British Politics Review Journal of the British Politics Society, Norway Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010
The coalition Backdrop and consequences
CONTRIBUTORS Stewart Hosie • Jan Tore Sanner • Trine Skei Grande • Duncan Brack Adam Schoenborn • Adrian Ramsay • Øivind Bratberg • Atle Wold British Politics Review Editorial Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 A political drama with substantial effects ISSN 1890-4505 Little more than three months have passed since this year’s General Election, an British Politics Review is a quarterly election which, beyond the drama of those few days in May, is likely to have a newsletter issued by the British Politics deep political impact on Britain. Society, Norway. With contributions from academic and journalistic sour- The election campaign was affected by excitement due to the expected end of an ces, the British Politics Review is aimed era. The decreasing popularity of the Labour government and its leader Gordon at everyone with a general interest in Brown was met by the vigour of his main Prime Ministerial contender, David political developments in Britain. Cameron. In addition, helped by his appearance in the fi rst-ever televised debates between the three main party leaders, Nick Clegg added additional fervour to British Politics Society, Norway is the campaign, achieving a breakthrough for the Liberal Democrats in the press, politically neutral and has no col- in opinion polls and in the general political consciousness of the electorate. lective agenda apart from raising the interest and knowledge of British Consequently, Election Day itself and the days that followed became even more politics among the informed Norwe- of a thriller than most analysts had expected. Once the election result was made public, it was clear that Britain for the fi rst time since 1974 was faced with the gian public. precarious situation of a hung Parliament. Days of speculation, negotiation and uncertainty followed. For a few days, Gordon Brown and the Labour Party Editorial team had a small, if not too realistic, hope of clinging to power. However, when it Øivind Bratberg [Editor] became clear that the negotiations between the Conservatives and the Liberal Kristin M. Haugevik [Associate Editor] Democrats were in fact progressing, Brown stepped down following a moving Atle L. Wold [Scholarly Responsible] resignation speech outside Downing Street. The speech represented the de facto John-Ivar S. Olsen [Secretary] end of Labour’s unprecedented thirteen year period in power.
Postal address The new British government is atypical. Not only are coalition governments in P.O. Box 6 Blindern themselves a rare phenomenon in British politics, but Britain now has a coalition N-0313 Oslo, Norway government between two parties - the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats – that were seen to be incompatible according to the perceived progressive Email kinship between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. And, of course, the new [email protected] occupant of 10 Downing Street is historic too: at the age of 43, David Cameron is the youngest Prime Minister to have held the post since the Earl of Liverpool Website resigned in 1827. www.britishpoliticssociety.no Despite the initial warnings from many quarters, the coalition government Print survives after three months in power, having delineated its plans for the public Reprosentralen, Oslo, Norway sector (notably through the crisis budget) as well as for constitutional reforms. The Liberal Democrats had reform of the electoral system as a key priority in the Cover photo election campaign, and so far reform seems to be a price the Conservatives are Prime Minister David Cameron and willing to pay for being in offi ce. Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg At the time of writing, it still remains to be seen whether the government’s approach their joint press conference imprint on the British political landscape will be a lasting one and, indeed, in the garden of Downing Street, 12 whether it will be able to honour its pledge of serving the full fi ve-year term till May 2010. 2015. In the meantime, this issue of British Politics Review offers a broad range of Crown copyright / The Prime Minister’s Offi ce [Pub- lished under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- perspectives on the coalition. cial-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic Licence]. Øivind Bratberg & Kristin M. Haugevik, Editors Manuscripts Within a relatively broad framework, British Politics Review welcomes arti- Contents Renewal of British politics: the Scottish cles on British politics and society, perspective preferably related to the thematic Cameron: no accidental reformer Stewart Hosie p. 8 area set for each issue (announced in Jan Tore Sanner p. 3 the previous issue and on our web- Beyond localism: rethinking the way A historic achievement Britain is governed site). Please contact the editors at Trine Skei Grande p. 4 Adam Schoenborn p. 9 [email protected] A win for the Green Party and the politics Parliamentary reform: the coalition’s of hope challenge Subscriptions Adrian Ramsay p. 5 Øivind Bratberg p. 10 100 NOK pr year Please contact us at mail@britishpoli- Liberal Democrats enter government: no Coalition: Cameron’s stroke of genius? more realignment of the left? Atle L. Wold p. 11 ticssociety.no or visit our website. Duncan Brack pp. 6-7 The political map of Britain 2010 p. 12
2 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 Cameron: no accidental reformer By Jan Tore Sanner, Høyre (the Conservative Party of Norway) Jan Tore San- use of new technology to reach younger the only major point of contention is the voters, and a focus on David Cameron’s respective positions on Europe and the ner is deputy person helped rebrand the party. EU. The decision to leave the European leader of Høyre. Personal traits are clearly visible his style People’s Party group in European A member of of political leadership. He has been very institutions, an early pledge made to the Storting open with respect to his personal history, the strong Euro-sceptic wing of the since 1993, he and on how his experiences as a father party, weakened both the EPP and the has since 2001 and the death of his son have shaped him Tories’ potential for infl uence in Europe. played a central both as a person and as a politician. Hopefully, this can be rectifi ed. part in the Both the reformed policies and the Translating Cameron’s ambitions into standing com- modern image were already real reforms is now the mittee on fi nance and economic evident during Cameron’s ”[T]he Tories’ responsibility of his new affairs. In the present Storting he visit to Norway in 2006. Six modernisation coalition government. So is second vice chair of the commit- months into his leadership and reorientation far, signs are good. The tee and deputy leader of Høyre’s he went to Svalbard to under Cameron formal coalition agenda parliamentary party. study climate change fi rst contains many of the best hand. In Oslo he met with has brought them policies from both the Tories politicians from Høyre and closer to their and the Liberal Democrats. ”Britain’s accidental revolution” read held a speech on the issue. European, and Inter-party cooperation the cover title of the fi rst issue of The The message was clear: especially their seems to be going well, as Economist after the British general “Vote Blue, Go Green”. This Scandinavian sister do personal relations in the election in May this year. Though the has been a key theme for the parties.” Cabinet. The emergency fi rst coalition government in the UK in party ever since. budget of 22 June shows a 65 years may have been accidental, that clear commitment to make is certainly not true for David Cameron’s Observers have commented that the some very tough choices. drive to reform – fi rst his party, then Tories’ modernisation and reorientation British politics itself. After the 6 May under Cameron has brought them closer However, serious challenges remain. elections he emerged as the youngest to their European, and especially their The economic situation is critical, with Prime Minister in 200 years. Scandinavian sister parties. In many Britain being one of the most indebted ways this is true. Though cooperation countries in Europe after 13 years of After losing three general elections in a between the Conservatives and Høyre Labour rule. The government’s promise row, and after a 2005 campaign that left historically has been close, Cameron’s to cut the defi cit in fi ve years will have a the party exhausted, deeply divided and reformed party is in many ways much huge impact and potentially create great with an image truly living up to its old more similar to the modern conservative tension both within the government and reputation as ”the nasty party”, reform parties of Scandinavia than some earlier with the public. It is in many ways a huge was sorely needed. Cameron won the incarnations. Inspiration from Fredrik gamble. During a parliamentary group leadership race soundly by