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74-17,786

ICINNEY, Lois Belton, 1923- A RHETORICAL STUDY OF THE PRACTICE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS ON THE ISSUE OF HUMAN RIGHTS, 1840-1860.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1974 Speech

University Microfilms,A XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan

© 1974

LOIS BELTON KINNEY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED A RHETORICAL STUDY OF THE PRACTICE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS

ON THE ISSUE OF HUMAN RIGHTS, 1840-1860

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Lois Belton Kinney, B.A., A.M.

*****

The Ohio State University 1973

Reading Committee: Approved by

Dr. William R. Brown

Dr. James L. Golden

Dr. John J. Makay

Advisor Department of Speech Communication ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

To Dr. James L. Golden, my academic advisor, I ex­

tend sincere appreciation for his guidance and assistance

during the course of this study. Appreciation is also ex­

tended to Dr. William R. Brown and Dr. John J. Makay, mem­ bers of my dissertation committee who offered their con­

structive criticisms and suggestions.

For their correspondence and contributions during

the initial stages of this study, I wish to express grati­

tude to the research librarians and their staff at The Ohio

State University, Columbus, Ohio; Oberlin College, Oberlin,

Ohio; Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts; Atlanta

University, Atlanta, Georgia; The University of Rochester,

Rochester, New York; The University of Buffalo, Buffalo,

New York; Buffalo and Erie County Library, Buffalo, New

York; The New York Public Library, New York, New York; The

Ohio State Historical Society, Columbus, Ohio; The Histori­

cal Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; and the Division of Information, United States Department

of the Interior, Washington, D.C.

ii To the Honorable Julian Bond for permitting me an interview relative to Frederick Douglass, and Dr. Benjamin

Quarles for his informative correspondence relative to sources about Douglass go my sincere thanks.

I would like also to thank Janet Austin, my typist, who sacrificed countless hours in order that this study could be completed on time.

Not to be forgotten for their love, understanding and personal contributions are my parents to whom I owe so much.

To Ellen Wilson, a relative, goes my sincere grati­ tude for her encouragement, inspiration and loyalty.

My final statement of appreciation goes to Charma, the dearest daughter a mother could have, without whose love, loyalty, cooperation and understanding the completion of this study would not have been possible. VITA

August 25, 1923.... Born - Jacksonville, Florida

1943...... B.A., Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio

1943-1946; 1954-1955 . Instructor, Edward Waters College, Jacksonville, Florida

1947 ...... A.M., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

194-7-1949 ...... Instructor of Speech and Director of The Laboratory Theatre, Ten­ nessee State College, Nashville, Tennessee

1949-1954; 1958-1961 Director of Drama and Assistant Professor of Speech, Morris Brown College, Atlanta, Georgia

1955-1956 Instructor, Little Brown School, Bronx, New York

1956-1957 Assistant Professor of Speech, Virginia State College, Peters­ burg, Virginia

1961- Director of Radio Broadcasting and Assistant Professor of Speech, A & T State University, Greensboro, North Carolina

PUBLICATIONS

Article: "The Laboratory Theatre," The Southern Associa­ tion of Dramatic and Speech Arts Journal, 1948. FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Speech Communication

Studies in Rhetoric: Professors James L. Golden, William R. Brown

Studies in Communication Theory: Professors Jack E. Douglas, Leonard C. Hawes

Studies in Anthropology: Professor Ojo E. Arewa

Studies in Broadcasting: Professors Walter B. Emery, I. Keith Tyler, Joseph M. Foley

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... ii

VITA, PUBLICATIONS ...... iv

FIELDS OF STUDY ...... V

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

The Importance and Relevance of the Topic Statement of the Problem Research Methodology Availability of Research Materials Organization of the Dissertation

II. THE HISTORICAL S E T T I N G ...... 15

The National Issue of Slavery The Domestic Issue of Slavery Major Responses to the Slavery Question: Assimilation Separation Revolution Summary

