them never had enough food for flict and natural disasters. After the cause of an The organization relies entirely on voluntary con- their family. This changed with the introduction 4 — Maintain a food reserve for the do- emergency has passed, we use food to help com- tributions for its funding. The principal donors of the community-based commercial farming of mestic disposal. munities rebuild their shattered lives.” (WFP are governments (WFP 2013a). cash crops, which the WFP introduced in partner- 2013a). The World Food Program (WFP) is the ship with the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Interna- 5 — The construction of storehouses for biggest humanitarian organization in the world, World Food Program in Nepal tionale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ). The WFP claims food is also one of the targets. which combats hunger worldwide. Founded in The WFP is providing food assistance through that the program has led to considerable impro- 1961, the WFP pursues a vision in which every three sub-programs: (1) the Country Program vements in the livelihood of the people through Although the price for rice sold by NFC is lower man, woman and child has access at all times to (2013-2017), (2) The Social Protection Liveli- effective long-term agricultural intervention. due to subsidy payments, it is criticized that many the food needed for an active and healthy life. hoods and assets creation program (2011-2012) According to the WFP, the people in Nepal had poor families still cannot afford food provided They work together with their sister UN agencies and (3) the refugee operation (2011-2013). In never tried farming cash crops like chili or garlic. the relation between the government and the population. Meeting with the WFP in Nepal The WFP provides real-time information on households' We had the opportunity to speak to Kurt Bruja and his food security situation in the most vulnerable parts of colleagues from the World Food Program in Nepal. In the country. To our question, whether WFP is expecting an introductory presentation the food situation of Nepal any changes in the cooperation with the government de- was discussed, together with the level of food security. pending on the outcome of the upcoming elections, they They also discussed issues such as the NeKSAP (Nepal answered that no changes are expected because the bu- Food Security Monitoring System) Phase Classification reaucrats will more or less be the same. However, they and the Country Program and Training Ships. will never know. It is possible that strikes will take longer A very interesting point they mentioned was the interac- and as a consequence affect the food security dramati- tion between the government in Nepal, the WFP and the cally. The WFP hopes that the election will take place population. The Nepali population seems to be very skep- and that they can reach their goal to improve the relati- tical of the government. So why does the WFP cooperate onship and the food security of people in Nepal. with the government in all projects?

For the WFP this cooperation is very important. Not only because the government plays an important role in food aid but also because the WFP wants to help to improve

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They were skeptical about switching. The farmers threaten that households have adequate access to received on-the-spot training on land preparati- food. In Nepal, where many people are suffering on, cropping pattern, irrigating and proper har- from food insecurity caused by different factors, vesting techniques (WFP 2012a). Two projects food aid gains importance. Food aid assists peop- that the WFP was involved in are the introduction le with meeting their food requirement. Food aid of cash-crops and school-feeding. is organized by governments or non-governmen- tal organisations and aims to help in transitory Better Education through School Meals (2012) food insecurity by making food accessible. Mo- Under the School Supporting Program WFP in reover, it holds the potential to provide long-term collaboration with GIZ invested in building infra- solutions to chronic food insecurity situations, structure for around 60 schools to promote qua- which might result in an improvement of people’s lity education and improve physical environment livelihoods. for around 10,000 students. In 2012, more than 38 Million meals were served to nearly 192,000 children of 17,000 primary schools. They also supported more than 800 children with digital learning materials under the laptop program in partnership with Open Learning Exchange Nepal (WFP 2013c).

CONCLUSION Food security is a multidimensional aspect and part of a successful livelihood strategy. Monetary wealth is not the sole indicator for food security; the livelihood framework and Sen’s entitlement approach reminded us that this rather depends on how one uses his or her assets to acquire the amount of food required. Small land holdings, caused by past and present political conditions and jurisdiction, are only one problem that might

Sunset over Chitwan National Park TOURISM AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION IN NEPAL

