General HPSG – -Driven Structure

Alexandr Rosen

Ústav teoretické a komputacníˇ lingvistiky Filozofická fakulta Univerzity Karlovy

27 March 2013

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2 Basics

3 Head features

4

5 Grammar

6

7 Unbounded dependencies

8

9 References

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 2 / 60 1 Reading

2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References Reading HPSG – brief introductions

Levine, R. D. and Meurers W. D. (2005). HPSG – Linguistic Approach, Formal Foundations, and Computer Realization. In: Keith Brown (ed.): Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 2nd edition, Elsevier, Oxford. http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/~dm/papers/ell2-hpsg.pdf Adam Przepiórkowski and Anna Kups´c´ (2006): HPSG for Slavicists. Glossos, 8. http://dach.ipipan.waw.pl/~adamp/Papers/2000-sling2k/

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 4 / 60 Reading HPSG – more extensive introductions

with a stress on and implementation issues: [Richter(2004)] http://milca.sfs.uni-tuebingen.de/A4/Course/PDF/gramandpars.pdf an HPSG textbook in English [Sag & Wasow(1999)], [Sag et al.(2003)] an HPSG textbook in German [Müller(2007)] http://hpsg.fu-berlin.de/~stefan/Pub/hpsg-lehrbuch.html

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 5 / 60 Reading HPSG – standard references

Pollard & Sag (1987) Information-Based and Semantics, Volume I, Center for the Study of language and Information, Stanford [Pollard & Sag(1987)] Pollard & Sag (1994) Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Center for the Study of language and Information, Stanford & The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London [Pollard & Sag(1994)] HPSG sites: http://hpsg.stanford.edu/ http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/research/hpsg/

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 6 / 60 Reading HPSG – implementations

An overview of implemented formalisms and for several linguistic theories, including HPSG: http://hpsg.fu-berlin.de/~stefan/PS/implementations.pdf

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2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References Basics History

1987: first monograph [Pollard & Sag(1987)] 1994: standard reference [Pollard & Sag(1994)] Immediate successor to Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar – GPSG [Gazdar et al.(1985)] – head features, unbounded dependencies, ID/LP format for rules Eclectic – inspired also by: Functional Unification Grammar – FUG [Kay(1983)] – uniform notation for grammar rules, lexicon, representation Lexical-Functional Grammar – LFG [Kaplan & Bresnan(1982)] – lexical rules – CG [Ades & Steedman(1982)] – satisfying valency requirements the Government and paradigm – GB [Chomsky(1981)] – analyses of various language phenomena

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 9 / 60 Basics Why HPSG?

Precision of analysis, both in grammar and data Integration of diverse sources of knowledge Declarative grammar Constraint satisfaction system Scaleable, implementable grammars Psychological plausability

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 10 / 60 Basics Main features 1/2

HPSG grammar is a set of axioms – ‘constraints’ The model: typed feature structures, defined in a hierarchy with multiple inheritance, for morphemes, , , sentences, ... Lexical entries and grammar rules as constraints on these expressions Constraints are combined and applied by unification Most info is stored in lexical entries, HPSG is very much lexicalized – ‘head-driven’

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The concept of sign [de Saussure(1916)] one description to model all properties of words and phrases: / syntax semantics pragmatics combinatory (syntagmatic) properties

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 12 / 60   PHON hshei        synsem         local              category          " #      noun     CATEGORY HEAD       CASE nom                SUBCAT elist               pers-pronoun                 referential             PER 3rd   SYNSEM    1     LOCAL CONTENT INDEX        NUM sing            GEND fem                RESTRICTION eset              context                 psoa            QUANTS elist    CONTEXT       BACKGROUND  " #       female              NUCL     INST 1   Basics A simple sentence as a tree

  phrase   PHON hMolly,sleepsi   Edges just for readability, SYNSEM ...    1 and 2 are just values HD-DTR 1    of the attributes NONHD-DTRS h 2 i HD-DTR and NONHD-DTR. ¨H ¨ H HD-DTR and NONHD-DTR ¨¨ HH ¨ H do not represent word order. Word order is determined word  word  by PHON.     2PHON hMollyi 1PHON hsleepsi SYNSEM ... SYNSEM ...

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 14 / 60 Basics The same sentence only as a feature structure

phrase    PHON hMolly,sleepsi    SYNSEM ...         word    HD-DTR PHON hsleepsi         SYNSEM ...         word    NONHD-DTRS hPHON hMollyii     SYNSEM ...