III. DOUGLASS: AN OVERVIEW ...... 59

The Formative Years The Disillusioned Escapee The Garrisonian Abolitionist The Political Warrior The Reformer Summary

vi Chapter Page

IV. THE DOUGLASS MESSAGE: LOGOS ...... 113

Consequences and Criss-Cross Consequences Essential Definition Authoritative Testimony Future Fact Testimony: Statistics Causal Relationship Inconsistencies Sign Existing Decisions Instances Conditional Premise Authoritative Testimony Refutation Examples Authoritative Testimony Possible and Impossible Comparison Induction Incredible Occurrences The Good. More and Less Witness and Contracts Summary

V. THE DOUGLASS MESSAGE: ETHOS AND PATHOS 147

Ethos: Initial Ethos: Derived Ethos: Terminal Pathos Summary

VI. DISPOSITIO ...... 196

Parts of a Speech Analyses: "The Church and Prejudice" "The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro " Summary

vii Chapter Page

VII. DOUGLASS' USE OF LANGUAGE ...... 226

Style: Historical Character The Classical Period The British Period The Modern Period The Nature of Oral and Written Style Analysis of Douglass' Speech Style Clarity Correctness Appropriateness Vividness Analysis of Douglass' Written Style Editorial: "What Are the Colored People Doing for Themselves?" Summary

VIII. CONCLUSIONS ...... 271

The Man and His Message Implications of the Study

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 297

viii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Importance and Relevance of the Study

The years on which this study will focus comprise, perhaps, the most exciting period in the history of this nation, and Frederick Douglass was a leading figure at this time in the abolition movement, a reform effort that shook the Union to its foundation in a relentless struggle to destroy slavery. Leland Griffin has stated that historical movements result from intolerance with some part of an en­ vironment, and those affected seek to alter the environment to their satisfaction."*" The abolition movement, historical and value-oriented in nature, grew out of dissatisfaction on the part of some humanitarians with the conditions and treatment of a large segment of people in the United States who deserved to share in the American Dream.

^"Leland Griffin, "The Rhetoric of Historical Move­ ments," Quarterly Journal of Speech, XXXVIII (April, 1952), 185. Hereafter, reference to the Quarterly Journal of Speech will be designated QJS. 2

Possessed with that rare quality, charisma, the term which Weber states is "applied to a certain quality of an in­

dividual personality by virtue of which he is set apart from

ordinary men and treated as endowed with . . . exceptional

powers or qualities,"2 Douglass became one of the apostles

of abolition who represented initiators, mobilizers, legiti-

mizers, diffusers and idealogues, all of whom play a sig­

nificant role in value-oriented causes.

Although history records numerous documents dating

as far back as the Magna Carta of 1215^ that were mile­

stones along the freedom road, and although over 120 years

have passed since Douglass began his battle for human rights,

the Negro has yet to enjoy fully the protection which some historical documents embody or to possess all human rights

to which United States citizens are entitled. Conflicts be­

tween the races have not been resolved, and the speeches and writings by Douglass are as contemporary in nature

today as they were during his lifetime; for many of the

^Quoted in Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York; Free Press, 1962), p. 355.

' United Nations Publication (Washington, D.C.: Department of Public Information, 1950), pp. 1-2. 3 issues included in them are currently discussed, and the arguments which he used to defend his point of view or to refute an opposing argument are also employed today. Con­ tent of sppeches by contemporary black "abolitionists" including Julian Bond, Jesse Jackson and Ralph Abernathy and which included Martin Luther King, Medgar Evers and

Malcolm X, to name a representative few, seem to reveal agreement with the substance of the ideas of Frederick

Douglass.

Until very recently both white and Negro Americans have been taught a form of history that has been less than accurate. Many celebrated Negro leaders of the past such as Douglass have been included only recently in the history books, although their contributions have always been over­ whelmingly instrumental in helping America maintain her position as the most powerful and prestigious nation on earth. This study could not begin to right the records of a distorted history but at least it can introduce to the readers heretofore unknown or, at least, unreported infor­ mation about Douglass and his message, and it can recreate the historical climate that gave rise to ideas discovered in some of his discourses. Preliminarily fulfilling this objective, important and somewhat extensive biographical 4 and historical details have been included in this study. No testimony seems more applicable in pointing out a justifica­ tion for inclusion of copious details in the early life of

Douglass than that which comes from the ex-slave himself.

