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One of the ways in which Islamic Arabic manu- libraries and Orientalism.For example,the capture ol scripts, particularly Qurans and prayerbooks, came Seringapatamin 1799by British troops under Colonel into European hands during the sixteenthcentury was Wellesley,the future Duke of Wellington, yieldedspoil when they were taken as spoils of war and as pirates' that was fantastic even fictitious in the case of booty. It is usual for devotional works to be carried Wilkie Collins's moonstone. It also provided 2,000 into battle and on journeys by devout Muslims' So volumesin Arabic. Persian. and collected when European forces achievedsuccess against Otto- by Tipu Sultan.These manuscripts were then divided man troops in the MediterraneanSea or on the Hun- betweenBritish libraries at home and in India2. garian plain, or when piratesattacked shipping off the On the eve of the sixteenth century, however, the north African coast, they often found such books Catholic reconquest of Granada did not presage among the possessionsof prisonersand hostages,and a revival of Arabic studies in Spain. Reports that on the bodies of the dead. It was even possible to Cardinal Jiménez de Cisneros's policy of enforced stumbleupon whole collectionsof Arabic manuscripts conversionfor the people of Granada was accompa- in the madrasahsand mosquelibraries of any towns or nied by the burning of thousands of Arabic manu- citadels they captured. On one exceptionaloccasion, scripts in the Plaza de Bibarrambla contrast vividly Spanishpirates boarded a boat and found the library with the attitude towards Arabic learningfour hundred of a Moroccan Sultan. 1-earsearlier after the reconquestof Toledo. Unlike Violent eventscould of courselead to the destruc- Archbishop Raimundo of Toledo. the new Archbishop tion of books along with other propert-v.But some of Granada. Fernando de Talavera,did not preside Christian soidiers and sailors kept the Arabrc books over a group of translators recovering lost classical they found as trophies and as merchandise.As with texts in Arabic versions.Instead. he commissionedhis other plundered goods, a trade developed in these confessor,Pedro de Alcalá, to write a grammar and handwritten Qurans and manuscripts;and somefound lexicon of Arabic. These works, written in collabora- their way into the collections of a few European tion with a local faqíh, and published at Granada in scholarswho were eagerand able to read Arabic texts' 1505,predate any other European attempt to provide Others were presented to distinguished patrons of Arabic language textbooks on a wide scale3. But, Arabic studies. Today, a number of these Arabic becausethey were intended to educatepriests in the manuscripts of Ottoman and Maghribt provenances, languageof the Moriscos. they were written in Castil- saved four or five centuriesago from the ravagesof ian and transliterated Andalusian Arabic. So while war and piracy, are still preservedin major European they enablethe readerto preachin a dialectof Arabic, libraries. they offer very limited help to the student of Arabic Not that the sixteenth century was the Íirst time texts in Arabic script. Arabic books were acquired in this way by the west. Indeed,contrary to both contemporaryand popular Nor was it to be the last. The medievaltransmission of modern expectations,the very presenceof the Morisco knowledgefrom Arabic into had followed close- community in Spain and the repressiveresponse of the ly in the wake of the Christian reconquestof Sicily Catholic authorities to that community meant that and Spain. In particular, the capture of the city of Spanish scholars and Spanish libraries did not play Toledo in 1085AD releasedan abundanceof Arabic a significant role in the sixteenth-centuryrevival of manuscripts and local Arabic-speakersfor use by European Arabic studiesa. Christian scholars;and under the patronageof Arch- This astonishingrevival took placein other parts of bishop Raimundo in the early twelfth century, scholars Europe that had never known sustainedcontact with travelled there from all over Europe to collaborate Muslim culture. RenaissanceArabists - for so they with Arabic-speakerson the translation of texts that may be termed - regardedthemselves as continuing interested them 1. During the colonial period, the and refining the work of their predecessors;and in this appropriation of oriental manuscripts,including Ara- respect,their endeavourrepresents a final repriseofthe bic texts, also contributed to the growth of European medieval oeriod of translation. At the same time,

Manuscriptsof the Middle East 2 (1987) q. Ter Lugt Press,Donkersteeg 19. 2312 HA , .1987 ISSN 0920-0401 R, JONES:ARABIC MANUSCRIPTSIN RENAISSANCEEUROPE 97 however,they emulatedsome of the aims and methods Tottenham, Bedwell (1563-1632);in Vienna of the scholarsand printers of Greek in the fifteenth the librarian of the Imperial library, SebastianTengna- century; and like Greek studies of the Renaissance, gel(1573-1636) with his Turkish scribes;andin Heidel- Arabic studiesand Arabic printing flourished first in berg,Jacob Christmann (1554-1613). In Leiden,Chris- Italy before crossingthe Alps to northern Europe. tophe Plantin's scholar-printerson-in-law, Franciscus By the early seventeenthcentury, centres of learning Raphelengius(1539-1597) was working on Arabic as as far flung and as different in culture, outlook, and was the influential JosephJustus Scaliger (1540-1609). circumstances as , Vienna and London, or In Rome, Giovan Battista Raimondi (c. 1536-1614) Breslau,Heidelberg and Paris,could boast of scholars supervisedthe publication of Arabic books for the with a knowledgeof Arabic and collectionsof Arabic Medici Oriental Press,which was founded in Erpe- manuscriptsthat were wholly unprecedentedin those nius's birthyear by a future Grand Duke of Tuscany, parts. Not that thesescholars made anything like the Ferdinando de' Medici: and in Breslau there was the contribution to the mainstreamof European learning AvicennistPeter Kirsten (l 575-1640)7. that can be claimed for the medieval translators of Both thesegenerations of scholarswere the pioneers Arabic texts into Latin. But by making it possiblefor who created the necessaryconditions in which the Europeans at home to tackle Arabic texts directly. greatseventeenth-century collectors and bibliographers RenaissanceArabists created a new discipline which of Arabic manuscripts- Golius, Pococke, Warner, totally changedthe of European knowledgeof Hottinger.d'Herbelot and so could pursuetheir Islam, the Arabs. their language.and their learning: work. and for many this change implies something much Prior to the sixteenth century. European scholars more immediateand important than the transmission and librariesmade a feu isoiatedacquisitions of Ara- of scientificor philosophicalideas in the Middle Ages. bic manuscripts.We hear of Arabic manuscripts It heraldsthe birth of Orientalisms. housed at Ciuny and in the episcopallibrary at York The European discovery of Arabic learning during during the Middle Ages8 ; and in the secondhalf of the the Renaissanceprogressed in a competitive atmos- fifteenth century two humanists owned a few Arabic phere through the sustainedeffort of a few isolated manuscripts: Giorgio Valla had five; and Giovanni scholars,sometimes supported by influential patrons, Pico della Mirandola had sevene. Some fifty-seven and using, and occasionally pooling, minimal Arabic manuscriptsentered the Vatican library, proba- resources.These included. to some extent as we shall bly from its inception in 1450and perhapsbrought to see,manuscripts acquired as booty. The famousmedie- Italy as a gift by the legation of the Coptic Patriarch val translators had not left their successorsanv sub- John Xl to the Councilof Florencein 144110. stantialcollections of Arabic manuscriptsnor an1 of In the formatire penod that concernsus in this the meansfor learningArabic: and as Thomas Erpe- article.during the sixteenthcentur,v and the lifetimeof nius. professorof Arabic at LeidenUniversity. told a Thomas Erpenrus.the rnflur o1'Arabic manuscripts new generationof studentsin 1620,access to Arabic into Europe increasedhtfully due to a variety