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Holocaust Education in the Netherlands En North Rhine Full Version Van Berkel June 2017 Plotlines of Victimhood The Holocaust in German and Dutch history textbooks, 1960-2010 Verhalen van slachtofferschap De Holocaust in Duitse en Nederlandse geschiedenisschoolboeken, 1960-2010 THESIS to obtain the degree of Doctor from the Erasmus University Rotterdam by command of the rector magnificus Prof.dr. H.A.P. Pols and in accordance of the Doctorate Board. The public defense shall be held on Thursday 14 September 2017 at 15.30 hours by Marcus Leonardus Franciscus van Berkel born in Tilburg i Full Version Van Berkel June 2017 Doctoral Committee: Promotors: Prof.dr. M.C.R. Grever Prof.dr. C.R. Ribbens Other members: Prof.dr. B. Wubs Prof.dr. H.C. Dibbits Prof.dr. J. Pekelder ii Full Version Van Berkel June 2017 Contents Preface 3 1. Introduction 6 1.1 Research question 7 1.2 The aftermath of the war: victims and victimhood 11 1.3 Changing historical cultures: history teaching in a globalizing society 17 1.4 Theoretical framework: narratives and plotlines 20 1.5 History textbook research 24 The significance of history textbook research 28 History textbook research and the Holocaust 30 1.6 Sources, methods and design of the study 31 2. World War Two and the Holocaust: German and Dutch Perspectives 37 2.1 A short overview of the dramatic events 37 2.2 The Holocaust and the historical discipline, 1945-1980 49 2.3 The impact of collective memory on Holocaust research, 1980-2010 60 2.4 Conclusion 71 3. National Education Politics and History Education in (West) Germany and the Netherlands after 1945 74 3.1 Educational infrastructure 74 (West) Germany 74 The Netherlands 78 3.2 History education 80 (West) Germany 80 The Netherlands 85 3.3 World War Two and the Holocaust in History Education 93 (West) Germany 94 The Netherlands 96 3.4 Conclusion 99 4. The One-Dimensional Holocaust in West German and Dutch History Textbooks, 1960-1980 102 4.1 Authors and history textbooks 102 West Germany 103 The Netherlands 112 4.2 Holocaust narratives in German and Dutch textbooks 117 Facts and figures: quantitative information 117 Scholarly input in textbooks 118 'Wordy' narratives, sources, illustrations 122 4.3 The historical embedding of the Holocaust in the textbooks 132 4.4 Perpetrators and debates about intentionalists and functionalists 143 4.5 Plotlines of heroic and hidden victims 150 1 Full Version Van Berkel June 2017 Who are the victims? 150 Jewish culture and antisemitism in West German and Dutch textbooks 154 4.6 Individual and collective responsibility issues in history textbooks 158 4.7 Conclusion 163 5. Increasing Visibility and Diversity, 1980-2010 166 5.1 Authors and history textbooks in (West) Germany and the Netherlands: a new generation 166 German Textbooks 166 Dutch Textbooks 173 5.2 Facts and figures: quantitative information 186 Design: headings, sources and illustrations 193 Representation of the Holocaust in German and Dutch textbooks 204 Dutch textbooks and the persecutions in the Netherlands 214 5.3 Multiple perspectives and plotlines of new victimhood 216 Perpetrators, bystanders and victims: dominant perspectives 216 Bystanders 222 Jewish culture and antisemitism 225 Victims 229 Individual and collective responsibility issues 234 5.4 Conclusion 241 6. Conclusion 243 List of Tables and Illustrations 256 Appendices 258 Sources 281 Literature 283 Samenvatting/Summary 303 Short biography of the author 318 Propositions 319 2 Full Version Van Berkel June 2017 Preface In 1965, the public announcement of the proposed marriage of the Dutch crown princess Beatrix with the German diplomat Claus von Amsberg, a former member of the Hitlerjugend and Wehrmacht, caused much uproar in the Netherlands. It was only after thorough investigation of Von Amsberg’s past (‘he hadn’t fired a single shot’) by Dr. Loe de Jong of the State Institute for War Documentation (RIOD) and through intervention of Queen Juliana, that the general public, and Dutch parliament, reluctantly accepted the marriage proposal.1 In 1993, almost thirty years later, the Dutch Institute for International affairs ‘Clingendael’ published the results of a survey among eighteen hundred Dutch youngsters between fifteen and nineteen years about their opinion of Germany and Germans.2 From this survey it showed that fifty-six percent of the youngsters had negative feelings towards the Germans, who were considered to be 'arrogant' and 'dominant'. Almost half of the respondents still saw Germany as a belligerent country wanting to dominate the world. The Clingendael study not only showed negative attitudes towards Germany, but also brought to light how little students knew about Germany and the Germans. Although some doubted whether the outcome of the survey was truly representative,3 the results led to serious concern in the Netherlands, particularly because of possible economic and political consequences. The Dutch government reacted quickly and invested six million guilders in a multiannual