Ten years after his escape from slavery, he wrote his former slave master a letter in which the following remarks were included:

I therefore made an effort so to improve my mind and deportment, as to be somewhat fitted to the station to which I seemed almost providentially called. The transition from degradation to respectability was indeed great, and to get from one to the other with­ out carrying some marks of one's former condition, is truly a difficult matter.^

Some rhetoricians have questioned the utility of biography in the appraisal of oratory, and under ordinary circumstances this writer would concur with that position; however, the life of Frederick Douglass does not fall in the realm of the ordinary. The fact is that Douglass was born a slave and grew up faced with deep pain unlike the typical member of any other ethnic group in America. The psychological and emotional problems that beset him during his early years were sufficient to kill the spirit of less determined men and, indeed, did kill the spirit and ambition

^Letter, Frederick Douglass to Thomas Auld, Sept. 3, 1848, quoted in Liberator (Rochester), Sept. 22, 1848, p. 1. of so many other Negro slaves. Owing nothing to birth, fam­

ily solidarity, inherited wealth or other favorable circum­

stances, Douglass is the perfect example of a self-made man who, in spite of these deprivations, rose to stature and

significance, leaving his name and deeds indelibly stamped

in the annals of posterity.

Knowing as much as possible about the environment

in which this man lived as a child and young adult will help

enable the reader to understand why the impact of those early experiences motivated him when he became a free man to wage a relentless battle against slavery, segregation and discrimination.

For the reasons stated and because the accomplish­ ments by Douglass belie his obscure origin, the writer feels justified in including all the biographical details con­ tained in the study.

"To be ignorant of what occurred before you were born is to remain always a child." Therein Cicero summa­ rized the importance of reconstructing the historical set­ ting in which an orator delivered his messages. The setting in which an orator speaks can reveal much about what he can c and does achieve.

If a critic is to be successful in meeting the chal­ lenge of his work, he must be able to understand not only the factors which generated the speech, the type of occasion and the type of audience, but he must also familiarize him­ self with the historical trends that were occurring at the time the speech was made.

The circumstances that seem to motivate powerful speeches attest to the importance of understanding the whole speech situation in the process of criticism. A.

Craig Baird reminds the critic that examining the speech text is not sufficient in itself; that there must be an understanding of the context as well as some knowledge of the times and the behavior of the people. He further states that historical influence is strong, and he chal­ lenges the critic to become both biographer and cultural historian.^ Likewise, William B. Hesseltine has stressed the need for the critic to be aware of the interrelationship

C JLester Thonnsen, A. Craig Baird, and Waldo W. Braden, Speech Criticism (New York: Ronald Press Company, 1970), p. 347.

®A. Craig Baird, "The Study of Speeches" in Speech Criticism: Methods and Materials, ed. by William A. Linsley (Dubuque, Iowa: Wm. C. Brown Company Publishers, 1968), p . 43. 7 and causative factors which govern the situation in which an event took place.

The historical setting in which Douglass operated must be investigated in order to comprehend fully those factors that generated the messages which he communicated.

An historical background of some of the thoughts and events relative to the period 1840-1860 can expose the deplorable myths and misconceptions about Negroes who lived as both subjects and objects of the horrors of slavery.

That the past explains the present and forecasts the future has become an accepted fact. This does not mean that there will always be an exact duplication of events such as those which happened during the days of Douglass but, rather, that there will always be familiar elements in a new situation which will aid man in making decisions and in judging what the results of those decisions will be. It follows then that the discussion on the historical events included in this study will permit the reader to enter vicariously into the past, noting many of the same condi­ tions, issues and actions with which he can identify the continuing struggle of Black Americans today.

7 William B. Hesseltine, "Speech and History" in Ibid., p. 92. 8

A discussion of the importance and relevance of this

investigation would be incomplete without disclosing that

the study deals with a man who happened to have been black

and his handling of the black experience, both of which can

serve as exemplary models for the young blacks today who

need someone and some techniques to emulate as they, too,

struggle toward making the American Dream a reality.