of books, teachers,and languageprimers was a privilege circumstances.There were those among the that had only just beenwon6. who combined physicalcourage rvith their intellectual In the early sixteenthcentury, a first generationof curiosity and undertook dangerousjourneys to North Orientalistswith a specialinterest in Arabic - Agos- Africa, the Ottoman World, Persia,and India with the tino Giustiniani (1470-1536),Johann Albrecht von expresspurpose of learning Arabic and other eastern Widmanstetter (1506-1557), Cardinal Egidio of languagesand of recoveringArabic manuscripts. Viterbo and his Arabic-speakingassistant Leo Africa- Andrea Alpago (d. 1520) was exceptional among nus (born c. 1490), Teseo Ambrogio (1469-1540), RenaissanceArabists in that he spent most of his life NicolasClenardus (c. 1493-1542).and especiallyGuil- in Damascus.attached to the Venetian legation. He laume Postel (1510-1581)- developedareas of in- travelledwidely in searchof manuscriptsin other parts terestthat were to dominate the attention of a second of the Arab world but we do not know what becameof generatron. his collectionI 1. .on the other hand. These later Arabists straddled the turn of the cen- brought home an interesting collection of Arabic tury during the forty year lifetime of Thomas Erpenius manuscriptsafter his diplomatic excursionsto the east; (1584-1624),when the questfor Arabic sources,Arabic and these manuscripts exercised a considerable speakersand scribes,and the attempt to compose a influenceover his successors.Nicolas Clenar- deflnitive Arabic grammar book and dictionary for dus, disappointed by the moribund state of Arabic European use, were pursued with particular intensity. studiesat Salamanca.travelled on to Fes in searchof In Paris there was the circle of (1559- Arabic texts but was prevented from acquiring the l6l4). EtienneHubert (c. 1568-1614)and other Ara- manuscriptshe wanted12.A generationlater, Etienne bist doctors of the French King, as well as Frangois Hubert collected manuscripts during his visit to the Savary de Brèves (1560-1628)with his Turkish and Sultan in Fes, and these were appreciated by his Maronite assistants.In London. there was the vicar of contemporaries after his return to Paris. Frangois 98 MANUSCRIPTSOF THE MIDDLE EAST 2 (I987)

Savary de Brèves,whose twenty-two years in Istanbul attention on the searchfor specifictexts; as did the rival Andrea Alpago's thirty years in Damascus, Arabists' desire to improve upon the medieval Latin brought a substantialcollection of manuscriptshome versionsof Arabic works. The Arabic texts of Ibn Siná with him 13. and al-Rázr, for example, frequently republished Erpenius claimed that Giovan Battista Raimondi during the Renaissancein their earlier Latin guise, travelled abroad to pursue a knowledge of Arabicra; were much in demand in their original form among the and the diary of a journey from Hormuz to Aleppo, Arabists22.The one widely disseminatedpublication written in his hand, may confirm thisls. Whether or giving inside information on Arabic authors and their not Raimondi acquired manuscripts in this way, at works during the secondhalf of the sixteenthcentury, 'Description Rome he was well placed to be in close touch with was the of Africa' by Leo Africanus. diplomatic and missionary agents to the Near and Granadan by birth, al-Hasanibn Mutrammad al-Waz- Middle East, especially Giovan Battista Britti and zan al-Zayyátï was educated at Fes where he was later 16. Gerolamo and Gioambattista Vecchietti From employed by the Sultan on various diplomatic and Vienna, SebastianTengnagel, who never left Europe, commercialmissions. On return from a visit to Egypt, kept in touch with the Imperial dragomansat Istanbul: however,he was capturedat Djerba by Sicilianpirates, JohannesPaulus Albanus, in the seconddecade of the brought to Rome in 1518. and presentedto Pope seventeenthcenturylT; and Michele d'Asquier in the Leo X. After a year's captivity, he was baptisedwith mid 1620s.He also contactedthe wandering Egyptian the Pope'sname. and proceededto assista number of Copt, Y[suf ibn Abu Daqan (JosephBarbatus). who scholars.including Cardinal Egidio. with their Arabic was in Istanbul at the sametime as d'Asquier18.For studies.His'Description'was not publisheduntil 1550; otherssuch as Erpeniusor Jean-BaptisteDuval, Venice but after that first Italian edition, it entereda number 23. offered an excellent opportunity for learning some of other editionsin a variety of Europeanlanguages Arabic or Turkish of a rudimentary kind from mer- A century after Leo came to Rome, some of the most and dragomans, and for buying some manu- precisebibliographical information availableto Erpe- chants 'Descrip- scripts1e. Moreover, in spite of the personaland inter- nius in Leiden was that given by Leo in the denominational rivalries that have left us with such tion'; and Erpenius cited Leo more than once in his scurrilous accounts of certain scholars' abilities as orationson Arabic. Moreo'u'er.it wasworks by authors Arabists - Scaliger,Erpenius, and Savary de Brèves referred to b;- Leo that Erpenius sought in North wereparticularly scathing about Christmann.Antonides Africa *rth the help of his pupi1.Jacob Golius' and and Kirsten, and Hubert respectively- the ptoneers their assistantfrom Fes.Ahmad ibn Qásim2a' exchangedcertain information. The-vtold each other Although this t1'peof directed searchfor particular about the locations and contents of Arabic manu- texts could be successful,chance too played a part in scriptsin differentEuropean libraries at that time; and bringing Arabic manuscriptsto Europe. Late in 1577 they used others collections.The Arabic manuscripts or in early 1578, the arrival in Rome, in somewhat that Postelpawned to the Elector of Heidelberg,Otto mysterious circumstances,of the refugee Jacobite Heinrich, in 1555 and that remained in the Palatine Patriarch of Antioch, Ignazio Na'mat Alláh (Nehe- library until 1622 (when they were removed to the mes),was an exceptionalevent which very fortunately Vatican20)were especiallypopular: Casaubon,Christ- contributedto the establishmentof the Medici Oriental mann, Kirsten, Tengnagel, and Erpenius all either Press: the Patriarch brought not only a viva vot'e consulted,borrowed, or copied them. knowledgeof Arabic and Syriac,but also his library of Not that the acquisition of manuscriptsduring this Syriacand Arabic manuscriPts2s. period, and the growth in knowledgeof the texts they The most random of all forms of manuscript acqui- contained,progressed solely in an orchestratedway as sition, and one over which no bibliographicalcontrol the result of the deliberatechoices made by European could be exercised,was of courseplunder' Books taken scholars.Before Golius acquireda copy of Ibn Khalli- as spoils of war or booty often bear inscriptions kán's biographicaldictionary from Ahmad ibn Qásim proudly testifying to the circumstancesin which they at Safi in 162421,very limited information on Arabic were acquired;and by collectingsome of theseinscrip- writers and their works was availableto Europeans.As tions together and dovetailing them with eventschro- Erpenius told the listenersto his orations, and as we nicled in the history books it is possibleto build up a can see from his marginalia in some of the Arabic picture of this form of acquisitionfor the sixteenthand manuscriptshe owned or consulted,he had gained a early seventeenthcenturies. Here are some examples. impression of Arabic literature and learning During the first Turkish siegeof Vienna in 1529,one from the numbers of authors cited in those manu- of the citizens,Johan Traberger,composed some dog- scripts. But it was difficult to isolate any particular gerel in German and wrote it into a small Muslim work or author on this basis. prayerbook, glossedin Turkish, which he acquired. European speculationabout the recoveryof certain The six rhyming coupletsexplain how Traberger had lost Greek and Latin works in Arabic versionsfocused bought the book from a mercenarywho had picked it -

R. JONES: ARABIC MANUSCRIPTS IN RENAISSANCE EUROPE 99