promising Reinfeldt’s Swedish Moderaterna seems visit to London last year, I discussed the revitalisation and transformation – to to have been especially strong, and the fi nancial crisis at length with George give the party a different look and trajectories of their respective leaderships Osborn, then shadow Chancellor, now sound and to increase its appeal beyond and party reforms have run almost in one of the key members of the cabinet. traditional Tory supporters, especially parallel. He was very clear in his views on the among young, urban and northern way out of the crisis, and has in many voters. The years that have passed since On key policies, the cooperation and ways delivered a “cure or kill” budget. then have lent credence to his plan. exchange of ideas remains strong. Today, The fi scal situation, From the start he challenged however, leaves less room the right wing of his party for the implementation of and aimed to reclaim the promised new policies, political centre that had with large spending cuts in been lost to Labour in the almost every sector except late nineties. Gradually health and development limiting his opponents’ aid. The pressure on both room for manoeuvre, he the government and David systematically delivered new Cameron himself will policies aimed at tackling probably only increase as the issues of our time, such the true consequences of as climate change and the the economic crisis unfold environment, integration, over the coming years. The development and high handling of the economy quality public services. will be the true test of Mr. These policy changes have Cameron’s leadership – a now become the basis of the fact of which he himself new Government’s platform. is acutely aware. Though the times are dire, the A new image and modern hope remains that a leaner, communication with the stronger Britain can emerge voters has also been essential Head of government. David Cameron takes questions during a PM Direct session at EasyJet from the crisis. to the Tories’ success. Active in Luton, 16 July 2010. Crown copyright / The Prime Minister’s Offi ce
3 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010
A historic achievement By Trine Skei Grande, Venstre (the Liberal Party of Norway) Trine Skei regulation. The New Liberals saw freedom increasingly popular Conservative and individual liberty as achievable only Party, the British electorate was ready for Grande is the under favourable social circumstances a change in government. party leader that are secured by a relatively strong of Venstre. welfare state. The state is not seen as a Still, merely representing an alternative Elected to goal in itself, but rather as a tool for its to more established political parties, the Stor- citizens. This ideological strain has been and being perceived as a viable – and ting in 2001, the underlying raison d’être for both the increasingly possible – party in a she chaired Liberal Democrats and Venstre. coalition government, is not in itself suffi cient to succeed in a general Venstre’s par- On the day of the British General Election election. Indeed, having a political liamentary in May this year, I was lucky enough to project which people believe in and group from 2001 to 2005. Grande be spending time with Liberal Democrat are inspired by is just as important, was elected leader of the party in colleagues in London. With Nick Clegg’s if not more. Like Venstre and several 2010. In the current Storting, she knock-out performance in the televised other European social liberal parties, again leads the party’s parliamenta- debates in mind, as well as the excited the Liberal Democrats have remained ry group and serves in the standing anticipation among the general public loyal to their core political priorities and about the outcome of the election, it values, including environmental issues, committees on Education, Research was truly inspirational to follow the social responsibility, education, and civil and Church Affairs as well as Scru- last campaign efforts by local Liberal liberties. It is my impression that the tiny and Constitutional Affairs. Democrat representatives and activists British electorate – as in other European close-up. countries – is becoming increasingly This year’s General Election in the UK aware of and interested may very well be remembered as one of For Venstre it is important ”Like Venstre and many in these issues. Seen from the most intense and exciting elections to draw inspiration and of the other European this perspective, the 23 in modern British history. Throughout learn from the campaign social liberal parties, the percent of the votes cast its campaign, Venstre’s sister party, the strategy of the British Liberal Democrats have for the Liberal Democrats Liberal Democrats, managed to strike a liberals. As Venstre’s newly remained loyal to their in this year’s General chord with the British electorate which elected party leader, I am Election looks promising eventually awarded them 23 percent of particularly fascinated by core political priorities for the future. the popular vote – their best result in a the Liberal Democrats’ very and values, including general election in decades. Although the practical and hands-on environmental issues, At the t ime of w rit i ng, polls current British election system disfavours focus on community issues social responsibility, suggest that the Liberal third parties with regard to proportional – so-called “pavement education, and civil Democrats have lost some representation in parliament – 23 percent politics” – with which the of the support they won of the popular vote gave the party only party has had considerable liberties.” during this year’s election 8.8 percent of the seats in parliament – the success. campaign. Given the tough election secured the Liberal Democrats measures that the coalition government governmental power in coalition with In short, pavement politics rests on has put forward, not least when it comes the Conservative Party. This is indeed a the notion that all politics in its very to defi cit reduction and cuts in public remarkable achievement by a third party essence is local, and that in order to enjoy spending, this is not very surprising. In faced with a profound electoral threshold. electoral successes – on the local as well addition to this, being the smaller party The Liberal Democrats has managed to as national level – one must focus on the in a coalition government is never easy. alter the political balance between the big and small issues that really matter I am, however, confi dent that the Liberal Conservative Party and Labour that has to people. Politicians are ombudsmen Democrats will push wholeheartedly for been so dominant in post-war British for the electorate, and any political the various measures that are expressed politics, and relaunch themselves as a campaign must refl ect this. Of course, in the coalition agreement between the signifi cant political alternative for the there is nothing new with this notion as party and the Conservatives. It will be British electorate. such, but the Liberal Democrats have had particularly interesting to follow the a very meticulous and systematic focus upcoming process on electoral reform, For as long as I have been an active on pavement politics, and I think this – which is one of the most important factors member of Venstre, we have enjoyed along with Mr Clegg’s performance in the impacting on the Liberal Democrats’ close contact with the Liberal Democrats, televised debates – may count as a major future representation in and infl uence on both at the party level and between explanatory factor as to why the party did British politics. party individuals. This falls very rise in the polls throughout the election natural, given our two parties’ shared campaign. I congratulate the Liberal Democrats ideological background and similar on their performance in this year’s political values and priorities. Great Another important factor explaining the election campaign. In my opinion, their political thinkers such as John Stuart Liberal Democrats’ breakthrough in this achievements in the campaign and on Mill, Jeremy Bentham, Thomas Hill year’s General Election is the fact that Election Day have already initiated Green and later L.T. Hobhouse have been over the last couple of decades, the party a fundamental change in the British crucial in formulating the ideology of has gained much local representation – party system. That is certainly no small social liberalism which both the Liberal e.g. in city councils – and thus managed achievement. Democrats and Venstre adhere to. These to establish itself as a credible and viable thinkers – often referred to as the New alternative vis-à-vis Labour and the Liberals – collectively and individually Conservative Party on the local level. made a strong case against laissez-faire This is, of course, not to undermine the classical liberalism and in favour of fact that after thirteen years with Labour some degree of state intervention and in power and with a fresh-looking and