Isabelle Aebersold, Davide Anderegg, Annina Michel, Isabelle Thurnherr

The protected Indian Rhinoceros roams Chitwan National Park

64 65

This paper addresses tourism and environmental Many inhabitants of Nepal and nature protec- ture protection is better adapted to the specific with malaria (Jones 2007: 561). The forest is a protection in Nepal. After a short introduction tion groups mentioned that there were too many conditions of Nepal’s natural and cultural envi- vital part of the Tharu universe, as it is the ori- of the latest history of and damages to the environment and, what is more, ronment. This should lead to more benefits for gin of their shamans and the space of their gods the local valuation of nature protection, several economic benefits for local people were low. After local people and less conflicts within the popula- and spirits (Müller-Böker 1998: 239) and also sections follow: an illustration of the Chitwan military conflicts with rebels diminished, tourism tion (Müller-Böker 2001: 762-763). As we show provides them with all essential resources such National Park, and an analysis of community numbers increased again thanks to several efforts below, community forestry is one of these stra- as food, fodder, fuel and medicinal plants (Jones forestry and the case of the Conser- of the national government and NGOs. Now they tegies to protect nature as well as human liveli- 2007: 562). Prior to the epalese land registration vation Area Project as an example of a bottom- are stable at around 500,000 tourists per year hoods and is frequently applied in areas where system and land reform in the mid-20th century, up project. (CBS 2010). people’s livelihoods depend heavily on natural the Tharu in Chitwan were a semi-nomadic peo- resources and forests. ple who practiced shifting cultivation (McLean Development and the importance of tourism Local valuation of nature protection 1999: 39). After the malaria eradication pro- Tourism is crucially important for the economic Nepal counts numerous protected areas. They CHITWAN NATIONAL PARK AND THE gram in the Terai during the 1950s and following development of Nepal. It delivers more than 30% can be subdivided into national parks, conser- RELOCATION OF THE THARU floods in 1953, which washed away hundreds of of the foreign currency to the country. Many Ne- vation areas or wildlife reservation areas. More This section is concerned with the establishment farms in the northern hill regions, large numbers palis work in the tourism sector, for example than 15% of Nepal’s surface is under protection of the Chitwan National Park, which lies about of migrants from the hills settled in the Terai. The around the main airport in Kathmandu, as tour (Müller-Böker et al. 2001: 727). The function of 147 Kilometers south of Kathmandu at the border government of Nepal encouraged hill people to guides but also in the whole informal sector (CBS national parks can differ: national parks that are to India, also known as the Terai lowlands (Mc- acquire land by settling and clearing forests, re- 2010). The numbers of visiting tourists during the located in the high mountain area mostly have the Lean 1999: 38). In a brief chronological synopsis, sulting in the disappearance of a high proportion last years have fluctuated relatively to the poli- main goal to secure the fragile ecosystem and to an illustration of the events dealing with wildlife of Chitwan’s forests (McLean 1999: 40). After tical situation and therefore, they reflect several stimulate a sustainable agricultural and touristic conservation and the resulting marginalization of the area had been opened up for immigrants, the political conflicts. In 1999, Nepal counted more use. By contrast, national parks in the lowland the Tharu people is provided as an example of a population and thus the pressure on the natu- than 500,000 tourists. Subsequent military con- provide protection for several threatened animal national park where its inhabitants were evicted. ral resources increased massively (Müller-Böker flicts with Maoist rebels had a negative impact species (Müller-Böker et al. 2001: 731). 1998: 234). Not just the Tharu were seriously and the number of visiting tourists decreased to Chitwan, the Tharu and wildlife conservation affected by land loss as a result of exploitation less than 300,000 per year in 2002 (CBS 2006b). Initially, nature protection in Nepal was under- ‘Tharu’ is the term given to a diverse group of by hill migrants (McLean 1999: 40), uncontrolled During this time, it was widely discussed to what stood in a way where nature in national parks peoples who are considered to share a common clearings also lead to a continued reduction of extent trekking tourism, on which Nepal mostly should remain unaffected by any local inhabi- identity through their aboriginal inhabitance of animal’s biotopes, such as of the Rhinoceros relies, could still be considered a sustainable form tants. To live in a national park was therefore the Terai, the lowland plains of Nepal, which unicornis. In 1964, the Nepalese government, of tourism. restricted, which led to several conflicts, as this have been regarded historically as an inhospita- supported by international conservation organi- paper will show in the next section. Today, na- ble territory with forests and swamps infested zations, established a rhino sanctuary to protect north” (Müller-Böker 1993: 283). Experiencing Tharu Culture in Chitwan The Tharu have been marginalized in tourism develop- Today, Tharu people often still live in villages within their ment in the Sauraha area as most shops, restaurants and group. Traditionally built houses and more modern buil- other establishments benefiting from tourism are run by dings form the typical Tharu village center in the Chitwan other ethnic groups. Tharu are mostly employed in lower- region. Their traditional houses are built out of a wooden level positions, which are often seasonal and therefore scaffold with walls formed from clay. The roofs are co- less reliable (Pandit 2011). Nonetheless, some newer ac- vered with thick grass layers or, less traditionally, tiles. tivities show that Tharu increasingly try to benefit from This original construction, which is completed without tourism. One example is the Tharu Cultural Museum and any modern tools, such as nails or screws, is still per- Research Centre in Bachhauli, a village next to Sauraha, formed today. The houses are orientated in north-south where the local village life is described and represented direction. This, along with very few and small windows, with different spiritual, agricultural and every-day arti- contributes to a cool climate inside the home, as the sun facts. Another example is the Tharu culture stick dance does not shine on the long side of the house during the group, which performs traditional and modern Tharu day. It is striking how cool and dark it is inside a Tha- dances for tourists. The distinctive culture of the Tha- ru house on a hot and sunny day. Besides this aspect, ru surely offers many possibilities to build up livelihoods the Tharu house exposition concept also follows a more based on tourism-oriented projects. spiritual understanding, as “the head of the earth is the