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Plate L A c.17th-centurycopy of Baron JohannesMarquart's German inscription on part of a Quran in a large mughrihr hand describinghow he took the original manuscriptduring the sack of Tunison 2l Julv 1535. r00 MANUSCRIPTSOF THE MIDDLE EAST2 (1987) up from an abandoned Turkish camp in a deserted. by the Escoriallibrary as a result of the battle, though burnt-down house outsidethe city2ó. (The other great information on this is unclear3?.One preciselydocu- siegeof Vienna in 1683also provided Europeanswith mented example of a manuscript won at Lepanto, Muslim prayerbooks)2 7. however,is the copy of the popular abridgementof the In 1535,the siegeand sack of Tunis by the Emperor Hidaya, the hanafite text by al-Marghrnànï, composed Charles V included the looting of manuscripts,espe- by Mahmud al-Mahblbi and entitled Wiqayat al- 8. cially Qurans, from the mosquesand libraries of the rivrayah.fi masa'il al-hida.v-ah3 Now preservedin the city28.Apparently, one extractfrom a Quran copiedin universitylibrary at Leiden,and traditionally classified 'as a large maghribí hand was taken from Tunis a among the Scaligerlegacy, a Spanish inscription by souvenir'by Baron JohannesMarquart von Kungbeck Don Bernardo de Josaclearly statesthat he was given on 2l July 1535.At any rate,a later Europeancopy of this manuscriptwith ten other books at Rome by Don the Arabic text and of the baron's unequivocalGerman Guillem de Sanctelimente,who had acquired them inscription (see plate l) was acquired by Groningen among the spoils at Lepanto3e.(See plate 2). Universitylibrary in 17762e. Away from the Mediterranean, in quite a different On26 July 1535,Bernardo Riparoli took the fourth theatre of war, in the disputed borderlandsof north- volume of a Mamlflk copy of Bukhàri's famous collec- westernHungary, a number of skirmishesin l59l and tion of hadtth. the Sahíh.from the Mosque at Tunis. 1592led to outright war in 1593.The forcesof Empe- This manuscript then came into the Palatinelibrary at ror Rudolph II of Austria engagedOttoman troops Heidelberg;and along with the majority of the Arabic under the command of the eighty-year-oldGrand manuscriptspawned to the Elector by Postel.it later Vizier.Sinán Pasha: and the initial Habsburgsuccesses passedto the Vatican library30.A fragment of a letter brought more Ottoman Arabic and Turkish manu- received by Tengnagel in about 1624 describesthe scriptsinto Europeanhands+0. Arabic manuscriptsin the library of Maximilian. Duke Having taken up his uinter quartersin Belgrade, of Bavaria, including a Quran plundered at Tunis. SinánPasha was not in a positionto help the Pashaof 'Alcoranus ex direptione Tunnetana'3r - the very Ofen defendStuhlweissenburg (Szekesfehérvár), which wordscontained in an inscriptionon the firstleaf of an the Imperial army attacked on 3 November 1593. AndalusianQuran. copied in Sevrllein 624 AHl1226 leaving 6,000 Turkish troops dead and capturing 44 AD, and now kept in Munich32.It had beenpassed on canonsal. Among the dead was a man who had been to the Arabist J.A. von Widmanstetterbefore entering carrying an octavo sizemanuscript containing extracts the Duke's library. Three volumes of an eight volume from the Quran and prayersas well as an Arabic text. maghrihr Quran copied in the late fifteenth century Stephanus Schupman of Górz in Illyria (Gorizía) now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, were taken picked up the blood-stainedbook and later gave it to from Tunis, apparently by the Emperor Charles V Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldstorf - or so a record himself, and passedon to the Escorial library, where of an inscription on the manuscript tells usa2. Cardinal Granvelle acquired them for his own collec- The Habsburg forcesdid not take full advantageof tion33.Furthermore, two manuscriptsrecorded in the their victory and the lack of Turkish reinforcements; mid-sixteenth century by Federico Ranaldi in his and instead of advancing on Gran (Strigoine.Eszter- inventory of Arabic manuscripts in the Vatican gom), they spentthe rest of November capturing lesser Library. have been identified by Giorgio Levi della objectiveswith the help of Hungarian baronsa3. Vida with rwo maghriór manuscripts that formerly Among the Turkish strongholdsthey succesfullybesie- belongedto the mosquein Tunis. It is likely that they ged was the Castle of Frilek, where once again a too weretaken away during the sackof 153534. manuscript may have been acquiredamong the spoils. A number of other Qurans and devotional works in On this occasion or possibly two years before, the Vatican Library, listed by Ranaldi and identified according to another source - it was a Swabian by Levi della Vida with manuscriptsof easternrather dignitary, Vitus Marchtaler of Ulm, who took the than maghriálprovenance,were probably plunderedby manuscript, or rather scroll, which contains a set of Christianpirates boarding Muslim boats or confiscated genealogicaltables in Turkish - the Subhatal-Akhbar from Turkish prisoners-of-war3s.Two juridical texts by Y[suf ibn Abd al-Latif, now locatedin the Herzog among these manuscripts may have belonged to a August Bibliothek at Wolfenbrittel44. travellingJaqíh36. Late in 1593, a Hungarian by the name of Mat- On 7 October 1571,victory over the Ottoman fleet thaeus Uyfalvi (Ujfalvy) sent a manuscript copy of at that most celebrated of naval engagements,the the Quran as a presentto JacobChristmann in Heidel- battle of Lepanto, also brought Arabic manuscripts berg. It may also have come from Frilek. According to into European hands and eventuallyinto the hands of the donor's inscription, eleven forts previously occu- scholars who could read them. Apparently some pied by the Turks had been recovered at the end of twenty Arabic, Persian,and Turkish manuscripts.in- that year; and this book was taken among the spoilsas. 'Corán cluding a so-called de Lepanto', were acquired (Seeplate 3). R. JONES: ARABIC MANUSCRIPTS tN RENAISSANCE EUROPE l0l ^&$eks*,]ïlc* "{*triwey ?a-ë& S" j)*Á*rir* " innn ;r"*#S**,uru' jf;* r

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; ,:* Ê-ew *d.'a r o.'à n - Plate 2. Don Bernardo de Josa's Spanish inscription on a copy of Mahmld al-Mahb[br's popular Hanafite legal compendium. Wiqayat al-ríwayahfi masa'il al-hidayah,explaining that he was given the manuscript by Don Guillem de Sanctellimentewho had taken it al the battle of Lepanto on 7 October 1571. ( Library, Cod.Or. 222" fol. 1r). 102 MANUSCRIPTSOF THE MIDDLE EAST2 (I987)

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Quran explainingthat the manuscripthad been taken from an Ottoman fort in Hungary late in 1593.(Bodleian Library, Oxford, Ms. Laud 0r.246 fol.lr). This page also contains a note by Samson Johnson, stating that he acquired the manuscriotin 1635. R. JONES: ARABIC MANUSCRIPTS IN RENAISSANCE EUROPE 103

Subsequently,more than twenty years after Christ- story of the European appropriation of Arabic manu- mann's death,this manuscriptwas acquiredin 1635by scriptswas when Spanishpirates closedon a boat off Samson Johnson, chaplain to the British envoy to the west coast of Morocco. According to Spanish Germany, who passedit on that sameyear to William sources,this took place in about 1611. When they Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor of the boarded the boat, the piratesfound it was carrying an Oxford University, and the foremost patron of Arabic exceptionally valuable cargo in the shape of Sultan studiesin England. It is now preservedin the Bodleian Mawláy Zaydàn's householdeffects. This included his Library. The manuscript, which is in an undistin- entire library of some three or four thousand Arabic guishednaskh hand dated 971 AHl1569 AD. contains manuscripts.Back in Spanish waters, the cargo was annotations by Christmann as well as two leavesof unloaded and the library presentedto King Philip III text lost from the original copy and suppliedby Christ- who depositedit in the library of the royal monastery mann in his own Arabic hand. of San Lorenzo at the Escorials8.A source used by During the campaigning seasonof 1594, Ottoman Lévi Provenqal claimed that a French captain was forcesregained the initiative and their strategicadvan- commissionedto convey the library and other effects tage was securedby the fall of Raab (Javerin,Yániq). from Safi to