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Teacher As Stranger: Unfinished Pathways with Critical Pedagogy
Communications in Information Literacy Volume 14 Issue 1 Article 8 6-2020 Teacher as Stranger: Unfinished Pathways with Critical Pedagogy Caroline Sinkinson University of Colorado, Boulder, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/comminfolit Part of the Information Literacy Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Sinkinson, C. (2020). Teacher as Stranger: Unfinished Pathways with Critical Pedagogy. Communications in Information Literacy, 14 (1), 97-117. Retrieved from https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/comminfolit/ vol14/iss1/8 This Perspective is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communications in Information Literacy by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sinkinson: Unfinished Pathways with Critical Pedagogy COMMUNICATIONS IN INFORMATION LITERACY | VOL. 14, NO. 1, 2020 97 Teacher as Stranger: Unfinished Pathways with Critical Pedagogy Caroline Sinkinson, University of Colorado, Boulder Abstract In 2010, Accardi, Drabinski, and Kumbier published the edited collection Critical Library Instruction: Theories and Methods, which marked a turn to more broadly integrate critical theory into the practice and literature of librarianship. This article looks back ten years to trace how critical pedagogy continues to provoke librarians' reflective measurement of the coherence between theory and practice, whether in the classroom or in advocacy for open education. With Paulo Freire’s notion of unfinishedness and Maxine Greene’s metaphor of ’teacher as stranger,' the article explores the nature of teaching as a continuously reflective and creative act. Keywords: critical pedagogy, open education, open pedagogy, Freire, Greene Critical Library Instruction Special issue edited by Maria T. -
“Access”: Rhetorical Cartographies of Food
TROUBLING “ACCESS”: RHETORICAL CARTOGRAPHIES OF FOOD (IN)JUSTICE AND GENTRIFICATION by CONSTANCE GORDON B.A., San Francisco State University, 2011 M.A., University of Colorado Boulder, 2015 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Communication 2018 ii This dissertation entitled: Troubling “Access”: Rhetorical Cartographies of Food (In)Justice and Gentrification written by Constance Gordon has been approved for the Department of Communication Phaedra C. Pezzullo, Ph.D. (Committee Chair) Karen L. Ashcraft, Ph.D. Joe Bryan, Ph.D. Lisa A. Flores, Ph.D. Tiara R. Na’puti, Ph.D. Peter Simonson, Ph.D. Date The final copy of this dissertation has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. IRB Protocol #17-0431 iii Gordon, Constance (Ph.D., Communication) Troubling “Access”: Rhetorical Cartographies of Food (In)Justice and Gentrification Dissertation directed by Professor Phaedra C. Pezzullo ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the rhetorical and spatiotemporal relationships between food politics and gentrification in the contemporary U.S. developing city foodscape. Specifically, I explore a seemingly innocent, yet incredibly powerful key term for the food movement today: “access.” The concern over adequate food access for the food insecure has become a national conversation, as everyone from governments to corporations, non-profits to grassroots advocates, have organized interventions to bring healthy food to those most in need. In rapidly developing cities, however, these politics have become particularly complicated, as new food amenities often index or contribute to gentrification, including the displacement of the very people supposedly targeted for increased food access. -
Blacklivesmatter and Feminist Pedagogy: Teaching a Movement Unfolding
ISSN: 1941-0832 #BlackLivesMatter and Feminist Pedagogy: Teaching a Movement Unfolding by-Reena N. Goldthree and Aimee Bahng BLACK LIVES MATTER - FERGUSON SOLIDARITY WASHINGTON ETHICAL SOCIETY, 2014 (IMAGE: JOHNNY SILVERCLOUD) RADICAL TEACHER 20 http://radicalteacher.library.pitt.edu No. 106 (Fall 2016) DOI 10.5195/rt.2016.338 college has the lowest percentage of faculty of color. 9 The classroom remains the most radical space Furthermore, Dartmouth has ―earned a reputation as one of possibility in the academy. (bell hooks, of the more conservative institutions in the nation when it Teaching to Transgress) comes to race,‖ due to several dramatic and highly- publicized acts of intolerance targeting students and faculty n November 2015, student activists at Dartmouth of color since the 1980s.10 College garnered national media attention following a I Black Lives Matter demonstration in the campus‘s main The emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement— library. Initially organized in response to the vandalism of a following the killings of Trayvon Martin in 2013 and of Eric campus exhibit on police brutality, the events at Garner and Michael Brown in 2014—provided a language Dartmouth were also part of the national #CollegeBlackout for progressive students and their allies at Dartmouth to mobilizations in solidarity with student activists at the link campus activism to national struggles against state University of Missouri and Yale University. On Thursday, violence, white supremacy, capitalism, and homophobia. November 12th, the Afro-American Society and the The #BlackLivesMatter course at Dartmouth emerged as campus chapter of the National Association for the educators across the country experimented with new ways Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) urged students to to learn from and teach with a rapidly unfolding, multi- wear black to show support for Black Lives Matter and sited movement. -