Traditional Tharu House National park from above

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the Rhinoceros unicornis, which was at this time ous and previous village structures could not be Besides its economic benefits and its conservati- Community forestry is a development strate- threatened with extinction (Müller-Böker 1998: maintained. Besides such deficits, the relocation onal success regarding several species and espe- gy which is frequently applied in areas where 234, 236). In order to maintain the protection of process has also forced a situation of cultural de- cially Rhinoceros unicornis, tourism in Chitwan people’s livelihoods depend heavily on natural re- the animals living inside the park, several villages privation, as Tharu families are no longer able has also led to social problems. A recent study sources and forests. The core idea of community consisting of totally 4.000 people had to be relo- to celebrate their festivals together and practice by Pandit (2011: 40) reveals that the expansion forestry is to transfer the rights of forest manage- cated (McLean & Stræde 2003: 512). their traditions such as fishing (McLean 1999: of tourism in Chitwan has led to an increased ment from the state to the users of a specific fo- 41f). Relocations continued into the 21th centu- social differentiation between the Tharu and the rest patch. As a result, the forested area becomes The establishment of the Chitwan National Park ry, as planned timeframes for resettlements could hill migrants, as most of the business activities in a common property where the forest user group Many protection measures such as the rhino not be met before (McLean & Stræde 2003: 513). the area are controlled by the hill migrants, while has to determine all rights of use. This includes sanctuary finally led to the establishment of the the Tharu have been marginalized. This can also not only the grade of protection and conservati- Royal Chitwan National Park in 1973. An area The Chitwan National Park today be seen in the empowerment of migrant women, on of forest species and biodiversity but also the of 544 km2 was declared as national park and put Today, the Chitwan National Park, declared as a which became more financially independent from regulation of access and forest product extraction under strict protection (Müller-Böker 1998: 236). UNESCO world heritage site, is a major tourist their husbands, which is not the case for most (Adhikari et al. 2004: 246). From a developmen- The department responsible for wildlife preser- attraction in Nepal, which is reflected in rising Tharu women (Pandit 2011: 40). Although the tal point of view, community forestry is thought vation and national parks forcibly expelled the numbers of visitors. The number of tourists vi- example of the Chitwan National Park shows no to improve local people’s livelihoods as it allows people living inside the designated park bounda- siting Chitwan National Park had been 836 in signs of participative planning including local re- accurate assessing and managing of the needs of ries and restricted local use of natural resources, 1974 and reached 85,753 by the year 2007, while sidents, some newer developments in the park’s all actors of a forest user group. Additionally, due acting at that time according to the policies of foreign visitors outweigh domestic tourists and vicinity show different approaches. Following the to precise regulations and restrictions, the con- the IUCN (International Union for the Conser- those from South Asian countries. Seven hotels buffer zone act of 1993, the forests outside the dition of forestlands can improve significantly vation of Nature). Tharu people were therefore have been built inside the park boundaries and park were handed over to the Chitwan National under community forestry (Thoms 2006: 1452). totally excluded from park management planning several hundreds in its vicinity (Pandit 2011: 43). Park and mapped into four forest types. One of and were banished by armed military if they were In 2012, the hotels within the park were forced those is Buffer Zone Community Forest, which Community forestry in Nepal not cooperative (McLean 1999: 40). Those relo- to close because the cabinet did not renew the includes user groups in conservational and usage The establishment of community forests in Ne- cations have affected the economic, social, spiri- licenses. This was the result of a discussion on planning (Jones 2007: 560f), which will be dis- pal has significantly been driven by environ- tual and cultural wellbeing of the Tharu. In the high pollution and environmental concerns due cussed as follows. mentalists’ and the government’s concern about example of the resettlement of Padampur to New to increasing tourism in the park. In spring 2013, the increasing deterioration of Nepal’s national Padampur, there was a general lack of infrastruc- the decision whether the close-down will be de- COMMUNITY FORESTRY forests. According to Thoms (2011: 306), since ture and basic services, such as drinking water finite was still in limbo (The Himalayan Times After a short definition of community forestry, the nationalization of Nepal’s forests in 1957, the and irrigation facilities. After the relocation, the 2013a, 2013b). this section deals especially with the chances and governmental forestry service was not able to suf- new villages became more ethnically heterogene- risks of community forestry in Nepal. ficiently manage all of the country’s forests due to The main function of the committees was to regulate Community forestry in Lwang forest use and the extraction of forest resources. These Forests around Lwang, a village in the southern part of committees are still active today and represent a cru- the Annapurna Conservation Area, were strongly influ- cial part of daily village life. In order to collect resour- enced by the establishment of the Annapurna Conservati- ces from the woods, people have to ask permission and on Area Project (ACAP) in 1986. Prior to the formation get strictly punished when convicted of illegal hunting of the ACAP, forests surrounding Lwang village suffered or extracting. Once a year, forest resources are collec- severe deterioration and large parts were already defo- ted at the village level and each household gets an equal rested to barren land. At that time, people lacked forest amount of wood. According to a member of the commit- resources, mostly firewood, which they had to buy at high tee of a village nearby Lwang, the overall acceptance of prices from traders. However, with the establishment of this community forestry approach is very high. Although the ACAP, a plantation program was introduced which people initially were very discontent about the prohibiti- aimed at the recovery of the adjacent forests. To convince on on cutting firewood, they are aware of the necessity of the villages of the necessity and success of the planta- conservation and they agree to cut down their own needs. tion, ACAP people promised that dwellers would soon have firewood again. In addition to the plantation, village committees were built which consisted of 9 to 13 people per village.