Agadir, but that when the agreedfee was On 9 March. however, successover the Turks at not forthcoming, he headedfor Marsella and had then Neuigrat left an Arabic prayerbook to a Habsburg been captured off Saleby three Spanishgalleonsse. soldier.Like a number of other manuscriptsthat were For the Moroccan side of the story. we have a brief won in the following year, it is now kept in the passagein Erpenius'ssecond oration on the value of 'Ambassador National Library at Viennaaó.In the summerof 1595. Arabicó0:according to the of the King Habsburg forces attacked the fortress town of Gran. of Morocco' b;" whom Erpeniusmay have meant eventuallyforcing its capitulationin Augustand taking his assistant.Ahmad ibn Qásim the library,consis- full possessionat the beginning of Septembera-. ting of seventhousand eight hundred books, had been 'treacherously According to a French pamphlet celebratingthe vic- abstracted'by a Numidian called Near- tory of 4 Augusta8, the booty consistedof 3,200 cha. Could it be that the Spanishpirates were acting on camels.4,000 horses, 37 piecesof artillery, 27 ensigns, inside information and that their interception of the 'avecq force bagageet butin de toute sslfs' - inclu- boat was calculated?If so, this act of piracy would ding. as we learn from the inscriptions they contain, representthe only occasion,in the period that concerns severalmanuscripts now in Vienna. us, on which the acquisitionof Arabic manuscriptswas Two officers fighting aÍ Gran each presented the objective rather than the fortuitous outcome of a Quran to Job Hartmann Baron Enenkelius: one European aggression. is from Wolfacacius Baron of Althannae. the other The period closeswith another documentedact of from Bernard Leonis Gallusso.A soldier also sold pirac.v which brought several Arabic and Turkish him a sectionof the Quran (the nineteenthjrr--')s'. manuscriptsinto Europe.This time.the books,now in Job Hartmann von Enenkel of Aibrechtsberg and the Vatican library. were seizedoff in 1620and Hohenegg (1576-1621)s'zwas an Austrian Baron handed on by the Inquisitor of Malta. Leonetto della whose passionfor genealogyand books drove him to Corbora, to Pope Paul V in Romeó1.Apart from some create a library unparalleled by those of his peers, Turkish manuscriptsó2and sectionsof the Quranó3, and which, by 1624, contained some 8,000 volumes. the booty comprised a collection of prayers with the Hartmann had studiedat Jenafrom 1592to 1594;and celebratedpoem on the prophet, al-Busrrr'sBurda6a; from 1596to 1600he was to undertakean Italian tour, another collection of prayersós; a copy of a well- visiting the universitiesof , Bologna, and Siena. known manual on logic. al-Kátibi's Shamsi,vyawith a But his whereaboutsin the years I 594to 1596,between commentary by Qutb al-Dïn al-Tahtànróó;and a col- these periods of study, were not altogether clears3. lection of religiousand magical writings with another From the inscriptions to be found in some other copy of Íhe Burda, and an account of a vision of the Arabic manuscriptsacquired at Gran, it now appears prophets and of the first two orthodox Caliphs that that the nineteen-year-oldbibliophile baron had also occurredto the Algerian Abd al-Rahmán ibn Makhllf taken arms against the Turks, as his father had done al-Tha'álibI67. before him 5a.If not in the thick of the battle, he was Theseexamples we havecited of Arabic manuscripts close enough behind the leading troops at Gran to that were acquired as booty and spoils during the 'rescue', as he put it, some other books from destruc- sixteenth and early seventeenthcenturies provide a tion. He therefore acquired another section of the catalogueof conflicts,both major and minor, between Quran (the sixteenth .jut')tt, two Arabic prayer- Christian and Muslim forces during this period. But bookssó, and a lexicon containing some 700 difficult what importancecan be attachedto thesemanuscripts Arabic and Persianepistolary terms, glossed in Turkish for RenaissanceArabic studies? - the kitab-i Mushkilat-i Insha' by an anonymous Interest in accommodating the Arabic manuscript authors ?. collection of Mawláy Zaydán must to some extent Doubtless the single most dramatic episodein this have been stimulated bv the memorv of Benito Arias 104 MANUSCRIPTS OF THF MIDDLE EAST2 (1987)

Montano (d. 1598).As librarianof the Escoriallibrary the lead books. But there is no evidenceto show that he had calledfor the studyof Arabic6s;andat the end he took up the invitation. Later, in 1627, Sebastian of his life he had marvelledat the typographicalquality Tengnagelin Vienna receiveda copy of some of the of some proof pagesfrom the Medicean Arabic publi- text made by the Jesuit orientalist, Pierre Lanssel cations from Rome. scarcelybelieving they had been (1519-1632),who spent some time as professor of ?Ó. printed from movable type6q.But sincehis death, and Hebrew in Madrid, on the invitation of Philip IV before the disastrousfire of l67l when over half the In the Escorial,the library of Mawláy Zaydan was a Arabic manuscriptsin the library were lost, no notable prize that few could enjoy for its contents,especially Spanishscholars emerge who would have beencapable sincethe final expulsionof the Moriscos from Spainon of exploiting such sources.The relativeimmaturity of the edict of Philip III in 1609.As with the interpreta- Arabic studiesin Spain at this time is well illustrated tion of the lead books, the necessaryexpertise came by the story of the lead books of Granada and the from abroad. A Scottish Arabist, David Coville. searchfor competentinterpreters of their Arabic texts. worked on the collection from 1617 for a decade, It was in the spring and summer of 1595 that taught Arabic, and may have produced a catalogueof eighteenbooks made out of lead plates, inscribed on the Arabic manuscripts.now lost'?: and on the orders both sidesin an archaic-lookingArabic script (known of Philip IV, the FranciscanArabist Dominicus Ger- as the charactersof Solomon) were dug up by a team manus of Silesia(d. 1670)spent the last eighteenyears of excavatorsworking under the supervision of the of his life there,teaching Arabic. working on a transla- Archbishop of Granada. Don Pedro de Castro?O. tion of the Quran into Latin, and researchingother These extraordinar-vlead books were purported to projectsrelating to Arabic and Islam78. contain writings by two brothers.the Arabs St Tesi- In Rome the manuscripts acquired from Malta in phon and St Cecilio.who had knoun Christ and the 1620 could be of little consequencefor the develop- Virgin and were disciples of St James, The,v r.vere ment of Arabic studies.With the establishmentof the enthusiasticall-vaccepted b1 the Archbishop and Propaganda Fide societ.v.and the removal of the people of Granada as the genuineaccounts of nro Medicean oriental manuscriptsto Florence.Arabic martyrs from the Jacobitemission to Spain. Benito printingin Romebecame restricted to ChristianArabic Arias Montano, however. was among those u'ho terts and languageprimers: and any interestin Muslim doubted the authenticity of theselead books (as was devotionaltexts. such as those Íiom Malta. would have Rome), and he pleadediil-health to avoid involvement been negligible. in the debate. In northern Europe, on the other hand, a text such More such books were discoveredduring the fol- as the commentaryon the Hidava acquiredat Lepanto lowing ten years; and what emerges,and what proved stimulated interest on the part of Erpenius in the so difficult for the Granadansto accept,was that these comparativestudy of easternand westernlaw; and this had been very cleverly fabricated by two beleaguered manuscriptcould havebeen one of thosehe referredto Moriscos. Miguel de Luna and Alonso del Castillo. when he told studentsof the many legalistshe had seen Both men sharedthe necessarl'skills to producerelics cited in one or two booksre. Moreover,although the that they believedmight attract a more tolerant atti- volume of Bukhárï's $afttfifrom Tunis was not among tude towards their community. De Luna was the au- the manuscriptsErpenius borrowed from Heidelberg thor of a sympatheticaccount of the Muslim conquest in 1612.it was during his meetingsand discussions of Spain,which he ciaimed to have translatedfrom