MOVEMENT and SPACE MOVEMENT and SPACE Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil Rights Movement to the Present
Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil MOVEMENT Rights Movement to the Present AND SPACE ABOUT THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) is a nonprofit civil rights organization founded in 1971 to combat discrimination through litigation, education and advocacy. The SPLC is a catalyst for racial justice in the South and beyond, working in partnership with com- munities to dismantle white supremacy, strengthen intersectional movements, and advance the human rights of all people. For more information about THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER visit splcenter.org © 2021 SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER LEE / KIRBY AP IMAGES 2 MOVEMENT AND SPACE MOVEMENT AND SPACE Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil Rights Movement to the Present WRITTEN BY CAMILLE JACKSON AND JEFF SAPP EDITORIAL DIRECTION BY JEFF SAPP, TAFENI ENGLISH AND DAVID HODGE AP IMAGES / KIRBY LEE / KIRBY AP IMAGES 4 MOVEMENT AND SPACE TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface .................................................................................................................................................7 What Do We Mean by Movement and Space? .......................................................................8 Objectives, Enduring Understanding and Key Concepts ..................................................9 Audience, Time and Materials ................................................................................................. 10 Considerations ............................................................................................................................. -
Struggle for Power: the Ongoing Persecution of Black Movement the by U.S
STRUGGLE FOR POWER T H E ONGOING PERSECUTION O F B L A C K M O V E M E N T BY THE U.S. GOVERNMENT In the fight for Black self-determination, power, and freedom in the United States, one institution’s relentless determination to destroy Black movement is unrivaled— the United States federal government. Black resistance and power-building threaten the economic interests and white supremacist agenda that uphold the existing social order. Throughout history, when Black social movements attract the nation’s or world’s attention, or we fight our way onto the nation’s political agenda as we have today, we experience violent repression. We’re disparaged and persecuted; cast as villains in the story of American prosperity; and forced to defend ourselves and our communities against police, anti-Black policymakers, and U.S. armed forces. Last summer, on the heels of the murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, millions of people mobilized to form the largest mass movement against police violence and racial injustice in U.S. history. Collective outrage spurred decentral- ized uprisings in defense of Black lives in all 50 states, with a demand to defund police and invest in Black communities. This brought global attention to aboli- tionist arguments that the only way to prevent deaths such as Mr. Floyd’s and Ms. Taylor’s is to take power and funding away from police. At the same time, the U.S federal government, in a flagrant abuse of power and at the express direction of disgraced former President Donald Trump and disgraced former Attorney General William Barr, deliberately targeted supporters of the movement to defend Black lives in order to disrupt and discourage the movement. -
Totally Radical
ISSN: 1941-0832 Totally Radical by Michael Bennett YOU ONLY GET WHAT YOU ARE ORGANIZED TO TAKE, JOSH MACPHEE, 2017 VIA JUSTSEEDS RADICAL TEACHER 1 http://radicalteacher.library.pitt.edu No. 119 (Spring 2021) DOI 10.5195/rt.2021.866 e at Radical Teacher are sometimes asked, and totally satisfactory (though not totalizing) understanding of sometimes ask ourselves, what we mean by radicalism and to the ways in which the term “Radical,” W “radical.” Our usual response to queries from starting in the 1980s or earlier, was often drained of its potential authors is that the meaning of our title political content. As so often happens with words and is encapsulated in our subtitle: “a socialist, feminist, and concepts in a capitalist culture, “Radical” became a anti-racist journal on the theory and practice of teaching.” marketing tool. Radical politics became “totally radical” style In short, our version of radicalism is based in a left analysis or the even more diminutive “rad,” with “totally” reduced to of how classism, sexism, homophobia, and racism are “totes.” In “A Brief History of the Word ‘Rad,” Aaron intertwined and thus require a systematic critique and Gilbreath writes about this omnivorous quality of American dismantling. We expect an analysis that is socialist, but not capitalism (without labelling it as such—he refers to “the class reductionist; anti-racist, but not focused exclusively on mechanisms behind the regurgitating cow stomach that is race; feminist, but not just liberal feminist. I guess you could American pop culture”) that enacts this literal and figurative say that we are anti-racist and anti-ableist feminist eco- truncation. -