4 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 A win for the Green Party and the politics of hope By Adrian Ramsay Here’s renewal. We did avoid the possibility of a double- it. For the fi rst time dip recession, while creating anywhere in the world much-needed jobs and tackling a Green politician environmental problems. The good has been elected to a news is that the big three parties have national parliament already started to pinch some of our under a fi rst past the policies – talking about our Green post electoral system. New Deal, green investment banks, It is a tremendous and free insulation schemes. The achievement for bad news is that so far it’s all talk and AdrianAdrian RamsayRamsayi iss the Green Party of deputy leader of the no action. In fact many backward England and Wales Green Party of England steps are being taken with major cuts to have fi nally found and Wales and a coun- recently announced to environmental parliamentary cillor in Norwich City schemes, including the scrapping Council. A candidate in representation through Norwich South at the of the Sustainable Development Caroline Lucas, MP for 2010 general election, Commission. Brighton Pavilion. he secured the second highest Green vote in the The election of the UK’s fi rst Green country, doubling the This historic party’s support to 15%. MP brings tremendous opportunities breakthrough into for Green policies and principles to be Westminster is already changing public aired nationally and for the big three Caroline Lucas, leader of the Green Party and MP following this year’s election. perceptions of the Green Party. Since parties to be held accountable for I joined the Party twelve years ago their actions (or lack of action). Issues I have witnessed our support grow that would never have been raised on the One Green voice in Parliament is a hugely steadily as a result of effective grassroots agenda can now be debated and brought positive step, not only for the Green campaigning and our achievements on to public attention. Party, but for British politics as a whole. local councils, the European Parliament, Before the 2010 general election, the UK the London Assembly and the Scottish Some are sceptical about the difference was the only European country never to Parliament. But the election of the fi rst that a single MP can make, but the have elected Greens in its Parliament. Green MP has brought Green Party election of the fi rst Green In Caroline’s maiden speech policies to the national stage. More MP is far more important she compared her presence and more people are recognising Green than just another Labour, ”Before the 2010 in Westminster to the fi rst politics as a serious alternative to the old Lib Dem or Conservative general election, Socialist and Independent three-party system. The old stereotypes MP. Caroline Lucas will the UK was the Labour MPs “whose arrival of the Greens as a ”single issue” party bring a fresh approach to over a century ago was seen as only European a sign of coming revolution... are fading away as people hear our wide politics, but she will also country never range of policies on diverse social and pave the way for more What was once radical, even economic issues. Green MPs to follow, to have elected revolutionary, has become bringing a new political Greens in its understood, accepted, and Many people today are not just attracted force to Westminster. The Parliament.” even cherished.” In this by our environmental policies, but by big three parties can no way, the Green Party win in our policies on education, the NHS, the longer claim that “a Green Brighton Pavilion is a sign of economy, protecting public services, and vote is a wasted vote”. We’ve shown that change and acceptance for a new kind of creating jobs. Our core values of social we can win under fi rst past the post. politics – a politics where people can vote and environmental justice resonate Under a fair and democratic system of for what they really want, not against with many people who have grown proportional representation we would what they fear. disillusioned with the failure of the big see even more Greens elected, but even three parties to tackle social inequalities. in the absence of a fair voting system in If Caroline Lucas can be elected even As the new Coalition Government wields Britain we have shown that Green votes under our current unfair voting system, its axe of “callous and uncaring cuts” over do make a difference. then there is hope for a reinvigorated vital public services British politics and vulnerable social where diverse groups, the Green views and voices are Party’s membership represented. It is is growing at an refreshing to see that unprecedented rate. the people of Brighton People are drawn Pavilion have chosen to our positive the “politics of hope vision for tackling above the politics of the economic crisis fear.” The courage through investment of those voters has in green jobs and local opened up new manufacturing, and a choices for all voters tax on the high-risk in Britain and has fi nancial transactions paved the way for that caused the global many others to vote crisis in the fi rst place. for what they believe in. We believe our Green at last! Vote shares at general elections since 1950 in Brighton Pavilion, the constituency which in 2010 elected Britain’s policies would fi rst Green MP.
5 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 Liberal Democrats enter government: no more realignment of the left? By Duncan Brack At the threshold of became the highlight of the election, and vote had increased under a Labour a new era? The 2010 was itself covered at length in the media, government. It represents the second best election proved to be helping to perpetuate the phenomenon. Liberal result since 1929, exceeded only by the most dramatic the Liberal-SDP Alliance’s 25.4 per cent in the twenty-two The surge did not survive the third debate, in 1983; and 2010 is the third election in year history of the however, on 29 April, where both the other a row in which the Lib Dem vote rose. By Liberal Democrats. leaders were perceived to have performed comparison, the Labour vote of 29.0 per The most high-profi le more strongly. The media spotlight meant cent was very poor, their second worst election campaign that, inevitably, more attention was paid result since 1918 (when they fought only the party has ever to Liberal Democrat policies than hitherto, half the seats), after only 1983 (27.6 per Duncan Brack is the enjoyed was followed Editor of the Journal of and some of them, notably a liberal attitude cent). Similarly, the Conservative vote of by disappointment Liberal History (see www. to immigration, proved unpopular with 36.1 per cent was their fi fth lowest since – a rise in votes but liberalhistory.org.uk), and some voters. Possibly the party’s focus 1918; only 2005, 2001, 1997 and October a fall in seats – but a member of the Liberal on winning seats through intensive 1974 were worse. For the fi rst time ever then by the party’s Democrats’ Federal Policy local campaigning, with the candidate since Labour supplanted the Liberals entry into coalition Committee. presented as the local advocate, ready as the main non-Conservative Party, government, not to take up citizens’ grievances whatever the combined Conservative and Labour with the partners most observers would their basic views, did not help to build any vote fell below two-thirds of the total. have expected – the Labour Party – but kind of ideological attachment to Liberal with the Conservatives. Does this mark Democrat policies; when they started The Liberal Democrats scored particularly the end of the strategy pursued by Liberal to fi nd out what these actually were, a well in the younger age groups, winning leaders since the 1960s, of a realignment proportion of the party’s local voters 34 per cent of women aged 18–24 (ahead of the left? And what can be learnt from began to detach themselves. Possibly, of both other parties, and 8 per cent up on the experiences of the election campaign? also, the rapid increase in the party’s 2005), and 30 per cent of men aged 25–34 standing in the polls helped to undermine (well ahead of Labour, and 3 per cent up The Liberal Democrats entered the 2010 its own targeting strategy, convincing on 2005). In terms of the regional break- election campaign with expectations candidates and activists in what were in down, the party’s vote rose most strongly of at least a reasonable result. The 2005 reality unwinnable seats that they had in the East Midlands (+2.4 per cent), election had seen a sharp increase in a chance and deterring them moving South-western England, Yorkshire & the the party’s vote, to 22.0 per cent, and the to help in more winnable prospects. Humber and Eastern England (all +2.2 highest number of seats – sixty-two – since per cent). The party ended 1923, largely on the back of the party’s What the opinion polls also in second place in three opposition (alone amongst the major failed to pick up was the ”[I]t took 33,000 regions, South-west, South- parties) to the war in Iraq. Two successive ephemeral nature of much votes to elect each east and Eastern (where Liberal Democrat leadership elections, in of the Liberal Democrat Labour MP, 35,000 it took second place from 2006 and 2007, coupled with the revival support. Closer analysis for each Tory, Labour and won four seats, of the Conservative Party under David reveals that those who said but 120,000 votes the highest number since Cameron and the growing unpopularity they were planning to vote 1929). In only one case did the of the Labour government, had seemed to for the party were also those for each Liberal party’s vote fall: Scotland, by presage a fall in the Liberal Democrat and least likely to be sure about Democrat.” 