Community forests surround agricultural land

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Nepal’s topography and the lack of financial as- Chances and risks of community forestry more on management and distribution of forest of bird, reptile, amphibian and mammal species. sets. As a result, forests in Nepal showed evidence After over two decades of community forestry in resources. Especially, the needs of every member Some of the last individuals of snow-leopards, of severe degradation because of over-extraction Nepal a twofold conclusion can be drawn: On of the FUG have to be evaluated and considered Himalayan musk deer, red pandas and Himala- and logging by 1980. The solution to the problem the one hand, the overall condition of Nepal’s in the forest management plan. This tendency to a yan brown bears are native to the area (Nyaupa- was to create community forests by handing over forests improved significantly and biodiversi- more inclusive community forestry approach can ne & Thapa 2006: 53). This biological diversity management rights from the government to local ty has considerably recovered (Adhikari, 2004: be observed in most literature addressing the risks is similarly challenged by cultural multiplicity. user groups (Adhikari et al. 2004: 246). 246; Thoms, 2008: 1452; Dev et al., 2003: 75). of community forestry in Nepal (Thoms 2008: The 120,000 inhabitants of the area belong to On the other hand, the expected improvement of 1462, Adhikari 2004: 255). Therefore, one can ten distinct ethnic groups, each of which has its The formation of a community forest proceeds as people’s livelihoods is often not observed. Cont- expect that the nature of community forestry in own social and cultural life, local dialect, practi- follows: First, at village level, forest user groups rarily, the poorest forest users frequently appear Nepal will transform significantly in the future. ces and religion. The bulk of the residents are far- (FUGs) are formed by an initial identification to be disadvantaged by the conversion of their How a more inclusive form of community fore- mers, labourers, herders or traders (Nyaupane & process that defines which people are using that associated forest patch into a community forest stry can be applied is shown in the following. Thapa 2006: 53). Most of them live at or below specific forest patch. In a second step, the FUG (Thoms 2008: 1452). Dev et al. (2003: 75) men- subsistence level. has to establish a head organizational organ, tion three reasons: First, marginalized forest users THE ANNAPURNA CONSERVATION AREA a constitution and a forest management plan, may be overseen and/or excluded by the process PROJECT: SUCCESSES AND PROBLEMS The Annapurna Conservation Area Project which then has to be approved by the national of local FUG formation and are thereby later This chapter presents an example of an integra- In 1986, an autonomous, non-profit and non- Department of Forest. Forest district officers denied access to the community forest. Second, ted community forestry approach and advanta- governmental organization called King Mahen- constantly provide newly formed FUGs with sil- newly formed community forests often start with ges and disadvantages of its implementation are dra Trust for Nature (KMTNC) decided to pro- vicultural knowledge with the aim to professio- a perennial timespan of strictly restricted extrac- examined. tect the area (Nepal 2002: 78). It founded the nalize Nepal’s forestry (Nightingale 2005: 585). tion in order to recover forests from former over- Annapurna Conservation Area Project (ACAP). Though community forests remain the property extraction. However, people whose livelihoods Nepal’s first and largest conservation area is na- The reason for this was the fast growing number of the government, FUGs are granted the rights depend heavily on forest products will struggle med after the famous Annapurna massif. The An- of tourists and to a smaller extent also the incre- of management, extraction and exclusion (Thoms disproportionately from restrictions. Third, fo- napurna Conservation Area (ACA) and its beau- asing number of inhabitants. This led to an un- 2011: 306). Currently, over a quarter of Nepal’s resters often privilege local elites and tend to ne- tiful landscapes are much affected by trekkers of controlled deforestation, as wood was used as the forested areas are managed as community forests glect the interests of the poorest members of the all levels. It is Nepal’s most popular tourist desti- most important energy source and construction and the government is determined to increase the FUGs. Dev et al. (2003: 76) suggest that the above nation (Khadka & Nepal 2010: 353). The ACA material (Nyaupane & Thapa 2004: 23). In addi- number of forests managed by FUGs as far as mentioned problems should be addressed by the covers a considerable land area of 7,629 km2 and tion to forest clearing, tourism has contributed to possible (Adhikari et al. 2004: 246). formation of what they call “livelihood forestry”. encloses a high number of places of interest. The increased litter, inadequate sanitation and water In particular, FUGs should move their focus away region is home to more than 1,000 species of pollution (Nyaupane & Thapa 2004: 23). Never- from forest protection and instead concentrate flowering plants and there is also a high variety theless, the residents strongly opposed the pro- most 16,000 local villagers living in the area of the new- by the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF). Pra- Machhapuchhre ly established Machhapuchhre Model Trek in Kaski dis- nil Upadhayay applied for and received funding from Model Trek (MMT) trict. Its name is based on the fact that a main feature of NCCR North-South to create infrastructure for orga- Western Nepal’s main the trek is the excellent view of Mount Machhapuchhre nized trekking in the Kaski district. He has developed the tourist attraction, the alias Fish Tail (6,993m). Beside the economic benefit MMT in consultation with the trekking operators and the Annapurna Circuit trek, to the local villagers, the main aim of this development local community. Furthermore, Pranil Upadhayay pub- is threatened by a traffi- project is to keep the impact on the natural environment lished a code of conduct to ensure sustainable practices cable road being const- to a minimum. This model of rural tourism appears in and environmental responsibility. It includes guidelines ructed alongside it. Alt- two ways: First as an organized trekking route with the on planning, socio-economic and environmental aspects hough it can be regarded availability of campsites and porters’ shelters in five wil- as well as safety and security issues. On 10 December as a lifeline for locals in derness places and second as a homestay provision for 2009, Swiss Ambassador Thomas Gass finally inaugura- the inaccessible region, tourists in the local people’s houses in seven villages na- ted the model trek. On the same day, the infrastructure trekking tourists will mely Lachok, Ghachok, Machhapuchhre, Ribhan, Lwang, of MMT was handed over to Machhapuchhre Tourism avoid this route once the Ghalel, Sardikhola and Dhital. Machhapuchhre Tourism Development Committee (MTDC). The program was also road is built. What the Development Committee (MTDC) represents these seven supported by Nepal Tourism Board and Annapurna Con- villagers along the An- villages as a core coordinating local body.The National servation Area Project/Nepal Trust for Nature Conser- napurna trek could lose, Centre of Competence in Research (NCCR) North-South vation. may be gained by the al- is one of 20 long-term research programs implemented