an with Ahmad ibn Qásim a year earlier that Erpenius eighth-centurysource in the Escorialll ; Castillor2 had realised the importance of being conversant with a made a list of inscriptionsin the Alhambra Palaceat wide range of Islamic theologicalliterature, including Granada and a catalogueof Arabic manuscriptsin the Quranic commentariesand Íhe Sunna\o. Tengnagel Escorial. Moreover. as the official Arabic interpreters consideredit worthwhile to borrow a volume of the of Granada, they were well placed to carry through Sahth from Munich and to have it copied by one of his their plans. Turkish prisoner-scribes81. But Philip III commissioneda committee to advise One plunderedbook that was put to scholarlyuse in him on how the question of the lead books should be print was the set of Turkish genealogicaltables taken handledI and in 1609it recommendeda searchabroad from Fiilek by Vitus Marchtaler in 1593.Over thirty for competenttranslators. A seriouseffort was made to years later, Wilhelm Schickard, the astronomer and find them. and at leasttwo Arabists had beeninduced orientalist at Tiibingen, incorporated the first six to visit Granada, one of whom, from the Vatican, was dynasties(of the seventeenit traces)into his historical promptly dismissedwhen he was heard to say he was publication, the Taricft, issued at Ti.ibingenin 1628. wasting his time on forgeries?3.Two of the most Ultimately, however, the scholarly value of such a distinguished Arabists of the age, Giovan Battista mythical text for a historical work is negligible;and it Raimondi in RomeTa and Thomas Eroenius in Lei- cannot be claimed that Schickardadvanced European den ?s,received samples of the text from Spain,in 1609 knowledgeof easternhistory by using this source82. and l6l9 respectively.Indeed, Erpenius was invited to As it happens, the single most likely book to be Granada by Archbishop Castro to carry out a study of found among manuscripts acquired in combat, the R. JONES: ARABIC MANUSC]RIPTS IN RENAISSANCE EUROPE r05

Quran, was greatly coveted by pioneering Arabists. way meant that it was essentialfor him to acquire his Not only did they look forward to producing transla- own copy, even to make his own copy despite the tions and commentariesof the Quran that would be shortageof time. But by the beginning of July, Erpe- betterinformed and more accuratethan the refutations nius had not had time to copy out the Quran; and and derivativeversions of those who knew no Arabic. becausehe had no copy of his own, he was only They also venerated its fully vocalised text as an recording words with reference to the sura numbers. invaluablelanguage primer. He asked Casaubon again to buy him a Quran, and The medievalLatin versioncommissioned at Toledo this time evensuggested he sell him this copyql. Thus, by Peterthe Venerableof Cluny in 1143and published when Casaubon yielded to Erpenius'sentreaties and. by Theodor Bibliander at Basel exactly four hundred what is more, simply give him the Quran, he could not yearslater in 1543provided the sourcefor a number of havebeen more pleasede2. published versionsin vernacular European languages Two indiceswritten by Erpeniusinto the manuscript in the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies83. These give page referencesfor sura headingsand page and were challengedby a few editions and translationsby line referencesfor the mystic letterswhich he soughtto Arabists of short srTrasand. in the mid-seventeenth interpret on several occasions.His precise linguistic century. by a French version of the entire text by the interestin the Quran is displayedin this copy by his French ambassadorto Alexandria. André du Ryer. marginal notes"which refer to variants in a copy then But real progressin understandingthe meaning of the kept in the King's library in Parise3.Moreover, an Quran and creating an effectiverefutation could only incipient interestin the of the revelationof be made on the basis of the entire Arabic text. the sÍras is to be seenin the margin to SrTra96. where Rumours that an Arabic Quran was printed at Venice Erpenius quotes a certain AbD Ja'far (possibly al- early in the sixteenthcentury havejust beensubstantia- Tabari) and the claim that this was the first (revealed) ted by the sensationaldiscovery of one extant copy. sura.He also copied out the Arabic imprecationwhich But this edition must have had a very restrictedEuro- he had seenin gold lettering and gold roundeis at the pean circulation and may only have beenused, among beginning of Scaliger'scopy - possibly the same the orientalists.by Teseo Ambrogio and Guillaume elegantQuran referredto by Kirstenea.Furthermore. Postel8a.Until the editionsof Hinckelmann8sand of Erpenius'sright to his Quran is confirmed in another Marraccisóat the ven' end of the seventeenthcentury'. notewritten b1' Etienne Hubertqs. whose own maghribr most Arabistswishing to readthe Quran in Arabic had copl is nou in Gdanskqó.Finall),'. u'e shouldmention the difficult task of finding handuritten copies. a manuscriptQuran rrrittenin a Europeanhand, now Completemanuscript Qurans \\.ererare. in Marburg. which uas copiedas an exercisein writing From Breslauin January 1608.Peter Kirsten told Arabic b1' a pupil of Golius. Jacob Vogeley,using Tengnagelof the manuscriptcopies of the Quran that Erpenius'sQuran and one other as the basise?. wereknown to himsr a very elegantone belonging It is likel-vthat severalof the Quransjust mentioned to Scaliger;the preciousone in Tengnagels'slibrarys8, were bought by scholars after they had been plun- which he wanted to borrow; and four examples in dered. Of the documented examples of plundered Breslau (two of his own. one in a public library, and Qurans cited above, we know that Johann Albrecht one belongingto a friend). von Widmanstetter could have employed his copy An undated manuscript Quran, now preserved,like from Tunis (with other copieshe owned) for the Latin Christmann'sQuran, in the BodleianLibrary. contains translationwhich he preparedqs;andit is evidentthat an unequivocal ownership inscription by Thomas Jacob Christmann carefully read the copy he acquired Erpenius, stating that he had been given the manu- from Hungary, annotating it in a way which revealsa scriptby IsaacCasaubon in 16108s.That was the year primarily theologicalrather than linguistic interest in Erpeniusspent ostensiblystudying theology under Du the text. Like Erpenius.he too includedan index to the PlessisMornay at the Huguenot collegein Saumur.but suras, adding the observation that there were ll4 in reality devoting his time to learning Arabic. writing chaptersin the Arabic text as opposed to 124 in the the first draft of his famous grammar book. and Latin version (the Bibliander edition). reading the Quran - this Quran, which was at first The Qurans and sectionsacquired by Job Hartmann, lent to him by Casaubon and then given to him in on the other hand, were probably not put to scholarly early August 1610.In April, Erpeniushad written to use.Although he was acquaintedwith SebastianTeng- Casaubon saying that he had not yet set about a nageleeand with Hieronymus Megiser,who published seriousreading of the Quran. but that he was dipping the first substantialEuropean grammar of Turkish in into it and recording paradigms with page and line 1612,Hartmann does not appear to have known any references,rather than by chapter and by verse, Arabic or Turkish; and thesebooks could have repre- because the length of some siiras and the uncertain sentedlittle more than hard won curiositiesin a biblio- systemof avat (red dots in this copy) did not make for phile's library. easyretrieval of wordse0.Keeping information in this r06 MANUSCRIPTSOF THE MIDDLE EAST 2 (1987)