3.7 per cent (although this Labour votes and a Conservative victory. their choice, least likely that led to no net loss of seats). Yet opinion polls showed that the rise in they would vote at all, and most likely not the Conservative vote was mostly the to have voted at the previous election (the In terms of seats, the fi rst-past-the- result of a dislike of Labour rather than strongest determinant of turn-out at the post system yet again demonstrated its any strong attraction to the Tories, and the next). In addition, as in the 1992 election, capricious and arbitrary nature: it took new Liberal Democrat leader, Nick Clegg, the fact that the polls pointed steadily 33,000 votes to elect each Labour MP, proved steadily more popular with the to a hung parliament as the most likely 35,000 for each Tory, but 120,000 votes for electorate. The party entered the election outcome seems to have scared some voters each Liberal Democrat. There was a large on about 18–20 per cent in the opinion polls back to their traditional loyalties. This number of very near misses – the party and could reasonably have expected to was probably reinforced by many of the failed to gain or hold no less than twelve put on 3–6 per cent during the campaign, main newspapers, particularly the wide- seats by less than 1,000 votes in each case. probably picking up seats from Labour circulation Daily Mail, arguing strongly In other encouraging signs, the number of but losing a few to the Conservatives. against a vote for the Liberal Democrats. Liberal Democrat second places rose from 188 to 242; the party is now within 10 per The television debates between the three Whatever the reason, the outcome of cent of winning in 45 seats, compared to 31 main party leaders – Britain’s fi rst – the election of Thursday 6 May proved in 2005; and the Lib Dems lost no deposits transformed the election. Clegg clearly a disappointment to Liberal Democrat at all (the Tories lost two, Labour fi ve). out-performed the other two in the fi rst activists. While the last opinion polls debate, on 15 April, and more narrowly in of the campaign had pointed to a fi nal Despite Liberal Democrat disappointments, the second, on 22 April. His message, that vote of 26–28 per cent, in fact the result the end result of the 2010 election was real change was needed, clearly resonated was 23.0 per cent and a net loss of indeed a hung parliament, with no party with the electorate, and the argument that six seats, ending on fi fty-seven (from achieving an overall majority. Most only the Liberal Democrats, with no record sixty-three, the 2005 total of sixty-two observers probably expected a Conservative of failure in government, could deliver plus one by-election gain from 2006). minority government, which would avoid it seemed to strike a chord. The party anything too controversial until it could call shot up in the opinion polls, reaching as In fact, however, there was much to be a second election in the hope of winning a high as thirty-four per cent on a couple optimistic about. The party’s total vote of majority (as Labour had done in 1974). of occasions, ahead of both the other two 23.0 per cent was 1 per cent up on 2005, parties. The Liberal Democrat ‘surge’ only the second time that the Liberal
6 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 Liberal Democrats enter government... (cont.) By Duncan Brack However, it was not to be; the pressing need an end by the overwhelming Labour victory between David Cameron and Nick Clegg to deal with the UK’s public sector defi cit, of 1997. In addition to these Westminster clearly worked, whereas neither got on coupled with a genuine desire amongst events, Labour and the Liberal Democrats well with Gordon Brown. Although this Conservative and Liberal Democrat leaders formed coalitions in the new devolved factor by itself would clearly not have been to work together, led to an unexpected and, parliaments in Scotland (1999–2007) and in suffi cient, it certainly helped, and should in recent British experience, rare, outcome: Wales (2000–03). prove of value in managing the coalition in a coalition government, agreed by both the diffi cult times to come. parties on Tuesday 11 May. This followed fi ve What was different about 2010? Why did the days of dramatic and intensive negotiations Liberal Democrats end up in coalition with In the fi nal analysis, what would have been between the Liberal Democrats and, the Conservatives? At least four reasons can expected to have marked the ”realignment separately, both Conservative and Labour be ascertained. First, electoral arithmetic. A of the left” – a Liberal Democrat–Labour parties. The end result was a Conservative– Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition coalition – was simply not an available Liberal Democrat coalition, with fi ve Liberal would enjoy a clear majority in the House option: both because it was not practical Democrats taking their places as the fi rst of Commons; a Labour–Liberal Democrat and, more arguably, because Labour had Liberal cabinet ministers since 1945. (A one would be just short. Although it would ceased to provide the left-wing option. further fourteen took up junior positions in be possible to add in the votes of the other After thirteen years of Labour government, the new government.) ”progressive” parties (the Scottish and increasingly centralising and authoritarian, Welsh nationalists, one Green and one from with a poor record on political reform and Does this mark the end of the strategy the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland), on many social issues such as income of the realignment of the left, an aim any such arrangement would be terribly inequality, and with a disastrous foreign pursued by successive Liberal and Liberal vulnerable to parliamentary rebellion. policy record, the so-called ”progressive Democrat leaders since the 1960s? The rise coalition” option in reality did not look that of the Labour Party in the early part of the Second, because a signifi cant portion of progressive. The fi nal coalition deal was twentieth century, supplanting the Liberal the Labour Party did not want it. Although recognised even by left-wing commentators Party as the main anti-Conservative Party some at least of the Labour negotiating as more progressive, in many areas, than (and recruiting many ex-Liberals in the team – including their leader Gordon Labour’s manifesto had been. process) seemed to point to a much closer Brown – seemed to be genuine in their affi nity between Liberal Democrats and desire for a deal, it was clear that others Does this, then, mark a fi nal end to any Labour than between either party and the were not, feeling, perhaps rightly, that prospects of the realignment of the left? Not Conservatives. From the 1960s onwards, the Liberal Democrats were using them necessarily, though how this turns out will every decade has seen Liberals attempt to try and extract a better deal from the depend on the performance of the coalition some sort of realignment of the left, aiming Conservatives. The negotiations were also government, and of the Liberal Democrats to create either a new non-socialist radical conducted against a background of Labour within it. Two possible outcomes (at least) alternative to the Tories or, MPs and ex-ministers can be foreseen. less ambitiously, a closer ”[W]hat would have been calling for their party to relationship between expected to have marked have nothing to do with In the pessimistic scenario, the government the two ”progressive” the ’realignment of the any such a coalition – takes an increasingly right-wing direction parties. left’ – a Liberal Democrat– partly out of dislike of the and the Liberal Democrats are seen merely Labour coalition – was Liberal Democrats, partly as propping up the Conservatives, without The narrow Labour out of a feeling that after achieving anything distinctive themselves. victory in 1964, following simply not an available such a clear rejection by In this case, one could expect the Liberal years of ideological option: both because it was the electorate, Labour Democrats themselves to become more disputes, had given not practical and, more had no moral case for right wing, as their own left-wingers drop rise to Liberal leader Jo arguably, because Labour staying in government. out of the party or defect to Labour or the Grimond’s hopes of a had ceased to provide the And certainly it would Greens. The 2015 election (held under split in the Labour Party, have been diffi cult to have the old fi rst-past-the-post system, as the but this was brought to left-wing option.” formed a government out electoral reform referendum is lost) sees the an end by the decisive of two parties which had party lose most of its seats and be relegated Labour electoral victory in 1966. In the both lost seats in the election. to the sidelines once more. 1970s, the loss of the Labour government’s parliamentary majority in 1976 led to the Third, because the Conservatives offered In the optimistic scenario, the government Lib–Lab Pact, through which the Liberals the Liberal Democrats a much better is a success, and many of its achievements kept Labour in offi ce; but the outcomes deal. The fi nal coalition programme for are identifi ed with its Liberal Democrat were not clear and further cooperation was government incorporated many specifi c members; it is clearly different from swept away by Mrs Thatcher’s election in Liberal Democrat pledges, and was a majority Conservative government. 