Pranil Upadhayaya explains the Machhapuchre Model Trek

TOURISM AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION IN NEPAL 70 71

posal for establishing a park, because they feared the immediate needs and priorities of the villagers grams, but they have barriers posed by schedule local communities within the next two years (Ka- that they would have to leave their homes to clear (Nepal 2002: 84). conflicts with agricultural activities and family thmandu Post 2013). It is expected that this will the way for wild animals and forests to prosper and childcare responsibilities (Khadka & Nepal improve the situation of ACA inhabitants. How- (Nepal 2002: 78). However, the KMTNC did not Successes and problems of the project 2010: 359). In the north of the park, close to half ever, a legal framework must be elaborated to as- plan to fund a national park. The bad experien- The community-based management has been the population still stays out of the participatory sure that the conservation objectives are fulfilled. ces observed in Chitwan National Park were alar- successful in delivering conservation benefits in process (Khadka & Nepal 2010: 356). Current- ming. They decided to fund a park without the in- ACA, attributable to changing patterns of resour- ly, upper-caste, richer, and more educated social The ACAP can be used as an inspiring role mo- fluence of the national government. Instead, they ce use and behavior among local communities groups are better positioned to control and ma- del for bottom-up conservation and development chose a decentralized bottom-up approach. Since (Bajracharya et al. 2005: 239). It has increased nipulate participatory ACAP programs (Khadka programs. The mandatory entrance fees as well the day of foundation, the aim has been to inclu- the control of local communities over their re- & Nepal 2010: 359). For sustainable solutions, as donations are used to improve the situation de the local citizens and put the responsibility for sources. This has been facilitated thanks to ri- it is essential to understand the social hierarchy, of the inhabitants, nature and tourism. However, the ACAP in their hands. The ACAP is authorized sing conservation awareness among local people gender bias and cultural differences of the rural there is still room for improvement. Ecological, to charge fees to visitors and to retain the inco- resulting from environmental education and the societies (Khadka & Nepal 2010: 353). Otherwi- economic and social benefits of the ACAP are un- mes to finance its projects related to health and development and strengthening of local institu- se, weak groups are not identified, and existing equally distributed because of social and geogra- sanitation, education, environmental protection tions such as the CAMC (Bajracharya et al. 2005: inequities become rather exacerbated than resol- phical barriers. For a successful handing over and and tourism (Nepal 2002: 84). Various grassroots 239). ved by the project. further development of the ACAP it is vital to re- organizations have been created to engage local duce these barriers (Khadka & Nepal 2010: 360). people in conservation and community develop- However, the ACAP has not been able to esta- During the first decade of the 21st century, Mao- ment. These conservation management commit- blish overall acceptability throughout the entire ist insurgency destabilized the ACA. The state of CONCLUSION tees (CAMC) work in partnership with the admi- area. In some villages, the project and its emplo- lawlessness is believed to have reduced conserva- Nepal has great touristic potential. As the vast nistration (Nyaupane & Thapa 2006: 54). There yees are still regarded with considerable suspicion tion efforts. Additionally, it has severely damaged majority of tourists visit Nepal to enjoy beautiful are committees for conservation education and (Khadka & Nepal 2010: 357). One possible ex- tourism businesses (Bajracharya et al. 2005: 246). and unaffected nature, it is essential to conserve extension (CEEP), natural resources conservati- planation is the confusing interpretation of com- But during the last few years, the violent unrest this asset. In doing so, there is a trade-off between on (NRC), alternative energy development (AEP), munity itself. The term “community” is usually has stopped and the tourist figures are improving. social needs and conservation values. On the one and many more (NTNC 2013). These groups are used to denote a homogenous group of people hand, hard ecotourism is associated with fewer actively fulfilling tasks like fund-raising, repairing who share common values, needs, aspirations Current developments negative environmental, economic, and socio- trails, cleaning-up and paying educational visits and goals (Khadka & Nepal 2010: 353). Such an The funder organization KMTNC has changed cultural impacts but simultaneously yields fewer to other areas. Thanks to these committees, ACAP interpretation ignores the diversity of the interest its name to National Trust for Nature Conser- economic benefits (Nyaupane & Thapa 2004: has promoted local participation in resource ma- groups in the ACA. Most people from remote vil- vation (NTNC). This spring, NTNC decided to 42). On the other hand, traditional forms of tou- nagement and can therefore more simply identify lages are motivated to participate in ACAP pro- hand over the responsibility of the park to the rism and conservation as described in Chitwan Lwang on the Machhapuchre Model Track

