Evidence for the Austronesian Voyages in the Indian Ocean Chapter 19 Evidence for the Austronesian Voyages in the Indian Ocean Roger Blench Despite the presence of undoubted Austronesian origin from the Barito-speaking area of southeast speakers on the island of Madagascar, the Austrone- Borneo; sian world is very much characterized by the Pacific f) the Malay settlements on the East African coast and the dramatic narrative of its settlement. Although transported captured mainland African popula- there is credible evidence for the presence of Austro- tions from the Sabaki-speaking area to Madagascar, nesians in India (Mahdi 1999), Japan (Summerhayes & primarily for agricultural labour, between the fifth Anderson in press), in the Arabian Gulf and in North, and seventh centuries ad; Central and South America1 the present-day absence g) that other Island Southeast Asian peoples may also of Austronesian speakers has tended to relegate these have followed these established trade routes to remarkable voyages to footnotes. Similarly, the move- East Africa, accounting for a residue of non-Malay ment of Austronesian navigators across the Indian Austronesian items in the Malagasy lexicon; Ocean still excites little comment, in part because h) that the Malay impact on Barito society was indi- archaeologists and prehistorians tend to keep to their rectly responsible for the evolution of the Samalic appointed spheres. As a consequence, standard texts peoples, the ‘sea nomads’ of the region between still repeat an increasingly outdated narrative. Recent Borneo and the southwest Philippines; research has altered existing perspectives on the set- i) that similarly, on the East African coast, the transfer tlement of the East African coast and Madagascar of nautical technology to coastal Iron Age cultiva- (Adelaar 2006; in press; Blench 2007; 2008; 2009a,b; tors stimulated the development of Swahili mari- Walsh 2007; Beaujard 2003; 2007a,b). It now seems time culture; likely that: j) that the expansion of Arab shipping in the Indian a) Madagascar was first settled, not by Austronesians, Ocean from the tenth century onwards obscured but by hunter-gatherers migrating from the East the Austronesian origins of local seafaring through African mainland prior to 300 bc; the replacement of boat types and maritime termi- b) Madagascar was also reached by Graeco-Roman nology; trading ships, which may have been trading k) finally, if the Indian Ocean was criss-crossed by tortoise-shell with the resident foragers and were experienced Austronesian navigators from an responsible for the translocation of commensal early period, then settlement would be expected murids; on many Indian Ocean islands. Although most c) there was regular contact between Island Southeast islands were apparently unoccupied at firstEuro - Asia and the East African coast prior to 0 ad by an pean contact, they may still have been reached by unknown people using outriggers and trading in Austronesians and that more extensive archaeo- spices; logy will reveal this. d) after a gap, precursors of the modern Malay es- A story this complex can only be summarized in the tablished a ‘raiding and trading’ culture based in present synthesis, which aims to direct the reader to settlements along the East African coast from the places where the argument is made more fully and fifth century onwards; only presents detail in areas so far not covered in e) Malay ships had pressed crews of non-maritime material published or in print. 239 Chapter 19 The earliest settlement of Madagascar Table 19.1. Classical sources for the Indian Ocean. Book Date Source Archaeology in Madagascar has so far uncovered On the Erythrean Sea <100 bc Burstein (1989) no site earlier than the fifth century ad (Dewar 1996; Natural History ad 77 Rackham (1942) 1997). It is generally assumed that these early sites Periplus of the Erythraean Sea ad 120–130 Casson (1989) represent incursions by trans-Oceanic populations Geography ad 150 Stevenson (1932) from Island Southeast Asia. But evidence from palaeo zoogeography suggests a very different pattern ‘no wild animals’ except crocodiles and was inhabited for the primary settlement of Madagascar (Blench by people who use dugouts and sewn boats and who 2007). Bones with cut-marks indicating butchery catch fish in wicker traps. However, Menuthias was are now dated to approximately 2300 bp, pointing to said to be some 300 stades from the mainland (c. 67 significantly earlier human settlement of Madagascar. km) and from Madagascar to the mainland at the Burney (Box 5 in Godfrey & Jungers 2003) summarizes closest point is 400 km, making the Pemba-Zanzibar the sequence as it now appears. Following the initial archipelago another equally likely possibility. The arrival of humans, large herbivores were intensively text of Geography of Ptolemy was first compiled around hunted, reducing their density and leading to an ad 150; the version has come down to us represents increase in plant biomass. This