Intersectional Approaches to Teaching About Privileges
ISSN: 1941-0832 Intersectional Approaches to Teaching about Privileges by Shadia Siliman and Katherine Kearns PHOTO ILLUSTRATION BY EMILY BLOBAUM RADICAL TEACHER 47 http://radicalteacher.library.pitt.edu No. 116 (Winter 2020) DOI 10.5195/rt.2020.695 Our Observations of the Privilege Walk Introduction A privilege walk can help to uncover how our different The privilege walk usually consists of asking students to identities give us access -- and prevent our access -- to stand up and align themselves on an invisible spectrum certain spaces, resources, and energies. Yet, we share based on their experiences or positionality.¹ This usually concerns about whether the privilege walk leads to takes the form of a “step forward-step back” activity. For productive discomfort. Students of marginalized groups face example: if you studied the culture of your ancestors in the potential for exhaustion, vulnerability, and elementary school, take one step forward; if you have ever objectification as they are exposed and may feel that they experienced discrimination based on your race, take one have to explain their circumstances yet again. It is helpful step back. Eventually, students are (hypothetically) here to refer to Standpoint Theory, particularly as it is positioned relative to each other based on their privileges. articulated by Sandra Harding (1993) and Patricia Hill Collins The multiply-marginalized take many steps back, while the (1990). Standpoint Theory reminds us that people of more privileged take many steps forward, further separating marginalized groups – whether by gender, race, ethnicity, themselves from one another. sexuality, socio-economic background, (dis)ability, or any other factor -- already understand oppression. -
Feminist Disability Studies
Feminist Disability Studies: Theoretical Debates, Activism, Identity Politics, & Coalition Building Kristina R. Knoll A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2012 Reading Committee: Angela Ginorio, Chair Dennis Lang David Allen Shirley Yee Sara Goering Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Gender, Women, & Sexuality Studies Department © Copyright 2012 Kristina R. Knoll Abstract Feminist Disability Studies: Theoretical Debates, Activism, Identity Politics & Coalition Building Kristina R. Knoll Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Associate Professor Angela Ginorio Gender, Women, & Sexuality Studies Department Through two intellectual and activist spaces that are fraught with identity politics, people from feminist and disability studies circles have converged in unique ways that have assisted in addressing the gaps in their respective fields. Although not all feminist disability studies scholars are comfortable with defining feminist disability studies or having an established doctrine that sets the field apart, my eleven interviews with people whose work spans feminist and disability studies demonstrates a presence of, and the need for, a feminist disability studies area of study. Utilizing feminist and disability studies literature and reflections by the participants, I argue that feminist disability studies engages with theories that may be contradictory and incomplete. This process has the potential to reveal power, privilege, and oppression, and therefore, it can provide opportunities for liberation. Methods in feminist disability studies emphasize the necessity of considering both disability studies and feminist perspectives while resisting essentialism in order to allow new identities to surface. In addition, feminist disability studies addresses why activism must be made accessible in order to fight ableism and to support work across identity-based groups. -
Black Lives Matter, Intersectionality, and LGBTQ Rights NOW
Published on Penn GSE Perspectives on Urban Education (https://urbanedjournal.gse.upenn.edu) Home > Black Lives Matter, Intersectionality, and LGBTQ Rights NOW BLACK LIVES MATTER, INTERSECTIONALITY, AND LGBTQ RIGHTS NOW Monique Perry, Ph.D. Student, University of Pennsylvania Graduate School of Education Abstract: This article is a reflective piece that draws from local experience, historical, and educational literature. I argue the ways in which intersectionality can support analyses in the local uprisings for the Black Lives Matter movement in Philadelphia.Some uprisings, focused on anti-Black state violence linkages to schools and approaches to education. Toward this goal, this article explores how as a normative theory and analytical approach, intersectionality can strengthen aims for LGBTQ rights and educational equity. Keywords: Black Lives Matter, intersectionality, LGBTQ, organizing Save Black Schools LGBTQ Lives Matter Fund Counselors Not Cops Black Lives Matter Trans Queer Young Poor Black Lives Matter. ALL Black Lives Matters These were the words written across some of the signs at the Educators and Students March for Black Lives and the Youth March for Black Lives during recent uprisings in Philadelphia. Activists marched in the streets with signs and yelled chants like “No justice! No peace! No racist police!” Despite 98-degree weather and having to wear masks for COVID-19 precaution, activists continued their chants and marched on toward City Hall and the administrative offices of the School District of Philadelphia (SDP). The speeches given by school staff, parents, and students focused on their experiences within schooling systems—concerns about public health, safety, building conditions, policing—and a host of demands that organizers would like to see applied across the SDP. -