TOURISM AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION IN NEPAL 72

National Park incur more such negative impacts but generate greater economic profits, which are unequally distributed (Nyaupane & Thapa 2004: 42). ACAP is halfway between the two forms of tourism. Similar to community forestry approa- ches, minorities within the ACAP region are still underprivileged as more inclusive regional deve- lopment has only scarcely been implemented yet. Hopefully, over the long term, Nepal will be well served with such compromise solutions. Local empowerment and equity are important precon- ditions for successful nature conservation and consequently satisfied tourists. For the future, Nepal will benefit from following a development path, which takes into account nature conservati- on but also weak and minority peoples.

Tourism is not only externally driven as the vast majority of the visitors are foreigners, but also because almost all supplies come from outside (Nepal 2002: 84). This dependence leads to eco- nomic vulnerability. Future programs should link tourism with other economic sectors to increase the overall economic capability of the region (Ne- pal 2002: 84).

Entering Chitwan National Park comfortably and safe TALKS WITH VILLAGE GROUPS IN THE LWANG AREA

Swiss students and villagers during the Interview with the VDC secretary at Koleli Community Hall

74 75

We had the opportunity to talk to several villa- showed severe deterioration and often there was to the ACAP and has even more dire consequen- causes some frustration. And the allotted amount gers’ groups from Lwang and its neighbouring only barren land left where there used to be fo- ces as the culprit could face a long sentence in jail. of firewood per household is not considering the villages: the community forestry and the mo- rest. Because people had hardly any alternatives However, the community forestry group assures number of people living that household, which thers group, the village development committee to firewood for cooking and heating, they had to that they hardly ever encounter illegal extractions seems unfortunate. We think it is important that (VDC), and the Lwang school. These groups cut timber to a great extent. Therefore, the ACA of any sorts. the community members express their opinions form an important part of the area’s civil soci- project leaders introduced a community forestry and problems and not just accept a certain state ety. Moreover, they take part in the shaping of program in the region to protect the remaining Yet, the establishment of the community forest if it is not benefitting them. However, in our opi- the Machhapuchre Model Trek. The talks were forests from further degeneration and to let them brought some problems for the village dwellers nion the two mentioned problems could be solved made possible by interpreters from the village recover as much as possible. In order to get the too. As it is now prohibited to hunt wild animals, within the participation in ACAP. and from our group (Pranil Kumar Upadhayaya, village dwellers’ support for the program, the their plantations are often foraged and there is Miriam Wenner). ACAP assured people that thanks to communi- hardly anything they can do about it. What is INTERVIEW WITH THE SECRETARY OF ty forestry they would have firewood again and more, as soon as the ban to cut trees was impo- LWANG VDC COMMUNITY FORESTRY IN LWANG AND explained them the importance of conservation. sed, people severely lacked firewood. As a result, Jill Brütsch, Alexandra Meister, Annina Michel, THE SURROUNDING VILLAGES they had to pay a fee to use their community fo- Anne Wegmann Isabelle Aebersold, Philippe Bösch, Davide Ande- The initiation of the program rest or they have to buy firewood from markets in regg, Pascal Senn The community forestry project started with a distant villages. Though there are several cutting Welcome at Koleli village plantation program, where people from the vil- seasons per year when every household gets its Within the scope of group work in Lwang, one Introduction of community forestry to the area lages planted new trees during one month. With equal amount of firewood, bigger families have group of students had the opportunity to speak The village Lwang is situated in the Annapurna wires and posts they protected the seedlings from not enough wood to sustain their livelihoods. to the Secretary of the Village Development Com- Conservation Area (ACA), which is one of the wild animals. Furthermore, a committee from mittee (VDC) in Koleli, a village close to Lwang. largest protected areas in Nepal. Since the laun- nine to thirteen people was elected for each vil- Conclusion The four students were welcomed by a large ching of the Annapurna Conservation Area Pro- lage, which had the duty to observe and control Concluding it can be said that the initiation of the group of villagers, who all attended the interview. ject (ACAP) in 1986, Lwang and its surrounding the community forestry program. The duties of ACAP helped to improve the situation concerning The crowd showing up explained the rare and villages underwent significant changes in terms of this community forest groups are to patrol the the well-being of forests and the availability of therefore special occasion of western tourists’ vi- nature conservation and forest management. forests to prevent illegal wood-cutting as well as firewood around the village of Lwang. Moreo- sits in the village. hunting, which is also prohibited. If somebody is ver, the program is accepted and supported by We had the opportunity to talk to the people li- convicted of illegal cutting, the person gets dis- the local people. Still, a few problems remain that The Village Development Committees are the lo- ving in this region and to ask them about their possessed of his or her tools and is punished by eventually have to be solved in the future. Com- wer administrative level of Nepal’s two-tier lo- opinion of community forestry. By the time the the community forestry committee and ostracised munity members are not allowed to use effective cal governance structure and situated below the ACAP was initiated, the forests around Lwang by the other villagers. Illegal hunting is reported instruments to chase off foraging animals, which District Development Committees. Each VDC is Marriage in Lwang

