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lasting alleviation come; but in demanding much—all—in a bold self-assertion of the worker to toil any hours he finds sufficient, not that another finds for him—here is wherethe way out lies.”100 So it was that Voltairine de Cleyre embraced the anarchist An American Anarchist creed and was launched on her new life as one of its most The Life of Voltairine de Cleyre devoted apostles. The spirit of revenge, she declares, “accom- plished its brutal act.” But had it lifted its eyes from its work, “it might have seen in the background of the scaffold that bleak Paul Avrich November morning the dawn-light of Anarchy whiten across the world.”101 The year 1888 marked a major turning point in Voltairine de Cleyre’s life. Not only was it the year in which she became an anarchist and wrote her first anarchist essays. It was also the year in which, while on the lecture circuit, she met the three men who played the most critical roles in her life: T. Hamilton Garside, with whom she fell passionately in love; James B. El- liott, by whom she had her only child; and Dyer D. Lum, with whom her relationship, being intellectual and moral as well as physical, transcended those with Garside and Elliott, yet ended, like the others, in tragedy. Of Garside we know very little. A former evangelical preacher, he was a fluent, magnetic speaker who had come to the United States from Scotland, converted to socialism, and lectured for the Knights of Labor and other working-class groups. Emma Goldman, who met him around 1890 during a textile strike in which he was an agitator, describes him as being “about thirty-five, tall, pale, and languid-looking. His manner was gentle and ingratiating, and he resembled somewhat the pictures of Christ.”102 Voltairine too, in her poem “Betrayed,” speaks of “his tender mouth and Christ-like 100 Selected Works, pp. 166–67. 101 Ibid., p. 171. 102 Emma Goldman, Living My Life, New York, 1931, p. 57. See also 1978 Rocker, Johann Most, p. 369. 68 “Voltai didn’t like it; she didn’t like the way my words rang in her ears.”97 As the case unfolded, she followed it with fever- ish excitement. At length she came to the conclusion that “the accusation was false, the trial a farce, that there was no war- rant either in justice or in law for their conviction; and that the hanging, if hanging there should be, would be the act of a society composed of people who had said what I said on the first night, and who had kept their eyes and ears fast shutever since, determined to see nothing but rage and vengeance.”98 Around this time, moreover, her lectures took her to Chicago and brought her into contact with friends of the condemned men, who reinforced her conclusions regarding “the infamy of the trial and the judgment.” Hoping until the end for mercy, she felt a crushing disappointment, an overwhelming sorrow, when the men were finally hanged. Her early compassion for Jesus—“cursed for all his love; thanked with the cross”99—was transferred to her martyred comrades, for whom the gallows had replaced the crucifix as the instrument and symbol of repression. Embracing their ideal as her own, she became an anarchist for life; and in an effort of expiation she set out to investigate their beliefs, to learn all she could of what they had preached. “Little by little I came to know that these were men who had a clearer vision of human right than most of their fellows; and who, being moved by deep social sympathies, wished to share their vision with their fellows, and so proclaimed it in the market place,” she writes. “It was the message of these men (and their death swept that message far out into ears that would never have heard their living voices), that all [piecemeal reforms] are folly. That not in demanding little, not in striking foran hour less, not in mountain labor to bring forth mice, can any 97 Frumkin, In friling fun yidishn sotsializm, p. 242. 98 Selected Works, pp. 165–66. 99 Voltairine de Cleyre, autobiographical sketch, Wess Papers. 67 The Haymarket affair—the unfairness of the trial, the savagery of the sentences, the character and bearing of the defendants—fired the imagination of many young idealists and won more than a few to the anarchist cause. Among them was Voltairine de Cleyre. As with Emma Goldman, Alexander Contents Berkman, and many others, the event remained permanently embedded in her consciousness. Haymarket runs like a scarlet thread through her writings, both published and unpublished. Foreword to the 40th Anniversary Edition of An She dedicated a poem to Governor Altgeld when he pardoned American Anarchist ............... 5 Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab, and yet another after his death Preface ......................... 