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2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References Head features Another sentence, with head features

told V ,past ¨¨HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH ¨ H Molly him that N,fem,nom,sg N,m,acc,sg N,n,acc,sg

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 17 / 60   phrase   PHON htold,himi        synsem  SYNSEM   HEAD 1 ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH word  word  PHON htoldi  PHON hhimi         synsem  SYNSEM ...     " #  SYNSEM  verb    HEAD 1    VFORM past    phrase   PHON hLucy,told,him,thati        synsem  SYNSEM    HEAD 1 ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH ¨¨ HH   word  phrase PHON h i PHON h i  Lucy   told,him,that     SYNSEM ...    synsem  SYNSEM   HEAD 1 ¨H ¨¨ HH ¨¨ HH   phrase word  PHON h i  PHON h i  told,him   that       SYNSEM ...  synsem  SYNSEM   HEAD 1 1 Reading

2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References Valency

Arguments represented as complex categories in the lexical entry of the head (similar to categorial grammar)

verb VALENCY swim hNP[nom]i rain hNP[it]i hate hNP[nom], NP[acc]i look hNP[nom], PP[at]i give hNP[nom], NP[acc], NP[acc]i give hNP[nom], NP[acc], PP[to]i try hNP[nom], VP[inf ]i persuade hNP[nom], NP[acc], VP[inf ]i say hNP[nom], S[that]i

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phrase    PHON hJohn,swimsi      synsem        SYNSEM HEAD 1       VAL hi ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH ¨¨ HH     phrase word     PHON hswimsi  PHON hJohni       synsem  SYNSEM 2      SYNSEM HEAD 1 verb    VAL h 2 i

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S VP phrase  phrase         synsem   synsem      SYNSEM HEAD verb SYNSEM HEAD verb       VAL hi VAL hsigni V NP word  phrase         synsem   synsem      SYNSEM HEAD verb SYNSEM HEAD noun       VAL list VAL hi

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Unlike head features, valency can change with the level of projection. Thus, the list of valency requirements cannot be included in the value of the attribute HEAD.

Lucka Jirkovi nic nereklaˇ ‘Lucy didn’t say anything to Jirka.’

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 24 / 60 phrase    PHON hjirkovi,nereklaˇ i      synsem       SYNSEM HEAD 4     VAL h 1 , 2 i

¨¨HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH ¨ H     word word     PHON hjirkovii PHON hnereklaˇ i       SYNSEM 3  synsem       SYNSEM HEAD 4     VAL h 1 , 2 , 3 i phrase    PHON hjirkovi,nic,nereklaˇ i      synsem        SYNSEM HEAD 4       VAL h 1 i ¨H ¨¨ HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH     phrase word     PHON hjirkovi,nereklaˇ i  PHON hnici        synsem  SYNSEM 2      SYNSEM HEAD 4     VAL h 1 , 2 i phrase    PHON hlucka,jirkovi,nic,nereklaˇ i      synsem        SYNSEM HEAD 4       VAL hi

¨¨HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH ¨ H word  phrase      PHON hluckai PHON hjirkovi,nic,nereklaˇ i     SYNSEM 1  synsem        SYNSEM HEAD 4       VAL h 1 i Valency Valency (summary)

The features HEAD and VAL provide information about the word’s syntactic word class and the degree its valency requirements are satisfied. This information is partially implicit in the standard atomic categories of CF grammar: N, N’, NP, V, VP, S. These are often used as abbreviations. Often the attribute CATEGORY or CAT groups these two features, serving as the locus of the item’s syntactic information. CAT is just one of synsem’s attributes. Rather than signs, valency lists include synsems. Why?

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2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References Grammar The grammar architecture

Components of a grammar: Signature (defines possible objects) Theory (specifies constraints on the objects) Components of a theory: Lexical entries (word-specific constraints) Lexical rules (expressing lexical generalizations – morphology, alternations) Principles (syntactic regularities) Schemas (relating phonology and syntactic structure) Relational constraints (list operations etc.)

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Abstracting from word order: ID/LP rules (Immediate Dominance vs. Linear Precedence) dominance in DTR, precedence in PHON Abstracting from word classes: V, N, P, A A general schema: H[ VALENCY 1 ] −→ H[ VALENCY 1 ⊕ h 2 i] 2 Possible instantiations: V[ VALENCY 1 ] −→ V[ VALENCY 1 hi ⊕ h 2 NPi] 2 2 John swims. 2 Mary [loves strawberries]. V[ VALENCY 1 ] −→ V[ VALENCY 1 hNPi ⊕ h 2 NPi] 2 loves 2 strawberries N[ VALENCY 1 ] −→ N[ VALENCY 1 hi ⊕ h 2 DETi] 2 2 [my younger sister’s] boyfriend.