Arranged marriages are customary in the Lwang area. Love marriages are possible but occur very rarely. However, it is possible for a future couple to get to know each other before a marriage is agreed upon. When a woman gets married she moves to her husband’s house where she has to take care of her parents in law. She thus becomes a part of the groom’s family. The average age at which people marry has increa- sed from 12 years to 20 years. No- wadays, couples have around 2 to 3 children whereas in former times 4 to 6 children were the norm.

Members of Lwang's mothers' group The school in Lwang

TALKS WITH VILLAGE GROUPS IN THE LWANG AREA 76 77

further divided in several wards, Lwang VDC has The VDC during times of conflict women, which are part of this general committee. these are offered to the group by other residents nine. During wartime, the VDC faced many problems We asked them about activities initiated by the of Lwang, as no bank would give them credit due as the area was highly affected by the conflict. It Group and, in addition, could gain some insights to their low creditworthiness. Functions of the Village Development Committee was partly used as a shelter for the rebel forces. into their everyday life and customs. The inter- Initially, the VDC was an elected body of peop- Therefore, the VDC office had to move down to view took place in front of one of the main buil- Furthermore, the women spend money on im- le, which consisted of five representatives of each the city of Pokhara, which entailed a much larger dings where the women were gathered together proving the education of their children, as the ward, meaning 49 members in total. As a con- administrative effort. Asked about their future for preparing food. government does not support them in this mat- sequence of political instability and transition in prospects, the secretary emphasized the impor- ter. The women themselves can also benefit from Nepal, no elections were held during the last six- tance of tourism and agriculture, as well as the Role of the Mothers Group educational programs, which are carried out by teen years. This resulted in a much smaller board combination of the two fields, for example in pro- The Mothers Group plays a vital role in the vil- ACAP. There, the women learn how to perform in the VDC, consisting of only seven members: jects like “Almond Tourism”, where the almond lage of Lwang. According to the women, the their daily work more efficiently and how to the- one representative of each political party (four in growing business should attract trekking-tourists initiation of the Mothers Group has brought a reby increase their income. total), a secretary, an assistant secretary and an to visit the village. lot of progress and development. The home-stay administrative assistant. project, for example, is one of the recent changes Emancipation MOTHERS GROUP in which the group has been actively involved as The Mothers Group has had a substantial ef- The main function of the VDC is the alloca- Lisa Honegger, Kathrin Honegger, many women host tourists. Apart from that, the fect on women’s emancipation. The interviewed tion of funds to each associated village. While Annabelle Jaggi, Irene Schaerer women collect money by organizing and doing women said that the group had made it possible the amount of governmental money distributed traditional dance performances and selling hand for them to earn money on their own. Before the within the VDCs is determined by the state, the Introduction made products. Furthermore, they sell self-pro- group was formed, their husbands forbade them local committee decides on the actual distributi- The Mothers Group of Lwang was initiated in duced dairy products such as buffalo milk and to earn money. However, today the women are on. On the one hand, the contributed money is 1989 by the Annapurna Conservation Area Pro- butter to other residents of Lwang and relatives still financially dependent on their husbands. In allocated to processes of human empowerment, ject (ACAP). The intention was to enhance the living in the city of Pokhara. They also establis- most households the income does not suffice to such as women groups, disadvantaged ethnic cooperation among the women of the village. hed a small shop. make a decent living. For that reason, over 90% groups and the disabled, as well as agriculture, Every woman from the age of 15 years can be- of the village’s families rely on labour migration education and emergencies. The latter is a precau- come a member of the Mothers Group (also when With their earnings they have been able to finance of (mostly) male family members who leave the tion in the event of accidents or environmental they do not have children). Currently, almost all several infrastructure projects in the village such village to earn money abroad. Nevertheless, the disasters. The other part of it flows into develop- women of Lwang belong to the group. In total as the installation of wells, burial sites for the women mention that it happens that they receive ment projects like road construction, drinking there are 130 members. Together they elect 15 dead, footpaths and the building of a council only little or no money from their migrated hus- water systems and tourism projects, for example members to form the general committee. During hall. As a group it has become possible for the bands. In addition, the labour migration results new trekking routes. our stay in Lwang we were able to interview some women to take loans for their projects. However, in a heavier workload for the women due to the Facts and figures of the Lwang school