10 in 1902. She wrote a poem to Matthew M. Trumbull, a distin- guished Chicago attorney who had defended the anarchists in An American Anarchist 22 two incisive pamphlets and appealed to the state for clemency. Introduction ...................... 22 For the epigraph of her poem “The Hurricane” she quoted the 1. Childhood ...................... 36 prophecy of Spies: “We are the birds of the coming storm.” 2. The Making of an Anarchist . 55 Nearly every year she took part in memorial meetings to her 3. Philadelphia ..................... 86 comrades, delivering moving and deeply felt orations, the 4. England and Scotland . 116 most powerful of her career. 5. Pity and Vengeance . 134 At the time of the explosion in May 1886, Voltai was nine- 6. Anarchism without Adjectives . 156 teen years old. She was living in St. Johns and had not yet 7. Herman Helcher . 181 embarked on her radical course. Glimpsing the newspaper 8. The Broad Street Riot . 199 headlines—“Anarchists Throw Bomb in Crowd in the Haymar- 9. Chicago . 222 ket in Chicago”—she joined the cry for vengeance. “They ought 10. Light upon Waldheim . 240 to be hanged she declared, words over which she agonized Chronology 247 for the rest of her life. “For that ignorant, outrageous, blood- thirsty sentence I shall never forgive myself,” she confessed on Bibliography 249 the fourteenth anniversary of the executions, “though I know the dead men would have forgiven me, though I know those who love them forgive me. But my own voice, as it sounded that night, will sound so in my ears till I die—a bitter reproach and shame.”96 No sooner had the pronouncement escaped from her lips than she regretted it. When Addie responded in agreement, 96 Free Society, November 24, 1901; Selected Works, pp. 164–65. 66 3 nearly seventy were injured, of whom six later died. The police opened fire on the crowd, killing at least four workers and wounding many more. Who threw the bomb has never been determined. What is certain, however, is that the eight men who were brought to trial, Albert Parsons, August Spies, George Engel, Adolph Fis- cher, Louis Lingg, Samuel Fielden, Oscar Neebe, and Michael Schwab, were not responsible. Six of them, in fact, were not even present when the explosion occurred, and the other two were demonstrably innocent of throwing the bomb. Moreover, no evidence was produced to connect the defendants with the bombthrower. Yet all eight were found guilty, the verdict be- ing the product of perjured testimony, a packed jury, a biased judge, and public hysteria. In spite of petitions for clemency and appeals to higher courts, five of the defendants were con- demned to death and the others to long terms of imprisonment. On November 10, 1887, Lingg committed suicide in his cell with a cigar-shaped explosive smuggled to him by a friend. The fol- lowing day, November 11th, Parsons, Spies, Engel, and Fischer were hanged.95 The five Chicago anarchists became martyrs. Their pictures were displayed at anarchist meetings; every year, November 11th was observed in their honor; and the last words of Parsons and Spies—“Let the voice of the people be heard!” and “There will come a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today!”—were often quoted in anarchist speeches and writings. Six years later, in 1893, the imprisoned men, Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab, were pardoned by Governor John P. Altgeld, who criticized the judge for conducting the trial “with malicious ferocity” and found that the evidence had not shown that any of the eight anarchists were involved in the bombing. 95 Henry David’s The History of the Haymarket Affair, New York, 1936, remains the most authoritative account. 65 study of the sources of anarchist theory and practice. Most Foreword to the 40th Anniversary Edition important among these was Benjamin Tucker’s Liberty, the of An American Anarchist leading anarchist journal of the day, which convinced her, in the motto of Proudhon on its masthead, that “Liberty is not In 1990, I walked into a tiny anarchist bookstore and found a the Daughter but the Mother of Order.” As she mastered the rare copy of An American Anarchist: The Life of Voltairine de doctrines of anarchism, she found herself irresistibly drawn to Cleyre by Paul Avrich. I knew de Cleyre only as a figure men- them; and though she was quick to shed the individualistic eco- tioned in Avrich’s later book The Haymarket Tragedy. Because nomic gospel advocated by Tucker’s circle, anarchism itself re- I relished Avrich’s writing already, because I had the enthusi- mained with her and “broadened, deepened, and intensified it- asm of a recent convert to anarchist thinking, I could hardly self with years.”92 wait to read de Cleyre’s biography.

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