Blue Lives Matter
COP FRAGILITY AND BLUE LIVES MATTER Frank Rudy Cooper* There is a new police criticism. Numerous high-profile police killings of unarmed blacks between 2012–2016 sparked the movements that came to be known as Black Lives Matter, #SayHerName, and so on. That criticism merges race-based activism with intersectional concerns about violence against women, including trans women. There is also a new police resistance to criticism. It fits within the tradition of the “Blue Wall of Silence,” but also includes a new pro-police movement known as Blue Lives Matter. The Blue Lives Matter movement makes the dubious claim that there is a war on police and counter attacks by calling for making assaults on police hate crimes akin to those address- ing attacks on historically oppressed groups. Legal scholarship has not comprehensively considered the impact of the new police criticism on the police. It is especially remiss in attending to the implications of Blue Lives Matter as police resistance to criticism. This Article is the first to do so. This Article illuminates a heretofore unrecognized source of police resistance to criticism by utilizing diversity trainer and New York Times best-selling author Robin DiAngelo’s recent theory of white fragility. “White fragility” captures many whites’ reluctance to discuss ongoing rac- ism, or even that whiteness creates a distinct set of experiences and per- spectives. White fragility is based on two myths: the ideas that one could be an unraced and purely neutral individual—false objectivity—and that only evil people perpetuate racial subordination—bad intent theory. Cop fragility is an analogous oversensitivity to criticism that blocks necessary conversations about race and policing. -
Radical Teacher: a Socialist, Feminist, and Anti-Racist Journal on the Theory and Practise of Teaching
ISSN: 1941-0832 Introduction Teaching for Justice by Sarah Chinn and Michael Bennett PHOTO BY MELANY ROCHESTER ON UNSPLASH RADICAL TEACHER 1 http://radicalteacher.library.pitt.edu No. 116 (Winter 2020) DOI 10.5195/rt.2020.757 some of you have been blessed development studies that Andrea Cornwall takes on in “Decolonizing Development Studies.” Sometimes it is mostly or cursed unrecognized and unspoken, like the effects of to see beyond yourselves corporatization and the inhumane expectations of workers that Sara Ashcaen Crabtree and her co-authors take on in “Donning the ‘Slow Professor.’” into the scattered wrongful dead Often, trying to teach for justice requires that the into the disappeared authors look hard at their own unrecognized biases (“what you have noticed/we have noticed/what you have ignored/ the despised we have not”) or the unintended consequences of what they assumed were politically radical teaching practices and materials. Most poignant in this regard are the contributions none of you has seen by Sarah Trembath and Andrea Serine Avery. The subtitle everything of Avery’s essay speaks for itself: “If I’m Trying to Teach for Social Justice, Why Do all the Black Men and Boys on My none of you has said Syllabus Die?” In reworking a hidebound “world literatures” everything class for upper-level high school students, Avery consciously put black experiences at the center of her syllabus, from Othello to Their Eyes Were Watching God to Things Fall Apart and beyond. But on reflection she saw a disturbing trend in what you have noticed the texts she was teaching: none of the black male we have noticed characters survived, all dying by murder or suicide. -
Ending America's Public Investment Drought
ENDING AMERICA’S PUBLIC INVESTMENT DROUGHT Ending America’s Public Investment Drought Ben Ritz Brendan McDermott December 2018 P1 ENDING AMERICA’S PUBLIC INVESTMENT DROUGHT DECEMBER 2018 Ending America’s Public Ben Ritz Brendan McDermott Investment Drought INTRODUCTION Economists from Adam Smith Unlike private investments, investments in public goods generate benefits that accrue onward have understood that not to individual investors but rather society free markets don’t exist or as a whole. Thus, the responsibility for investing 1 in public goods falls on government: the one thrive in a state of nature. institution that represents all citizens and They are nestled within a therefore has an obligation to act in the common framework of governance interest. Public investments such as education, infrastructure, and scientific research lay the that defends societies against foundation for long-term economic growth outside threats, writes and and shared prosperity. Only by making these enforces common laws, and investments can governments facilitate the success of private enterprise and free markets. provides public goods – those For over three decades following the end of that all people need but that World War II, policymakers in the United States private actors would have little dutifully fulfilled this obligation and invested in incentive or ability to develop America’s future. The post-WWII G.I. Bill provided unprecedented access to higher education for 2 on their own. returning veterans and their families regardless of their financial