Number of teachers 9 (2 private, 7 governmental)

Number of pupils 159 (83 boys and 76 girls) from Lwang and neighbouring villages

Class size 20 – 25 pupils (mixed casts)

Classroom size 12 – 20 m2

Level of education Primary (classes 1 – 5, school entrance at the age of 5 years) & Lower secondary (classes 6 – 8)

Subjects taught Nepali, English, science, moral science, math, social science (= geography), physics, arts, computer

Timetable Sunday to Thursdays: 10 am – 4 pm, Friday: 10 am – 1 pm

Tests 3 times a year

Source: own research Talking about community forestry

TALKS WITH VILLAGE GROUPS IN THE LWANG AREA 78 79

missing assistance at home. Even though some tain some very interesting insights into their life. by the government. Computer skills as a newly they do not fully understand the importance of improvements have taken place in the last deca- They showed us that the Mothers Group eventu- introduced subject is an illustrative example of their children’s education and consider working des, the women are still faced with exhausting ally leads to a better social status of the women this conflict. The school of Lwang has only one in the household or on the fields as more impor- working conditions and long hours: they work in the village society. single computer for the whole of 159 pupils and 9 tant. The children of richer families often go to in the fields, prepare food and take care of family teachers – and it does not even work. This means private boarding schools in order to receive a bet- members and animals from five in the morning THE SCHOOL IN LWANG that computer classes are only theoretical with ter education. until late in the evening. Monika Haggenmacher, Sarah Hartmann, Urs the help of one single manual. The use of key- Mändli, Micha Reichert, Anita von Däniken board and mouse can be illustrated, but not on a Hopes for the model trek As one of the big advantages of the group, the working computer. With the introduction of the model trek, the women name their strong team spirit and solida- Introduction teachers hope for an improving situation of the rity. By working together in the fields, singing and Our group had the great opportunity to talk to Scarce teaching and writing material school. The trek brings money to the village and occasionally going on outings they strengthen three teachers in Lwang about their local school Besides the run-down building and the lack of thus hopefully will generate money for schooling their social cohesion. From time to time they also and the school system in Nepal. Apart from some equipment, one of the main problems is also the as well. The teachers expect improvements due sit together in the evening to chat and enjoy a information about the school in general they de- unavailability of teaching and writing material. to the money the village earn through homestays, glass of liquor. Often they discuss personal issu- scribed impressively the daily problems they are The teachers have scarcely anything to illustrate but also through the direct help of tourists and es among the members of the group and support confronted with and their hopes for the future. the subject matter – no books, no copier, no over- NGO’s. each other. This communication is one of the head projector – there is only a single blackboard things they cherish most in their lives. The school building and infrastructure and some posters. In addition, pupils lack writing To conclude, the teachers are aware of the limited The visit of the school building revealed striking utensils as they have to bring them by themselves access to education resources and their educatio- Conclusion discrepancies compared with schools in Switzer- and are not provided by the school. Thus, due to nal mandate. Besides better infrastructure they re- To sum up, it needs to be emphasized that the land in terms of availability and size of the rooms the school fees and expenses for utensils many quest more teaching aids especially for computer women mostly mentioned positive effects that the and even safety issues. Inside the classrooms it families cannot send their children to school. This courses and English. In their view, these two sub- Mothers Group has on their lives. Apart from the is very dark and there are no facilities or furni- leads to another set of problems: sporadic school jects will be essential for the success of their pu- increased self-employment, the women are able ture beside the desks and the black board. The attendance. So called “house-problems” keep pils in the future. Against all odds, the teachers of to support each other, strengthen their relation- school building is very old and liable to collapse, the pupils away from school. Especially child- Lwang are optimistic that things will change for ships and improve the infrastructure in Lwang for but there is not enough money to rebuild it. As ren from lower casts need to help their parents the better. Not with the help of government funds the benefit of all villagers. the local teachers explained, the lack of financial working in the fields or in the household. The but with money generated through tourism. funds from the government and in particular of communication between the teachers and the pa- Last but not least, we would like to thank these teaching aids is one of the main reasons the local rents is rather difficult. As the parents themselves cheerful women of Lwang, who enabled us to ob- school cannot achieve the education standards set usually did not have the chance to go to school,

Photo next page: Farewell blessings for our journey still ahead

PARTICIPANTS

Us in the tea garden

82 83

Alexandra Meister Annabelle Jaggi Davide Anderegg Isabelle Thurnheer

Alice Kern Anne Wegmann Irene Schärer Jill Brütsch

Anita von Däniken Annina Michel Isabelle Aebersold Kathrin Honegger Enjoying the food in Lwang Gazing at …

PARTICIPANTS 84 85

Lisa Honegger Monika Haggenmacher Philip Boesch Ulrike Müller-Böker

Micha Reichert Norman Backhaus Pranil Kumar Upadhayaya Urs Mändli

Miriam Wenner Pascal Senn Sarah Hartmann

Photo next page: What is happening in Sankhu? Bildlegende Bildlegende

86 87 LITERATURE

The excursion participants outside Chitwan National Park

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On the Machhapuchre Model Trek The leech The bear

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