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H[ VALENCY 4 ] −→ H[ VALENCY 4 ⊕ h 5 i] 5   phrase → PHON f ( 1 , 2 )   HEAD 3    VALENCY 4        PHON 1       HD-DTR HEAD 3     VALENCY 4 ⊕ h 5 i     h i  NONHD-DTRS h 5 PHON 2 i

The rule schema includes several types of info: dominance concatenation of PHON values valency satisfaction head features sharing

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Schema   phrase → PHON f ( 1 , 2 )  h i  HD-DTR PHON 1     h i NONHD-DTRS 5 PHON 2 Head Feature Principle   phrase → HEAD 3  h i HD-DTR HEAD 3 Valency Principle   phrase → SYNSEM | VALENCY 4  h i   HD-DTR VALENCY 4 ⊕ h 5 i    NONHD-DTRS 5

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 33 / 60 Grammar The type sign (simplified)

  sign   PHON list(phonstring)        synsem        cat     SYNSEM     CAT  HEAD head       VAL list(synsem) 

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2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References Semantics Semantics

sign    PHON list(phonstring)        synsem     SYNSEM CAT cat     CONT cont

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cont ¨H ¨¨ HH ¨¨ HH psoa nom-obj      index     PERS pers     INDEX    NUMB numb     GEND gend    RESTR set(psoa)

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 37 / 60 Semantics psoa ¨H ¨¨ HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH ¨¨ HH   " # ... give swim   GIVER index  SWIMMER index   GIVEN index    RECIPIENT index psoa PP  @ PP  @ PP  PP  @ PP  @ PP " #" #" # ... book black quickly INST index INST index INST psoa

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 38 / 60 Lexical entry for dala:

  sign     synsem          cat        " #     verb    HEAD   CAT      VFORM past        VAL hNP[nom] i, NP[dat] , NP[acc] i  SS  1 [3rd,sg,fem] 2 3            give            GIVER 1     CONT      GIVEN 3          RECIPIENT 2  Semantics

NP   [nom] i [3rd,sg,fem] : synsem      cat      " #    noun       CAT HEAD     CASE nom          VAL hi        nom-obj          index          CONT  PERS 3rd   INDEX i     NUMB sg       GEND fem 

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A reminder: Lexicon is formally a huge disjunction of constraints on the type word: word → entry1 ∨ entry2 ∨ entry3 ∨ ...

Lexical entry for kniha ‘book’, the value of CONT: nom-obj      index     PERS 3rd     INDEX 1   NUMB sg      GEND fem         " #    book   RESTR   INST 1 

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NP tlustá kniha ‘a thick book’, the value of CONT: nom-obj       index     PERS 3rd       INDEX 1    NUMB sg        GEND fem        " # " #    book thick  RESTR ,   INST 1 INST 1 

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2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References Unbounded dependencies Unbounded dependencies: LOCAL/NONLOCAL, filler/gap

S ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH NP1 S/NP1 ¨H dumplings ¨¨ HH NP VP/NP1 we ¨¨HH V NP1 adore 

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S ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH NP1 S/NP1 ¨H what ¨¨HH ¨ H NP VP/NP1 Mary ¨¨HH V NP1 adores 

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S ¨H ¨¨ HH ¨ H NP1 S/NP1 who ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH NP VP/NP1 ¨H Mary ¨¨ HH V VP/NP1 can’t ¨¨HH V NP1 stand 

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S ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH NP1 S/NP1 who ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH NP VP/NP1 Lucy ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH V S’/NP1 said ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH M S/NP1 ¨H that ¨¨ HH ¨ H NP VP/NP1 ¨H Mary ¨¨ HH V VP/NP1 can’t ¨¨HH V NP1 stand 

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 47 / 60 phrase    PHON list(phonstring)        synsem           local              cat    LOCAL     CAT HEAD head  SS       VAL list(synsem)          " #    nonlocal       NONLOCAL   SLASH set(local)        HD-DTR sign  NONHD-DTRS list(sign) Unbounded dependencies

phrase ¨H ¨¨ HH val-phrase fill-phrase

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 49 / 60 Unbounded dependencies