1979. In the 1980s, Labour fi nally did split, particularly strong on political reform Labour fails to provide a compelling leading to the breakaway Social Democratic (including a referendum on reform of the alternative, descending instead into Party, which fought elections in alliance voting system, reform of the House of mere oppositionalism; as a result, the with the Liberals; but the experiment Lords, and the extension of civil liberties) more moderate and less tribalist Labour failed, the Labour Party survived and in and on environmental policy, two areas supporters steadily swing to the Liberal 1988 the two alliance partners merged to dear to Liberal Democrat hearts. The Liberal Democrats, leading to it overtaking Labour form the Liberal Democrats. In the 1990s, Democrat negotiators felt that they were as the main non-Conservative party. The the fi rst Liberal Democrat leader, Paddy being offered a particularly good deal by 2015 election (held under a reformed Ashdown, abandoned his initial strategy the Conservative leadership both because it voting system) results in a much more even of ”equidistance” between the other two was desperate to get into government and outcome, with the Liberal Democrats able to main parties, and tried to use the election also because it wanted to use the Liberal choose either of the other two main parties of the new Labour leader Tony Blair to once Democrats to marginalise its own right as a new coalition partner. Perhaps for again seek a rapprochement between the wing. the fi rst time in recent history, the Liberal two parties. But as in 1966, the possibility of Democrats have their future very much in any dramatic new development was put to And fourth, because the personal chemistry their own hands.
7 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 Renewal of British politics: the Scottish perspective By Stewart Hosie, Member of Parliament for Dundee East Contradictions. The Together, the SNP and Plaid Cymru policy and campaigning platform which adversarial, dualistic proposed a number of solutions to committed both parties to a series of nature of Westminster ameliorate this exclusion and entered objectives which they would strive politics is well refl ected into discussions with broadcasters. to achieve in a balanced parliament. in the green benches of While some concessions - such as the House of Commons increased airtime around the debates - This predicted outcome proved accurate. chamber. Two rigid sides were granted, none of the broadcasters No party won an outright majority in perpetual opposition. offered coverage which truly refl ected and it seemed likely that the next UK Long rows designed for the political reality around the UK. Government would be a coalition - big groups. However, the 9 seats held by the SNP and Plaid StewartStewartH Hosieosie( (SNP)SNP) that simply does not has been MP for While the commercial broadcasters - Cymru became very signifi cant. refl ect the political reality Duneed East since Sky and ITV - had no obligation to offer which exists in the UK. 2005. He is chief whip balanced political coverage, public sector There were three possible scenarios: the and deputy leader of broadcaster, the BBC does. It was on this Conservatives could form a minority Devolution in 1999 the SNP’s parlia- basis that the SNP took the matter to the government or they could go into changed the political mentary party and Scottish Court of Session but the timeframes coalition with the Liberal Democrats currently serves in the landscape forever – Treasury Committee. were such that this action could not be or Labour could form a rainbow and around the new concluded before the BBC debate took place. coalition with the Liberal Democrats administrations in together with MPs from the SDLP, SNP, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland The SNP remain optimistic that our action Plaid Cymru and the Green Party. strong national parties emerged. this time will strengthen our position to ensure the make up of any subsequent In the week following the General The Westminster system now sits alongside debates better refl ect the political Election, a series of tense negotiations the devolution settlement and not always choices faced by voters across the UK. took place in London. The SNP met comfortably. The 2010 General Election and with civil service negotiating teams its aftermath demonstrate how competing The issues around the leaders’ debates in preparation for negotiations over for seats at Westminster as a smaller highlighted the challenges faced by a possible rainbow coalition. In the party can prove particularly challenging. smaller parties in Westminster elections. end, the Conservatives favoured a Where the dominant political parties coalition with Liberal Democrats but This article will consider what the are given media exposure as a matter of this close election contest underlined the particular challenges presented by course, smaller parties have to battle for it. important role smaller parties can play. the campaign and - now that the dust While the SNP and Plaid Cymru may have has settled - what opportunities have been disadvantaged by their exclusion Since the formation of the new Coalition subsequently developed for smaller from the leaders’ debates, with the polls Government and the shift by the parties in the Westminster parliament predicting a hung or balanced parliament, Liberal Democrats from third party to now that the Liberal Democrats have the signifi cance of smaller blocs within party of government, there have been entered into government with a focus on the UK Parliament was considerable. some small changes at Westminster. my own party, the Scottish National Party. While speaking time in the Chamber Together, the SNP and Plaid Cymru for the 30 MPs representing smaller The 2010 campaign was dominated by three launched “4 Wales, 4 Scotland” - a joint parties still remains very limited, some leaders’ debates. Taking their cue from the concessions have been granted. SNP, US Presidential Debates, the BBC, ITV and Plaid Cymru and Democratic Unionist Sky each proposed 90 minute discussions Representatives have been allotted involving Labour leader Gordon Brown places on key Select Committees and Conservative leader David Cameron including the Treasury Select and Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg. Committee and increased opportunities to ask questions at Scottish Questions. While this high profi le platform with massive potential to engage voters Smaller parties have also been offered was welcomed by all parties, for a small increase in the number of the SNP and our sister party Plaid Opposition Day debates they are Cymru in Wales, the proposed format permitted to propose. However, put forward were unacceptable. representatives from the smaller parties have been excluded from Backbench Including the Liberal Democrats Business Committee - a powerful new represented a slight shift away from committee established to engage MPs the adversarial Labour / Conservative who are not members of the government debates which tend to play out in the to help set the agenda in parliament. UK media but it did not make adequate provision for the smaller parties and by The General Election 2010 demonstrated extension did not refl ect the political how the political system at Westminster choice voters had to make on polling day. caters for the needs of larger political parties and the interests of smaller The SNP and Plaid are both parties ones are often marginalised. As the of government in Scotland and Wales Liberal Democrats have entered respectively but were excluded from government and changed the dynamic the leaders’ debate by broadcasters on at Westminster, we will watch with the basis that they did not put forward interest to see what new role emerges candidates in all UK constituencies. Two sides. The emphasis on adversarial politics must for smaller parties in the UK Parliament. be revised to take notice of smaller parties and multiple interests, argues Stewart Hosie MP.