program to increase knowledge and improve the perception of modern Germany among Dutch youngsters.4 Remarkably enough, Dutch adults seemed to embrace a much more positive image of Germany.5 Later surveys from 1994 and 1995 indeed showed that the views had somewhat changed: almost fifty percent now indicated that Germany was the Netherlands’ closest ally and that there was little doubt about its democratic stability.6 Although the general image of Germany and the Germans has improved slightly since the 1990s, the negative and stereotypical images among Dutch youngsters seemed to be far more perseverant compared to the more positive attitude of Dutch adults.7 The question arises where these negative sentiments among the young came from. The 1993 Clingendael research showed that no less than sixty-one percent of the interviewed youngsters indicated that their knowledge of Germany derived from history education 1 Righart, De eindeloze jaren zestig, 212-216. See for more Boterman, Duitsland als Nederlands probleem; Müller, Sporen naar Duitsland, Hess and Wielenga, Duitsland in de Nederlandse pers. 2 Jansen, Bekend en onbemind. 3 Some highlighted that the moment when the survey was held was an auspicious one: during the early 1990’s right wing extremism in Germany caused five deaths in Solingen, where a Turkish family residence was set on fire. Dutch producers of a radio program called to protest. Its listeners were asked to send pre- printed postcards with the text "I'm furious" to the German government. Eventually, more than a million postcards were delivered in Bonn. (Timmermans, Buurland in beeld, 5). 4 Tweede Kamer der Staten Generaal, ‘Aanhangsel van de handelingen, vergaderjaar 1997-1998’, available at: http://parlis.nl/pdf/kamervragen/KVR6043.pdf (last consulted 17-8-16). 5 See Dekker and Olde Dubbelink, Duitslandbeeld 1995. 6 Rapport Belevingsonderzoek Duits 2010, 9-10. In 2006, 80% of (eight hundred) readers of the magazine Intermediair claimed to think of Germany as ‘reasonably or very sympathetic, tolerant and peaceful’, see: Rapport Belevingsonderzoek Duits 2010 (uitgave Duitsland Instituut Amsterdam 2010), 9-10 (http://www.duitslandinstituut.nl/art/uploads/files/2011/Rapport%20belevingsonderzoek.pdf). 7 See for more Bendieck and Stehr, ‘Alles Wurst, alles Käse?‘, 3-10; Paul, ‘Duitsers zijn tegenwoordig prima of gewoon’, Wiedemann, ‘Frau Antje in den Wechseljahren‘, (http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d- 13685150.html) (last consulted 17-8-16). 3 Full Version Van Berkel June 2017 and history textbooks.8 Later surveys from 1994 and 1995 indeed showed that the views had somewhat changed: almost fifty percent now indicated that Germany was the Netherlands’ closest ally and that there was little doubt about its democratic stability.9 I became intrigued by the possible connection between such a negative attitude and the content and guided imagery of history textbooks. This prompted me to develop a specific interest in the potential impact and authority that history textbooks can attain. One of the first occasions on which I encountered the potential force of education, was in the early 1990s when I worked as a young teacher in Rostock, in former East Germany. One of my students refused to accept my (and my textbook’s) ‘western’ version of the 1939 Soviet-Russian ‘Molotow-Ribbentrop-pact’, claiming that ‘Stalin would never have approved of a treaty’ with his ideological adversary. Having worked for more than twenty years in secondary and higher education, I have often wondered why the textbooks I used as a history teacher were composed as they were. Sometimes they had left out what I believed to be essential information on a certain topic, sometimes they conveyed knowledge I couldn’t find meaningful for young people, sometimes there were serious errors. What I found in all educational systems I enjoyed working in, however, is that most students consider the content of their textbooks as absolutely true and trustworthy. For some teachers at the beginning of their careers, this may also be the case. History textbooks can influence the collective circulation of certain perceptions, as the aforementioned negative images about Germany and the Germans. Textbooks, in other words, involve ‘the collective level of historical consciousness within a country.10 When I was given the opportunity to critically pursue my inquisitiveness on these issues in a PhD research project, I soon encountered Prof. Maria Grever from the Center for Historical Culture of the Erasmus University Rotterdam. I am greatly indebted to her for the critical involvement she has shown towards my research. My ‘absence’ from the field of research for a long time has made a huge appeal on the quality of her advice and comments, as well as on her patience. Thanks to Maria’s constructive perseverance and motivational guidance I would not have completed this study. Secondly, I would like to thank Prof. Kees Ribbens for his sharp and adequate comments on my work.
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