Filler phrase   fill-phrase   PHON hdumplings,we,adorei    SYNSEM | NONLOCAL | SLASH {}        val-phrase     PHON hwe,adorei  HEAD-DTR     n o  SYNSEM | NONLOCAL | SLASH 1            word           NONHD-DTRS PHON hdumplingsi       SYNSEM | LOCAL 1 

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 50 / 60 Unbounded dependencies

Trace   word   PHON hi        LOCAL 1  SYNSEM  n o  NONLOCAL | SLASH 1 

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 51 / 60   fill-phrase P h i   dumplings,we,adore  ..SUBJ hi..COMPS hi..SLASH {} ¨H ¨¨ HH ¨¨ HH     word val-phrase P hdumplingsi P hwe,adorei       n o ..LOCAL 1 ..SUBJ hi..COMPS hi..SLASH 1 ¨¨HH ¨ H ¨¨ HH     word val-phrase P hwei P hadorei       n o SS 3 ..SUBJ h 3 i..COMPS hi..SLASH 1 ¨¨HH ¨¨ HH ¨¨ HH     word word P hadorei  P hi         ..SUBJ h 3 i..COMPS h 2 i..SLASH {}  LOCAL 1    SS 2 n o  ..SLASH 1  1 Reading

2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References word  PHON hjái        synsem         cat         " #     noun    CAT HEAD          CASE nom          VAL hi               nom-obj              index           PERS 1st   SS CONT INDEX 1      NUM sg                 GEND gend             RESTR {}            ctx              c-inds               CTX C-INDS SPEAKER 1           ADDRESSEE index          BCKGRND {}  word    PHON hvyi     synsem           cat        " #      noun    CAT HEAD      CASE nom           h i    VAL SUBJ hi, COMPS hi               nom-obj        " #     index    CONT INDEX 1      PERS 2nd, NUM pl, GEND gend           SS  RESTR {}               ctx               c-inds          C-INDS SPEAKER 2                   ADDRESSEE 1    CTX             honor        " #     non-aggreg    BCKGRND HONORER 2 ,              INST 1      HONORED 1   1 Reading

2 Basics

3 Head features

4 Valency

5 Grammar

6 Semantics

7 Unbounded dependencies

8 Pragmatics

9 References References

Ades, A. E. & Steedman, M. J. (1982). On the order of words. Linguistics and Philosophy, 4, 517–558. 10.1007/BF00360804. Chomsky, N. (1981). Lectures on Government and Binding. Foris, Dordrecht. Dalrymple, M., Kaplan, R. M., Maxwell, J. T., & Zaenen, A., editors (1995). Formal Issues in Lexical-Functional Grammar. CSLI Publications, Stanford, CA.

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 57 / 60 References de Saussure, F. (1916). Cours de linguistique générale. Paris. Publié par Ch. Bally et A. Sechehay avec la collaboration de A Riedlinger. Gazdar, G., Klein, E., Pullum, G., & Sag, I. (1985). Generalized phrase structure grammar. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, USA. Kaplan, R. D. & Bresnan, J. (1982). Lexical-Functional Grammar: A Formal System for Grammatical Representation. In J. Bresnan, editor, The Mental Representation of Grammatical Relations, pages 173–281. The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Reprinted in [Dalrymple et al.(1995), 29-130].

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 58 / 60 References

Kay, M. (1983). Unification Grammar. Technical report, Xerox Palo Alto Research Center, Palo Alto, California. Müller, S. (2007). Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar: Eine Einführung. Number 17 in Stauffenburg Einführungen. Staffenburg Verlag, Tübingen. Pollard, C. & Sag, I. A. (1994). Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. University of Chicago Press. Pollard, C. J. & Sag, I. A. (1987). Information-Based Syntax and Semantics. Number 13 in CSLI Lecture Notes. CSLI, Stanford, California, USA.

Rosen (FF UK) LTGF 27 March 2013 59 / 60 References

Richter, F. (2004). A Web-based Course in Grammar Formalisms and . An electronic course book, http://milca.sfs.uni-tuebingen.de/A4/Course/PDF/gramandpars.pdf. Sag, I. A. & Wasow, T. (1999). Syntactic Theory: A Formal Introduction. CSLI Publications, Stanford, CA. Sag, I. A., Wasow, T., & Bender, E. M. (2003). Syntactic Theory: A Formal Introduction. CSLI Publications, Stanford, CA, 2 edition.

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