8 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010
Beyond localism: rethinking the way Britain is governed By Adam Schoenborn Decentralise to deliver. bypass local Nimbyism saw diversity and Political decentralisation alone will not Whenever a government independent retailers visibly eroded from give people transformative power to shape leaves offi ce in Britain, it high streets. Small shops were replaced by their lives and communities, economic inevitably leaves in its the same chain retailers and restaurants decentralisation will be every bit as wake a glut of insightful so systematically that, in 2004, the term important to this goal. Despite inhibiting memoirs. While the “clone town” entered the British lexicon. the growth of income inequality, New headline-grabbing Labour allowed meaningful asset- memoir this year may Private and state monopolies have ownership to become the preserve of the be Peter Mandelson’s centralised markets, capital and political rich, culminating in a society where the candid look into the Adam Schoenborn is a power, disenfranchising individuals and wealthiest half of households now hold profound interpersonal senior researcher for the communities around the country. The 91 per cent of the UK’s total wealth and problems that famously think tank ResPublica. election of a new government offers a the least wealthy half hold the remaining plagued New Labour’s His research examines window, if not a mandate, to revisit this 9 per cent. It remains to be seen whether time in offi ce, it was how localism can political and economic settlement. the Coalition Government will pursue hardly internal agonism contribute towards economic decentralisation with the same poverty alleviation, which stopped New civic engagement and Set in fi rm contrast to this vision of Big enthusiasm it has displayed towards Labour from realising public service reform. State and Big Business political decentralisation. their progressive vision solutions to centrally ”Political decentralisation Restoring an ownership for society. For a real insight into the identifi ed problems is alone will not give people stake in communities must philosophical, political and pragmatic David Cameron’s vision be a top priority whether error embedded in New Labour’s core, the of the Big Society, the power to shape their through a one-off give most instructive memoir remains Michael stated aim of which is lives and communities, away of assets, as with the Barber’s Instruction to Deliver. to go beyond localism economic decentralisation Thatcher administration’s to state-enabled social will be every bit as. Right to Buy scheme, or Writing about his time as the Head of the action. The Big Society important to this goal.” an asset-based approach Prime Minister’s Delivery Unit from 2001 has been summarised to the benefi ts system, to 2005, Barber’s memoir is a chronicle of by Cameron as “a huge something which has how the Blair administration set about the culture change, where people, in their already been seriously undermined by centralisation of the British public sector everyday lives, in their homes, in their the withdrawal of Child Trust Funds and and political apparatus. Frustrated by the neighbourhoods, in their workplace, don’t the Savings Gateway. lack of progress on public sector reform in always turn to offi cials, local authorities his fi rst term, Tony Blair interpreted his or central government for answers to George Osborne’s offer of progressively re-election in 2001 as “a mandate for reform the problems they face but instead feel discounted shares in state-owned banks … an instruction to deliver.” Reasonably both free and powerful enough to help is certainly a promising start, but needs enough, in exchange for greatly increased themselves and their own communities.” to be a signal of an enduring commitment public sector investment, the Blair The idea is to allow agents in civil society to widespread economic participation. administration wanted demonstrable to identify social needs and for the The Coalition need to follow it up by outcomes of its choosing: more offenders Government to provide them with the revisiting competition in the retail sector, brought to justice, lower cancer mortality resources, from devolved public sector encouraging employee share ownership rates, better rates of literacy and numeracy, budgets and community asset transfers and cooperative business models (not and so on. Barber’s answer to Social Impact Bonds least within the public sector), favouring was to increase the power ”Private and state and guidance from civil small and medium-sized local business and control of the Prime monopolies have servants, to remove barriers for state procurement contracts, offering Minister’s Offi ce using to the community providing communities a voice in the planning of “deliverology,” a method centralised markets, for those needs. their high streets, reducing the marginal of policy implementation capital and political taxation rate for benefi ts recipients by centrally-set targets, power... The election Critics and cynics of this moving into paid employment and performance indicators of a new government approach are not hard transferring state assets to community and fi nancial incentives, offers a window [...] to fi nd, especially as it groups and social enterprises. which carried detailed comes hand-in-hand with prescriptions from the to revisit this political unprecedented cuts to Amongst the proposals for reform that Delivery Unit down and economic public spending. Local Michael Barber’s memoir sets out is through every Department settlement..” councils and public sector the formation of a power-centralising to the knights and knaves employees themselves will “Department of the Prime Minister and on the frontline of service delivery. New be wary of this brand of localism, as new the Cabinet to drive through reform of Labour’s raison d’etre became the universal resources and decision-making power public services … The incoming Prime standards of central control. will often bypass them and be put directly Minister should unapologetically justify in the hands of community groups, while it on the grounds of effectiveness and Even in the economy, where political existing resources drop off radically. In coherence.” The test of the Coalition will consensus favoured market freedom, the face of these vested interests, securing be to show that the opposite approach – New Labour oversaw a period of steady widespread support will require evidence decentralisation in the economy, politics centralisation. A competition regime that local empowerment and civic and the public sector – can be every predicated on a narrowly defi ned engagement is not just being used as a “fi g bit as effective, by giving individuals, standard of consumer benefi t allowed the leaf” for rolling back the state. It will also communities and public servants an takeover of landmark British businesses require a frank discussion with the public ownership stake in society. and the concentration of essential about the risk and local variation that this industries, particularly banking and will inevitably entail. To learn more about ResPublica, please grocery retail. Planning laws designed to visit http://www.respublica.org.uk/