increased the incidence the geographical knowledge of Byzantium in the of fires (intentionally set by hunters). This would fourth century. For Ptolemy, Menuthias is certainly reduce the diversity of habitats, in particular extending Madagascar, since it was east of Prason [=Delgado?], anthropic grasslands, resulting in a catastrophic loss a promontory south of Rhapton, itself south of Rhapta of megafauna. (Freeman-Greville 1962, 4). Part of the evidence for vegetation change is the Archaeology now confirms that the maritime earliest occurrence of Cannabis/Humulus pollen in the cultures of the Mediterranean were reaching the central highlands at Tritrivakely, at an interpolated East African islands during the era of the texts. Juma age of 2200 cal. bp (Burney 1987). More directly linked (1996) reported finds of late Roman pottery on Zan- to extinctions is a decline in incidence of the spores zibar and Chami (1999a,b) recorded Roman beads in of the coprophilous fungus Sporormiella, a proxy for the Rufiji Delta. A possible proxy for Graeco-Roman megafaunal density (Burney et al. 2003). The most contact is the spread of Eurasian commensal murids in secure date for this change is 1720±40 bp (230–410 cal. Madagascar. Both Rattus rattus and Mus musculus are ad) but a less certain earlier date of 1990±50 bp (100 common on the island today and have penetrated even cal. bc–110 cal. ad) has been recorded. remote forest areas, where they out-compete endemic Vegetational change, faunal extinctions and small mammals (Ganzhorn 2003; Hingston et al. 2005). numerous bones with cut-marks all point to the pres- Vasey2 & Burney (2007) show that between 2480 and ence of low-density hunter-gatherers from about 400– 1760 bp at Andrahomana Cave (in the southeast) pro- 300 bc onwards. If so, then Madagascar may have been portions of endemic mammals such as Macrotarsomys first colonized by low-density foraging populations, petteri in bone assemblages decrease dramatically, similar to the modern-day Hadza of Tanzania, who while both Rattus rattus and Mus musculus rise sharply. would have crossed from present-day Mozambique. Despite ‘some stratigraphic mixing, a clear pattern of Beginning in the southwest, they would have rapidly faunal turnover still emerges’. They claim that ‘data eliminated many species of large lemur, and begun presented here show that these taxa were introduced the process of habitat conversion in the highlands. prehistorically by the earliest human settlers’ but this Upon the arrival of Austronesian colonists, they were is unlikely. A probable source would be either the largely assimilated, surviving as the residual hunter- Graeco-Roman traders or other players in the Arabian gatherers, now known as the Mikea or Vazimba. end of the Indian Ocean network, who were certainly active during this period. It is even possible such ships Rats, mice and Graeco-Roman contact were trading with the resident populations rather than picking up turtles directly. Records of the East African coast exist dating from the classical period, although these are often difficult to Early Austronesian contacts with the interpret. The main sources are shown in Table 19.1. East African coast In the Periplus, a first-century seaman’s guide to the East African coast, Madagascar perhaps makes an Textual evidence appearance in the text as the ‘Great Island of Menuth- The literature on the earliest Austronesian contacts ias’, a source of ‘mountain tortoises’. Menuthias had with the East African coast has been somewhat con- 240 Evidence for the Austronesian Voyages in the Indian Ocean fused by conflation with the evidence for later set- in the archaeological record for demographic lacunae tlement of Madagascar. But it is now clear that these which might well represent the impact of incoming are two quite separate events. The East African coast P. falciparum in the islands of southeast Asia and the may have been visited by Austronesian mariners Pacific. from an early period, probably prior to ad 0 (Adelaar Malaria would have been equally serious for 2006; Blench 1996; 2008; 2009b; Beaujard 2007a). Pliny those arriving on the coast with the intention of (Natural History, Book XII: cap. 42) describes the Trog- remaining for a protracted period. Europeans in West lodytae, who buy cinnamon from their neighbours Africa stayed offshore for three centuries after trade and ‘carry it over vast tracts of sea, upon rafts’ [either first began, only venturing inland whenquinine came an actual raft, such as are used in other parts of the into use in the middle of the nineteenth century. Pre- Indian Ocean or an approximate description of an sumably any attempt to settle in East Africa would outrigger]. More over, ‘they choose the winter season, have been similarly lethal in the first phase. So the about the time of the equinox, for their voyage, for early wave of Austronesians must soon have learnt then a south easterly wind is blowing; these winds to limit their time onshore.