NOTES NicolasClenardus, and that Arabicmanuscripts should be availablein Cordoba. at Salamancaduring * .q.CKNOwLEDGEMENTS On the poor stateof Arabic studies 'L'Arabe à Salaman- This article has evolved out of a draft chapter from my Clenardus'visit,see: Marcel Bataillon, xxi. 1935'2-3. doctorate. which I am currently submitting to London que au tempsde la Renaissance',in Hespéris, University's School of Oriental and African Studiesunder pp. l-17. s (5. Orienta- the title of Learning Arabic in RenaissanceEttrLtpe. I am Rodinson, op. cit., pp.34-37 The birth of particularly grateful to the organisersof the 9th uErcolt lism). ó Linguarun't Internationalconference, held in Tunisia in April 1987.who Thomas Erpenius, Orationes tres de the author's allowed me to read out that chapter; to the editor of this Ebraeae, atque Arabicae Dignítare, Leiden, journal, Dr. Jan Just Witkam, for offering to publish what press,I 621,p.94. For an English versionof the lecture,see: 'Thomas Arabic he had heard in Tunisia and for arranging the two photo- Erpenius (1584-1624)on the Value of the in graphs from Hollandl and to ProfessorAlastair Hamilton, Language', translatedfrom the Latin by Robert Jones. pp. for his challengingdiscussion of my findings. Some of the Manuscriptso.f the Middle East. 1. 1986. l5-25' I researchdisplayed here was supported by a Leverhulme I do not intend to supply a bibliography of secondary studiescited Trust study abroad studentship;time for writing has been literatureon RenaissanceArabists here.See the Arahist allowed thanks to my presentemployers. Bernard Quaritch by Alastair Hamilton in his l4/illiam Beàrell the cited in Ltd. I am grateful to all thoselibrarians who let me consult 1563-1632.Leiden 1985;and the lists of references (a salescata- their collectionsduring the course of this study; and espe- Philolosia Orientalís.Leiden 1976 and 1983 E'J. Brill). cially to the librarians in Groningen University. Leiden logue preparedby Mr. Rr.lkSmitskamp for 8 'The and University, and the Bodleian Library. Oxford. who have Karl H. Dannenfeld. RenaissanceHumanists suppliedand authorisedthe publication of the photographs the knoirledge of Arabic' in Sturliesin the Renaissunce- that appear in this article. 1955.II. p. 100.note 15. e lhid..p. 101. ABBREVIATIONS t0 Giorgio Levi della Vida. Ricert'he'sulla Forma:ione tlel ASF Archivio dr Stato. Florence. pià antit'o .f'ontlo dei Monost'ritti orientalí della Bíbliotet'u BLo Bodleian Library, Oxford. Vatícana.Città del Vaticano. 1939(Studi e Testi, 92). pp. BNF BibliotecaNazionale, Florence. 32-33.83-85. 11 'Avicenne BNp BibliothequeNationale,Paris. Marie-Théresed'Alverney. et les Médecins BSB BayerischeStaatsbibliothek, Munich. de Venise' in Medioevo e Rina'scimento, 1955, (Stucli itt BV BibliotecaVaticana. Onore di Bruno l{ardi). P. 185. r2 óNs ÓsterreichischeNationalbibliothek,Vienna. Bataillon.op. t'it..pussinr. 13 uBL Universiteitsbibliotheek.Leiden. Seethe essaysand notes by Gérald Duverdier. in the exhibition catalogue Le Lit're et le Liban ed. Camille NOTES Aboussouan.Paris. 1982. pa.s.slnl. 1a Erpenius.op. t'it.. p. 74: Jones.op. cit'. p.22' rs 'Viagio I On the medieval transmissionof knorvledgefollowing ASF.Statrtperíu Orientule. Filza 3. fo1s.1'-5': Christian reconquest.see for example:Norman Daniel. Ilrc per terra de lindia (.iit') orientale à Venetia'. describinga Arqbs and MedíevalELtrope, London and Beirut. 1975.pp. journey lrom Hormuz. overland through lran, to Aleppo. 263-264;W. Montgomery Watt, The Inftuence oí' Islam on Tripoli, and thenceto Venicevia Corfu, undertakenbetween Medieval Europe,Edinburgh, 1972,p.60; Maxime Rodin- February and December 1575.Both sourcesfor Raimondi's 'The son. Western Image and Western Studiesof Islam' in journey to the east are referred to by G.E. Saltini in his 'Della The Legac.v of Islam, ed. Schacht and C.E' Stamperia Orientale Medicea e di Giovan Battista 1860, Bosworth,Oxford, 1974,P. 15. Raimondi', in GiornqleSÍorico deglí Archivi Toscani, 2 Denys Forrest. Tiger of M1'sore' The Life and death of 4, p.265. 1ó Tipu Sultan,London, 1970,pp. 301-302.Charles Stewart, ,4 ASF,Stamperia Orientale, Filza 2. doc. XXV: a diary descríptive Catalogue o.f the Oriental Lihrar.v of the late kept by G.B. Raimondi of events in Rome between 1590 TippooSultan o.fM1'sore ... Cambridge, 1809. and 16 10,and giving detailsof the movementsof his agents. r? 'Sebastian 3 Pedro de Alcalá, Arte para legeramentesaber la lingua Franz Unterkircher, Tengnagel', chapter araviga. Vocabulista aravigo en leíra castellana, Granada. two in Die Gesc'hit'htecler Ósterreichischen Nationalbí- I 505.See the standardbibliography of pre-nineteenth-centu- btiothek, ed. Joseph Stummvoll, Vienna. 1968' (Museion, ry Arabic publications: Christian Friedrich von Schnurrer. Neue Folge, Reihe 2, Bd. 3, pp. 129-145). Bibliotheca Arabica. Halle, l8l 1 (reprinted . óNs, Cod. 8997,fols. 52'-53':Tengnagel's lists of Arabic 1968),pp. l6-19,no. 37. and Turkish books he required Albanus to find in Istanbul a An example of the contemporary expectationsthat in 1613and 1617. Spain could provide Arabic texts may be found at ASF, I am grateful to Dr. M.E.H.N. Mout for drawing my SÍamperiaOríentale, Filza 5, fols. 158. 169,202,208,214- attention to the Tengnagelcorrespondence in Vienna. ls 215: the letters from Fabritio Caputi in Madrid to G.B. Letters from d'Asquier to Tengnagel now in ÓNe, Raimondi in Rome, dated January to April 1592.In these Cod. 9737s,fol. 313,dated Ofen 26 September1624; Cod. letters, Caputi reported that he had been offered a published 9731t,fol. 22, datedKomorn 4 April 1625;fols. 167-168. grammar and wordlist of Arabic (i.e. Alcalá's), that he [Istanbul, 1627]; fols. 169-170,dated Prague 9 February L.red to acquire a srammar and dictionary written by 1628. Letters from Joseph Barbatus in Istanbul to Teng- R. JONES:ARABIC MANUSCR]PTSIN RENAISSANCEEUROPE t07 nagel in óNs, Cod. 9737t, fols. l-2, dated 3 January 1625; 12 dito beschehnenentsetzung der Statt Wienn, in dem fol. 152, dared29 luly 1627. verlassnenTrirkhischen Lager ist gefunden worden'' 28 lq BNp. MS Arabe 4338 (Duval's manuscript Arabic- SeeP. Alberto Guglielmotti, Storiu della Marína Pon- Latin dictionary compiled at Venice in 1610).See the pre- tificia, Roma, 1886.III, (2), pp. 406-409;and Joseph von 'Et face, dated Paris 1613,p. 1001: licet illa in civitate Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichtedes OsmanischenReiches, III' Neptunia [Venice]multi istius linguae [Arabic] periti passim Pest,1828, p. 174. 2q reperiantur. pauci tamen illam legere, aut ad normam Groningen University Library, MS 468, fols. 1-53,a congrui usus dictionessuas revocare, legitima observatione European copy of an extract from a Quran in a large dignoscunt.' maghribï hand. H. Brugmans, Catalogus Codícum Manu This manuscriptentered in Le livre et le Liban, p. 204,no. Scriptorum LJniversitatis Groninganae Bibliothecae, Gro' 75, with a note by Gérald Duverdier. ningen, 1898, p. 252. The inscription on the t'ersoof the 20 Levi dellaVida, op. cit., pp. 290-318. endpaperopposite lol. I reads: 'DiBes 21 M.Th. Houtsma (ed.), Uit de OosterscheCorrespon- Buch hab Ich i JohannesMarquart von Kung 1 dentie van Th. Erpenius,Jac. Golíusen Lev. Warner, Amster- beck Freyherr etc. als der allerdurch1 leuchtigestFiirst und dam, 1887.letter VI, pp.28-29. Herr Carolus i der V. RómischerKeijBer in Africam ' zoch. 22 For a selectionof Renaissanceeditions of Rhazesand und die Haupt Statt des Barbarisch , en Landts, Thunis Avicenna in Latin. see:Rafaela GonzalezCastrillo' Rha:es genant,erobert / und bltnderet gewunnen.und zu einerge ' y Avicena en la biblioteca de la I'aculdad de Medicina de la dechtnus mit mir heraus gefiihrt. unnd i ist sollichesbesche- i LlniversidadComplutense ... Madrid, 1984. hen als man zalt nach / Christi unBers Erlósers Geburt 23 Encl'clopaediaof Islaim,V, Leiden, 1983.pp.723-724. MDXXXV Jahr, auf den abend Mariae 1 Magdalenae. 2a Erpenius,op. cit., pp. 52,59,60;Jones, op. cit.. pp. 18- welcherwar der 21. Julii.' (Seeplate l). to 19. Bv, MS Arabo 249. Levi della Vida, Ricert'he(1939). On Erpenius and Leo Africanus, see:W.M.C. Juynboll, pp.296-298. 31 Zeventiende-eeutrscheBeoefenaars van het Arabisch in óNs, Cod.9737s,fol. 323. 32 l,lederland,Utrecht. 1931,pp. 16-77. BSB,Cod. Arab. l. Joseph Aumer. Die Arabí,st'hen On the search for manuscript copies of works by lbn Handschrd'tender k. Ho|- untl Stoat.shihlirtthekín Miinchen. Khaldun. Mas'[di. Ibn al-Raqiq. and Harirr (all of whom Munich. 1866.p. 1. 33 are mentionedby Leo Africanus). seethe lettersof Ahmad BNp.MS Arabe438.,1-39..1:10 (i.e.rols. 1.2. and 6). 