9 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 Parliamentary reform: the coalition’s challenge By Øivind Bratberg Worth fi ghting for. immediate dissolution of Parliament, the Lords has been a catchword on the Governing through a two-thirds majority of the House of progressive side of politics for many coalition involves a great Commons will be required. years. Yet, no consensus has been reached extent of compromise on how this should be done. The Labour and it it thereby Relieving the Prime Minister of the power government removed the hereditary contrasts with the clear of dissolution marks a fundamental change peers in 1999 (though allowing for 92 commanding lines for in the relationship between government hereditary amongst them to remain for which British politics is and Parliament in Britain. It quite their lifetime). However, what should be renowned. Compromise clearly reduces the PM’s strategic room substituted for the hereditary principle moreover depends on Øivind Bratberg is for manoeuvre and raises the political remains unclear. Nomination or election, a PhD fellow at the the relative strength of Dept. of Political signifi cance of the House of Commons. or any combination of the two, represent the partners. In entering Science, Univer- Nevertheless, it is the second part of Nick the alternatives. a coalition with the sity of Oslo and Clegg’s scheme that has caused the most Conservatives, it was President of British debate in Britain and which is likely to Since 1999, nomination has prevailed therefore obvious that the Politics Society, decide how his party’s participation in through the creation of life peers Liberal Democrats, given Norway. government will be judged. On 5 May 2011 (nominated partly by the political the election result, could only hope to see a referendum will be held on electoral parties and partly by the House of through a handful of their own policies. reform. The proposal on the table is the Lords Appointments Commission). Alternative Vote system (AV), well short Life peers ensure a balance between Constitutional reform is one such area of the Liberal demands the parties broadly which will be given the highest priority. for a proportional ”There is work ahead equivalent to the House Allocated to Nick Clegg in his capacity electoral system but for Clegg and his of Commons, as well of Deputy Prime Minister, it covers a nevertheless a signifi cant as a pool of resourceful classical agenda for Liberal parties, and step in departing from the fellow reformers. 2010 and independent particularly so in Britain. The electoral ruthless fi rst-past-the-post represents a window representatives who system has discriminated against the arrangement. of opportunity for perform their task of party since its heyday of the early institutional reform scrutinising and revising twentieth century, and the fi rst steps to AV allows the individual in Britain, with a new legislation. Indeed, one of reform the House of Lords were taken voter to rank-order the Parliament and a the strongest arguments by Asquith’s Liberal government in 1911. candidates on election against reforming the Representing the classical, political left has day and ensures that the distinct mandate for House of Lords is that, meant a consistent emphasis on political winner has a minimum change.” despite its democratic equality, the dispersion of power and rule of 50% support. From a fl aws, it fi lls its purpose. of law. These principles remain central to voter’s perspective, AV eliminates the Substituting a directly elected assembly (a the reforms which Clegg and his fellow need for tactical voting; counting the proposal heavily opposed by the Lords) reformers now wish to embark upon. 2010 second preferences of those who support would replace autonomy with the party represents a window of opportunity for the weakest candidates also reduces the whip. Moreover, democratisation entails institutional reform in Britain, with a new number of “wasted votes” and secures a a mandate for political power which Parliament and a distinct mandate for broader platform of support for the MP. could challenge the House of Commons, change. The agenda was spelt out by the However, proportional the system is not, which since the late 1800s has been the Deputy Prime Minister in the House of and there is no guarantee that the reform superior chamber. The Liberal Democrats, Commons on 5 July. According to Clegg, will amend the under-representation of in line with the party’s federal vision Lib Dem MPs in the country as a whole. for Britain, would prefer a reformed “If anything was clear at the General Election, Ironically, as AV is a compromise between House to be composed by representatives it was that more and more people realised that Liberals demanding more extensive from England, Scotland, Wales and our political system is broken and needs to be reform and Conservatives preferring Northern Ireland. Such an arrangement fi xed. They want us to clean up politics. They the status quo of fi rst-past-the-post, it is is highly unlikely; more plausible is an want to be able to hold us properly to account. Labour’s favoured reform rather than any arrangement for proportional elections So the government has set out an ambitious of the coalition partners. Nevertheless, the for representatives with long and non- programme for political renewal, transferring referendum will be seen as decisive vote on renewable mandates, perhaps with a third power away from the executive to empower the Liberal agenda. Adding an interesting of the House renewed at each general parliament, and away from Parliament to twis to the plot is the fact that the devolved election. empower people.” elections for Scotland and Wales will also be held on that day in May. The spring However, from the vantage point of the Starting with the House of Commons month, like its precursor a year before, fi rst few months of the new government, itself, the government proposes fi xed will be an interesting one for followers of it is electoral reform that remains the parliamentary terms of fi ve years. This British politics. omnipresent target for the Lib Dems. A will terminate the Prime Minister’s right Liberal dimension is visible in a set of to call an election at will. Moreover, a Beyond the reforms in and for the House government policies, but what the party parliamentary vote of no confi dence of Commons lurks another House of has fought and aspired for is fundamental will not result in dissolution and a new symbolic signifi cance to any pretension change of the rules of the game. This election (as happened in 1979, when James of change in British politics. The House agenda remains a fi rst priority regardless Callaghan’s government was rejected and of Lords may fi nally see a conclusion of the overwhelming focus on economic a general election ensued). Following to its century-long journey towards policy in the fi rst few months of the new the proposed reform, two weeks will democratisation. This is less of a make- regime. Party members will look at the be offered for a new government to be and-break issue for the Liberal Democrats nine months towards next May with formed, and only if this is unsuccessful than a shared challenge for the political apprehension. will a general election be called. To obtain class as a whole. Democratisation of