'Les du Maghrebà ibn Qásim to Golius in Houtsrna.op. t'it.. lettersV. VI. FranqoisDéroche. Manuscritsdu Coran pp.24-33. l'lnsulinde' in: Cutulttguedes .llunu.scrits Áruhes, Manuscrit's 2s Giorgio Levi della Yida, Dot'turrcntiírttorno alle Relu- ^\Íu.sulnutns.l.l. Paris 1985. pp. 37-38.records the following zioní delle Chíese Orientali con la S. Sede durante il Ponti- inscription Íiom the beginningof vol. 2: 'c'est que le Empereur des .ficato dí Gregorio XIII. Città del Vaticano. 1948 (Studi e l'alchoran Charles Quint, Testi, 143). Romains et Roy des Espagnes,aporta de sesexpéditions de 2ó Daniel von Nessel, Catalogus sive RecensioSpecialis Tunis et Alger et que le cardinal Granvelle avoit tiré de omnium Codicum Monuscriptorum Graecorum, nec non Lin- I'Escurial pour le mettre en sa bibliothèque.' to guarum Orientalium, AugustissimaeBibliothecae Caesareae BV, Ar.214,219. Levi dellaVida. op. cit.. p' 190. Levi della Vida. /oc'. Vindobonensis... Vienna and Niirnberg, 1690,Pars VII, no. " Bv, Ar. 209.222.225,230.232. 273. recordsthe following inscription: ctt. 'Als 3ó man zahlt 1529.Jahr BV. Ar.254,Turco 21. Levi dellaVida. p. 191. 3r DiB Buechlinerobert war Braulio Justel Calabozo, La Real Bihlioteca de el Zu Wien vor der grossenStatt Est'orial v susManust'rito.s Arttbe.s. Madrid. 1978.pp. 138- Als der Tuerk die belegerthatt I 39. 38 In de8 Tuerken Veldlaegerdau8 [sic] Carl Brockelmann^Geschichte der ArabischenLítíera- In einem oedenverprenten Hau8 tnr. I, Leiden,19432,p.468. 3e Darin Tuerken gelegensind uBL, Cod. Or. 222. P. de Jong and M.J. de Goeje, Nach dem sie wieder abzogensind Catalogus Codicum Orientalium Bihliothecae Acqdemiae Durch ein Landsknechtzart Lugduno Batavae,IV, Leiden, 1866.p. 120. Mir Johan Traberger verkaufft wart I am grateful to ProfessorAlastair Hamilton for alerting Als ich in der Statt Wienn gelegen me to his discoverythat, contrary to the traditional view, Und sambt andern hab helffenverwaren.' this manuscript did not belong to Joseph Scaligerbut to 2? óNB,A.F . 527, an Arabic prayer book. Gustav Fliigel, Franciscus Raphelengius. Alastair Hamilton identifies nine Die Arabischen,Persischen, und TiirkischenHandschriften zu manuscripts that formerly belonged to Raphelengius, and Wien, III, Vienna, 1867, p. 156, no. 1719, records the are now preservedin Leiden University Library, in his - following inscription from fol. l': forthcoming article:'

'1594 batalla navall quando se venqiola armada turchescasiendo Nichts ohn Vrsach.Diess Piechl hab Ich bekhumen dos cientasy trenyta galerasy sexentagaleotas y la vengioel Als wir Neuigrat habeneingenumen von Ttirgen,welches ist s. don joan de austria hermano dell rey don phelipenuestro geschehnden 9 tag Marcij Im funfzehnhundert Vnd in Vier sefrorsiendo generall de la armada christianaque eran dos und NeunzigenJar. Gott geb weitter gliickh und Heyl.' gientas y ocho galeras seys galeasasy trenyta fragatas a7 Jorga,op. cit., pp. 314-315. encontraronse las ditxas dos armadasdelante del golfo de a8 Library of the Schoolof Oriental and African Studies. lepanto dia de sanct marcos martir y papa a los 7. de London: EA 59.12 (59641). Lesley Forbes, Catalogue of octubre l57l afros y siendo vengidos los turchos solo se Books printed betv'een1500 and 1599in the líbrar.vof'the salvaron 28 vexellesentre galerasy galeotasquedando las SchooloJ'Oriental and African Studies,London. 1968(preli- demasen poder de los christianosy se tomo estelibro entre minary edition), no. 291: Brief Traicte de le Victoire que le los ricos spolios que de ditxa victoria quedaron y me fue Compte Charlesde Mansfelt, Prince du Sainct Empire, Capi- dado a mi don bernardode josa 10 otros por don guillem de taíne Lieutenant General en Hungarie à l'encontre du Turc, sanctelimenteque en ditxa jornada sehallo y de alla lo traxo devant la ville cle Strigoine, a par la grace de Dieu obtenu, le en roma y alli me 1o dio 4. iour d'Áougst, I'An 1595, Antwerp, Arnould Coninx, Ita est. Bernardo de josa.' (Seeplate 2). 1595.4 unnumberedleaves. Sanctelimenteis not listed in A. Salimei. Gli Italíani a ae óNB.A.F. 184.Fliigel. III. p.43. no. 1588.records the Lepanto,Rome, 1931. following inscription on fol. 286': 'Strigonio ao For an outlineof the courseof this war. see:C. Max a Christianiscapto sub auspiciisRudolphi II. Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperíali.smduring tlte Re/'ormation: Imp. Caes.Aug. An. MDXCV liber hic turcicus.tob.Hart- Europe and the Cuucttsus.New York. London. 1972. manno Baroni Enenkeliodonatus An. sequentea Dn. Wolf- pp.123-158.and the sourcescited there. acacio Barone de Althan Equit. CCC. Germ. Ductore a1 Hammer. op. r'it.. IV. Pest 1829.pp. 221-222.N. cognatosuo.' Jorga. Gesc'hic'htedes OsntanisL'ltenReiLhe.s. Gotha 1910. On Wolf DietrichBaron of Althann ( I 557-1620). Captain vol.3.p. 295. in Rudolph II's army'.see: Moriz Bermann.Ósterreichisthes a2 Nessel,op. cit., no. 182.recording the following in- hiogrupltíst'lte.;Lerit'on. Vienna l85l-1852.p. I14. scription: s0 óNB.A.F . 424.Fliigel. III. p. 44.no. I 592,records this 'In victoriosissimoillo, Devini numinis Clementia,Chris- inscription from fol. 3'' 'Strigonio tianorum conflictu contra Turcas ad Albam Regalem3 die capto an. MDXCV. Hic liber Turcicus biblio- Novem. 1593 feliciter obtento, SteffanusSchupman Gori- thecae Enenkelianaeab Austriacae Militiae Summo prae- tiensis.occiso Turco, ex spoliishunc librum. sanguinecons- fecto D. Bernardo Leone Gallo donatus fuit.' persum,Hieronymo Beck à Leopoldstorf D.D.' sr óNB,4.F.245.Fhigel, III, pp.48-49.no. 1603,records a3 Hammer, loc. cít.: Jorga.loc. cit. the following inscription from fol. 20': 'Capto aa Herzog August Bibliothek. Wolfenbtlttel. Ms Heine- a ChristianisStrigonio an. MDXCV Liber hic mann 3899. The manuscript was taken from Fr.ilekaccor- Turcicus inter praedam emtus a milite per Job. Hartman- 'Arabische. ding to Manfred Ullmann in his tiirkischeund num BaronemEnenkelium.' 'Job persischeStudien' in trl'ílhelnrSchickard 1-rq)-1635.AsÍro- s: See: BaronessAnna Coreth. Hartmann von nom, Geograph, Orientalist, Erfinder der Rechenntu.schine. Enenkel: ein Gelehrterder Spàtrenaissancein Ósterreich'in (ed. Fnedrich Seck).Tiibingen, 1978.p. 115.note 38. But Mitteilungen des Instituts .lur Geschichtslnrsc'hungund Ar- according to Nessel.op. t'it., no. 158, it was taken from a chivx'issenschaftin Wien. 55 (1944).pp. 247-302. plundered mosque two years before the capture of Frilek: 53 lbid., p. 261. 'Volumen manuscriptum GenealogicumTurc-Arabicum ... s4 lhid., p. 252. quod biennio antequam famosissimumillud Ungariae Cas- ss óNB,A.F. 246: the l3th and l6th ja;'s. Fli.-igel,III. tellum Villek expugnaretur,Dominus Vitus Marchtalerus p.48, no. 1602,records the following inscription at the Suevus. tum temporis in Ungaria militans, in direptione beginningof juz' 16: 'Strigonio Templi Muhammedani (Mesgidam vocant) nactus fuit ...' capto An. MDXCV. Liber hic a Job. Hart- as BLo.MS Laud. Or.246. manno Barone Enenkelio inter spolia castror. Turcicor. I am very gratefulto Mr. Colin Wakefieldof the Oriental Expugnator. acquisitus et Bibliothecae suae illatus an. Department of the BodleianLibrary for informing me of his MDXCVI.' discoveryof this manuscript and its former ownership by só óNB, A.F. 473. Fltigel, III. pp. 164-165,no. 1730, Christmann. The following transcription of the inscription recordsthe following inscriptionfrom insidethe front cover: 'Deo on fol. 1' was made possible with the kind help of Mr. conservatoricujus favore auxilioque Dn. Rudolphus Wakefield,Professor Alastair Hamilton, and ProfessorH.J. Austr. Imp. semperaugustus Italicus. Hispanicus. Pannoni- de Jonge. cus.Turcicus. Dacicus. anno IHV MDXCV arcesStrigonias 'Clarissimo et doctissimo viro Domino Iacobo Christ- recepit heic feliciter expugnatis captisque hostium castris manno / professorilogices in inclyta Heidelbergensi/ Acade- Jobus Hartmannus Enenkel Liber Baro Austr. hunc librum mia dignissimo:Matthaeus Uyfalvi / Ungarus memoriaeet bibliothecaesuae a militari violentia vindicavit.' observantiaeergo mitte / bat. Anno 1593.Cuius finis fuit And óNs,A.F. 531.Fhigel, III. p. 189,no. 1763.records Un / garis optatissimuset felicissimusreceptis trium septi / this inscription from fol. 1': 'Strigonio manarum spatio undecim arcibus antea a turcis occupatis. receptoanno Dni MDXCV. Hic libellusturci- Ex quarum spoliiset hic liber.' (Seeplate 3). cus captusbibliothecaeque dicatus a Jobo Hartmanno Enen- aó óxn, A.F. 501. Fhigel,III, p. 158, no. 1723,records kelio AlbrechtsbergioLibero Barone HoheneccioAustrio.' the following inscription inside the lower cover: s7 óNB,A.F. 175.Fhigel, I, p. l16, no. 108 (2), records IO9 R. JONES ARABIC MANUSCRIPTSIN RENAISSANCEEUROPE