10 British Politics Review Volume 5 | No. 3 | Summer 2010 Coalition: Cameron’s stroke of genius? By Atle L. Wold Breaking the mould. The It does, however, require that the assume that a political party enjoys a forming of the fi rst British Conservatives – as the dominating partner ”natural” level of support to which it will coalition government since in the coalition – give the Lib Dems a tend to return or re-bounce.) In this sense, the Second World War has real say in government policies. For the having someone with whom to “share led to much glancing into Conservatives, there is good reason to the blame” might come in handy for both the crystal bowl in attempts do so in order to safeguard the coalition. parties at the next general election. to predict the future– can it The Con-Lib coalition means that the possibly last? Initially, most Conservatives are yet again in a position With regard to the prospects for survival, commentators seemed Atle L. Wold is a of power, as the dominating partner in a one should be careful about over-stating to agree that success was Senior Lecturer majority government. This is important the lack of experience with coalition unlikely, though a few also at the Dept. of enough in itself, but it also means that governments in Britain. For one thing, claimed that it could work. Literature, Area Cameron has sabotaged the competing the main political parties in a two-and- It will be argued here that, Studies and Euro- vision on the left of forming a so-called a-half-party system such as the British pean Languages, although the risk of failure University of “progressive alliance” (consisting of the are typically quite broad coalitions is present, the Con-Lib Oslo and Schol- Lib Dems, Labour, the SNP and possibly themselves. Thus while the distance experiment does have a arly Responsible other minor parties), thereby also splitting between the left-wing of the Lib Dems, fair chance of lasting a full of British Politics the progressive majority for the immediate and the right wing of the Conservative parliament, not the least Society, Norway. future. The favoured Conservative vision Party may be signifi cant, so is the gap because the Conservatives, is that of a realignment of British politics between the left and the right of the in particular, should have a strong interest moving the initiative to the centre-right Tory Party itself on many matters. This in making sure that it does. and committing the Lib Dems to it (or, at naturally means that both parties have least, blocking the potential of a coalition long experience in accommodating such At fi rst glance the odds seem to be stacked from the centre-left). differences within. In the same vein one fi rmly against Con-Lib success. The policies should also stress that – unlike the Lib of the two parties are, no doubt, quite far The importance of the coalition’s survival Dems – the Conservative Party has always apart on a number of issues. One needs is underlined by the election results been a pragmatic party seeking power. only mention foreign affairs, defence and themselves, which show the fragility of the In its long history as a most successful immigration to fi nd policy areas where the Conservative exploits. Although it seems election-winning machine, the desire differences are considerably less marked fair to say that the party won the election and wish to gain position and stay in between the Conservatives and Labour, with an impressive swing of fi ve per cent, government has always come before than they are between the two coalition it is nonetheless clear that it secured “just” ideology or adherence to strict political partners. In a government which is bound 36% of the total votes cast. This is, of principles, One could even argue that to be dominated by the Conservatives, this course, far off an outright majority, but also this was the case during the seemingly may become a very bitter pill to swallow quite far off the 40%+ the Conservatives dogmatic Thatcher-years. for party members on the left-wing of the needed to obtain a majority in the House Lib Dems. The swift demise of the party at of Commons. Moreover, there is no Lastly, there is a territorial dimension the next general election as a consequence given – despite what some conservative to the results of 6 May which ensures of this break with the party’s idealist past commentators seem to think – that the that going it alone would not be a good has been predicted by some. Furthermore, Tories would do better in the next general alternative for the Conservatives. If the this is a government which will have to election, indeed, they could very well do party won the election, then it was clearly make very unpopular political decisions, much worse! (36.9% may ring a bell for a victory achieved in England, though and which has the unenviable task of Norwegian readers at this point, i.e. never with unusually good support in Wales. In governing the country at a time of a Scotland, the Conservatives retained the severe economic recession. Such is likely single seat they won in 2005, having lost to wear quite hard on any government, all seats in the 1997 election.. And while but in this case, there is also the clear the Labour Party lost badly in England, possibility of the two coalition partners they actually enhanced their support in falling out with each other. And added Scotland and defended their 41 seats from to this is, of course, the much noted lack 2005. Thus if a government had been based of a tradition for, and experience with, on the Conservative Party alone, the old coalition governments in Britain. saying that Thatcher lacked a ”Scottish mandate” could have been revoked by Nevertheless, there are several good its opponents (notwithstanding the fact reasons that devolution was put in place to deal why this government may well survive with the problem of English dominance the fi ve-year term to which the two party within the Union). By comparison, the leaders have committed themselves. For Lib Dems add signifi cant good will the Lib Dems the most obvious reason through their strength in both Scotland must be the sweet taste of power. This and Wales, and by bringing them party has never been in a position of onboard, the Conservatives have given power before, and it is a good nine the government as much of a Scottish decades since its predecessor, the Liberal (and Welsh) mandate as they could, short Party, held the reins of government. And of inviting the Labour Party to cooperate. if the example of the Norwegian Socialist Left Party (SV) is anything to go by, then In essence, therefore, the coalition discarding dearly-held principles in government might just be Cameron’s order to stay in position does not seem stroke of genius. On the other hand, it to be too much of a problem, even for could also collapse next week. Exiting idealistically oriented parties. New deal. David Cameron speaking during his fi rst press times are ahead. conference as Prime Minister, 12 May 2010. Crown copyright / The Prime Minister’s Offi ce
11 The political map of Britain 2010 Seats Change Votes Vote share Change Conservative 307 +97 10,726,614 36,1% +3,8 Labour 258 -91 8,609,527 29,0% -6,2 Liberal Democrat 57 -5 6,836,824 23,0% +1,0 Democratic Unionist Party 8 -1 168,216 0,6% -0,3 Scottish National Party 6 0 491,386 1,7% +0,1 Sinn Fein 5 0 171,942 0,6% -0,1 Plaid Cymru 3 +1 165,394 0,6% -0,1 SDLP 3 0 110,970 0,4% -0,1 Green 1 +1 285,616 1,0% -0,1 Alliance Party 1 +1 42,762 0,1% 0,0 Ulster Conservatives and Unionists 0 -1 102,361 0,3% -0,1 UKIP 0 0 919,546 3,1% +0,9 British National Party 0 0 564,331 1,9% +1,2 Others 1* 0 *Speaker The General Election took place on 6 May 2010 across 650 constituencies. The turnout, at 65,1%, improved from 2001 and 2005 but was lower than at any general election from 1945 to 1997. The results prepared the ground for a ”hung Parliament” where no single party commands a majority: only in 1974 had such an outcome occurred at any postwar election. The share of votes to other parties than Labour and the Conservatives was the highest since 1918. While the Green Party had its fi rst MP elected, the election was also charachterised by an unusually high turnover due to the number of MPs standing down and the electoral swing from Labour to the Conservatives.
Red Labour Blue Conservative YYellowellow Liberal Democrat Bright yellow SNP Green (England) Green Green (Wales) Plaid Cymru Light green (N.I.) SDLP Dark green (N.I.) Sinn Fein Red (N.I.) Democratic Unionist
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