?e Erpenius,op' cit', (1621),pp' 57' 79-80;Jones' op' ciÍ'' thisinscription from fol' 41": pp. 23. 'Per Dominum nostrumRodolPhum recepto Strigonio 18, 8o IsaacCasaubon, Epistolae, Rotterdam, 1709'p' 661: a MDXCVI Jobus HartmannusEnenkel Liber Baro hunc letter from Thomas Erpenius to Isaac Casaubon' dated librum ab interitu vindicavit'' Parisiv KalendsOctober 1611. s8 JustelCalabozo. op. cit., pp. l7l-187' 81 óNB. A.F. 3l is the copy that Tengnagelcommissio- se Ibid.,p. 173. ned. See;Fhigel, III, p' 84, no. 164'7' óo Erpenius,oP. cit., P. 65'. sss Cod. Àrab. 113. 114,115, 116.are sectionsof the 'Quinque aut sex anni sunt. quod Regis Maroccani Sahrh of Maghrihr provenancethat belonged to Widman- BibiÀtheóaArabica, a Nearchaquodam Massiliensiimprobe stetter.See: Aumer, op. cit., pp' 23-24. in Hispanum avecta,et in Regis Hispaniarum Bibliothecam 82 Ullmann, op. cit., PP. 115-120. transláta fuit. Ea, referente ipsiusmet Regis Maroccani 83 For the Cluniac Quran see:James Kritzeck' Peter the Legato, codicibusjustis & distinctisconstat septemmille et Venerahleand Islam, Princeton. 1964' octingentis.' 8a Schnurrer,op. r'it., pp. 402-4,no' 367: JoséeBalagna' ó1 Levi della Vida. op. cit.. pp.260-262. L'imprimerie atabe en occ'ident('rt'l', -ri'll', xt'iií' siècles)' ó2BV. Turc.3. 4.6,26,31' 352. 'Le paris tgg+.pp. 23f.: Coran énigmatiquede Venise" ó3 BV.Ar. 201,204,205.224,221. For the recentdiscovery of TeseoAmbrogio's own copy óa Bv. ê'r.231. 'll of this printed see:Angela Nuovo Corano arabo ós Bv. Ar. 238. Quran, ritrovaio' in La Bíhtioíilia'LXXXIX (1987).pp'237-211' óó Bv. Ar. 302. 8s Al-Coranus .t. lex Islamítica Muhamntedis' ftlii 6t Bv. Ar. 370. Abdatlaepseutloprophetae, ad optimorunt t'odicttntfident editu ó8 JustelCalabozo. op. cit-,p. 154. Hamburg' 1694'Schnur- óq 5, fol' 202: a letter ex museoAbraham Hínckelmanni. ASF.Stan'rperia Orientale, Fllza j" 'La rer, op. cit.,p.410ff, no. 376; and Jean Ar'rcagnes from Fabritio Caputi in Madrid to Giovan Battista Rai- Préfaced'Abraham Hinckelmann.ou la naissanced'un nou- mondi in Rome.dated 4 January1592:' ... et [AriasMonta- veaumonde' in Le Lít'reet le Lihon.pp' 138-143' no] apenaha potuto crederche la stampefosse composta di s6 Alcoraní lerttts uttit'el'.ti/.!c.Y t'tttreL'tit'rihu:'4ruhuttt diverselettere, ma per la mirabile lor commessuracredeva exenrplurihu.\stoluttu htle. utqut'pult ltt'rrinti.tt lrrtrctt'ttrihus fosserole parti intagliatein tavoledi rame'Ma io havendole ,le.sr'r:ipt,s,eudt'ttttlttt' Íitlt'. ut puri tlilig.ttiu er arabico itlio- affermato che questa stampa era conle l'altre ordinarie di rrtult' itt lulintrnt trun.sltttttt... His cttrutihusltroemíssus est caratteriseparati et composti poi insiemen'è rtmastomara- Protlronttt.sttttttnt priort'ttt I()ttntntítttplt'ns " dll('lor( Ludo- vigliatissimo. . .' 'An t'iL'oIÍttrrttt't'rt.r ... Padua.1698. Schnurrer' pp' 412-414'no' '0 T.D. Kendrick. exampleof theodicy-motirein 371. thought', tn Frit: Sarl 1890-1948'Á t'olutrtt 81 óxs. MS 9737r.fols.71'-72'.72d' a letter from Peter tJ' mimorial e.tsr/-)'rfrom his friends in England. (ed' D'J' Kirsten in Breslauto SebastianTengnagel in Vienna. dated Gordon),London. 1957.pp. 309-325'See also id', St'Jqmes 'The 3 January 1608. ;n Spain, Edinburgh & London. 1960. Ch' V: Lead 88 Poisibly óNs. MS A.F. 6.. a fine SriirlsQuran copied Books1595-1616'. 1555. It contains a later interlinear Turkish translation' ?I Miguel de Luna, La verdaderah)'storia del Rey Don c. Though the richly conceivedillumination was not comple- Roclrigo,in la qual se Írata de la causaprint'ipal de la pérdida 'rarus ted. Tengnagelreferred to this Quran in.l625 as et le Espafru 1' la c'onquisla que della hizo Miramamolin pretiosus:.See the exhibition catalogue:Osterreit'h tnd die Almangor..., Granada, 1592and 1600. 'Osnrunen (Gemeinsame Ausstellung der ósterreichischen r2 Dario Cabanelas Rodriguez, El Morisco Granadino Nationalbibliothek und des ósterreichischenStaatsarchiv). Alonsodel Castillo.Granada, 1965' Neck et al.. Vienna 1983,p. 53. exhibit78' ?3 Kendrick,St Jantesin Spain.pp' 108-109' ed. Rudolph 8q BLo.MS Marsh 358. ?a BNF,MS II, V, 157.(six differentdocuments bound in I am grateful to Mr Colin Wakefield for locating this rogether).The fifth documentconsists of 7 leavescontaining manuscript for me. Erpenius'sownership inscription is on Ràimondi'sparsing of the passageof Arabic that had been the versoof the first blank leaf following the text and reads: rent to him from Spain; a letter in Spanishfrom Ello Hybar 'Sum Thomae Erpenii ex dono Clarissimiviri IsaaciCasau- Jated 24 January, 1609; a letter from the Cardinal of boni anno 1610.' Granada. eo Casaubon,Epistolae,pp.343-344: A letterfrom Tho- ?s Gerard Ioannis Vossius,Oratio in ohitum clarissimiac to Isaac Casaubonin Paris.dated praestanrissimiviri, ThomaeErpenii '.. Leiden, 1625'pp' 3l- mas Erpeniusin Saumur the Kalends of April 1610,and containing the following: 32. citing a letter to Erpenius from Archbishop Castro of 'Alcorani seriam lectionemnondum sum aggressus'(etsi Granada.dated 4 June, 1619' aliquotiesregularum indagandarum gratia percurrertm) ró óNB,MS 97371,fol. 151'to SebastianTengnagel from eum quod ante mihi sit describendus.quo omnia in eo obser- Pierre Lansselin Antwerp, dated 23 July 1627: commode in Dictionarium meum referre possim. '... in superhabes aliquot lineasantiquo charactereAra- vanda paginiset lineis:nam azoararumcitatio non potest bico quas ex prima lamina plumbea in montibus Granaten- citatis mihi sufficere,cum quaedamnimis prolixaesint, et versuum' sibus ante aliquot annos reperta descripsi,lubenter tuum (quos id estslgna, vocant) ratio ita incertaet varia, ut iudicium excipiam.' /áyát/. ipsi nihil possint certi The extract from the lead tablet is on fol. 150'. de ea imastin/ [i.e' imu'allimin1] licet singulisazoaris eorum numerus superscriLtan- ?? JustelCalabozo, op. cit'. pp. 93, 224-226. statuere, 18 lbíd., pp. 93, 226-221. tur.' 2 (1987) 110 MANUSCRIPTSOF THE MIDDLE EAST

to the king - codex maior regnus' mmor s1 lbí(t.,pp' 355-356,Erpenius to Casaubon,dated Post- Qurans belonging ridie Kalend.JulY l610: reg. ea among the sections classed 'Si fortassis Alcoranus aliquis Arabicus venalis in manus Not identifiable Quran collectionin Leiden University Library' tuas incidat, velis eum pro me emere; modo tersus sit, et among the Scaliger es note ls on the recto of the last blank leaf utcunque bene scriptus: de pretio nihil possum determinare, Hubert's and reads: melius id me nosti. Valde optarem quam primum unum ^preceding the text 'Je livre pour celuy de Monsieur Erpenius' habere,antequam scedulasmeas in Dictionarium reponen- reóonnai ce his initial, to be seen in several of his das dissecem,quo cuique voci paginam et lineam Alcorani Hubert.' [With mei possim assignare.Hactenus nimirum non nisi azoaÍàs manuscripts in nNr]. eó Dembski, Cataloguedes Manuscrits Arabes' notavi. quia proprium Alcoranum non habui' Coeperam Wojciech (vol. V' 1, of Catalogue des Manuscrits eum describere;sed labor et amissiotemporis ab incepto me Warsaw, 1964 Polonaises), p' l5' no' I : a revocavit.Si auderem,rogarem te, ut illud exemplar,quod Orientaux rles Collections in 1008AHi 1599-1600AD' hic a te habeo. mihi venderis; si quidem alia exemplaria maghribíQuran copied ót Die ArabischenHandschriften habeas.ita ut hoc sine incommodo magno carerequeas'' Adnun Jawad Al-Toma, Marburg' 1979,pp' 35- e2 British Library, MS. Burney 364. fol. 23'. Erpeniusto der ttniversitàtsbibtiothekMarburg, Casaubondated 20 August, l6l0: 42, no. 1. e8 v' Widmanstetter1506- 'Quod Alcoranum Arabicum quem postremis meis a te Max Miiller, JohannAlbrecht Bamberg, 1908'p' 76' petiveramtam benevoleex voto meo mihi concedas,mirum 1557.Sein Lebenund Wirken, qe fols. 266-280: letters to Sebastian in modum gaudeo,et gratias tibi ago quam possum maxl- óNs, MS 9737t, mas.' Tengnagel from Job Hartmann. e3 On fol. 13' of his Quran, Erpenius refers to two