Statement of the Problem

Prior to the initiation of this study, inquiry rela­ tive to research completed and also research in progress dealing with Frederick Douglass revealed that no investiga­ tion had dealt specifically with a rhetorical analysis of the practice of Douglass on the issue of human rights during

the antebellum period; therefore, this project focusing, primarily, on the period 1840-1860, hopefully, will be con­

sidered a significant contribution to any rhetorical criti­ cism of Douglass and his performance as a communicator.

Douglass left no works devoted specifically to any

ideas which he might have had about rhetoric; however, his verbal reaction to speaking performances by orators of note revealed that he was conscious of effective speaking prac­ tices. Douglass was well-read and evidently followed, 9 perhaps unconsciously, theoretical principles espoused by

great literary and rhetorical giants in preparation for the dissemination of his messages. It remained the task of this writer to pursue a detailed study of some addresses and writings by Douglass and to determine the extent to which

Douglass applied some rhetorical principles in his oral and written communication that had been advocated by some repre­ sentatives of the three great periods. Hopefully, this study will provide satisfactory answers to the following research questions.

1. What were the rhetorical strategies utilized by

Douglass in constructing, developing and adapt­

ing his message?

2. What are the dimensions of antecedent, derived

and terminal ethos as seen in Douglass and in

his communication career?

3. In what way did Douglass' method of channeling

his message through style and delivery contri­

bute to his effectiveness as an agitator?

4„ What does the story of the early rhetorical

career of Douglass reveal about the nature and

function of an agitator in a value-oriented

social reform movement? 10

5. To what extent did Douglass associate himself

with causes other than the abolition of slav­

ery?

6. To what extent did Douglass regard the build­

ing of a movement as being important to the

achievement of his goal which was the aboli­

tion of slavery?

7. To what degree has the Douglass approach in

the antebellum period served as a paradigm

both for his contemporaries and for twentieth-

century black spokesmen?

Research Methodology

The historical critical methodology will be utilized

in the development of this study and in arriving at the

evaluation and results of the interaction of the parts of

the total speaking situation as they relate to the period

covering 1840-1860. Bormann states in Theory and Research in the Communicative Arts that there are similarities and differences between the historical and critical methods of

study. Both the historian and the critic employ identical tools of scholarship and they both may study a man or a 11 speech on an event but their viewpoints will differ.®

Bormann states further that the major difference between the historical and the critical method lies in the critic's artistic focus. The critic establishes standards and evalu­ ates his project according to these standards.® Since this writer will be studying and evaluating selected speeches and writings by Douglass and since speeches are made in social settings, it will be necessary to combine the his­ torical method with the critical method in order to become cognizant of those past events that precipitated the ideas expressed by the speaker and in order to make a critical appraisal of those ideas.

In pursuing this study, the writer will follow the techniques of the eclectics and synthesizers who during the eighteenth century attempted to combine the best ancient and modern principles for the purpose of improving rhetoric.

Bormann terms the result of the use of this blending plu­ ralism which is at the present time a popular viewpoint with scholars of rhetoric. Otis M. Walter, like a number of other contemporary rhetorical critics, concurs with

^Ernest G. Bormann, Theory and Research in the Com­ municative Arts (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965), p. 227.

®Ibid., p. 229. 12 those who argue against a monistic approach to criticism.

He feels that "man needs the best insights possible into speeches"'1'0 and he envisions the surest avenues to these in­ sights as coming through a variety of approaches, for when speeches can be criticized from a number of standpoints, the critic will be able to select those that most meet his needs. In applying the pluralistic approach to the present study, the author will observe some of the rhetorical phi­ losophies and principles of the following outstanding men in the construction, development and adaptation of the

Douglass message: Aristotle and Plato, Cicero and Quintil­ ian, Blair and Campbell, Weaver and Burke.

Availability of Research Materials

The principal materials for this study are located in a number of libraries in and out of the state of Ohio.

This investigator has noted valuable source materials, in­ cluding the Schomburg collections that are available (al­ though incomplete) in the Ohio State University library, which is located in Columbus, Ohio, and the Martin Luther

King branch of the Columbus, Ohio, public library. The

-^Otis M. Walter, "On the Varieties of Rhetorical Criticism," in Essays on Rhetorical Criticism, ed. by Thomas R. Nilsen (New York: Random House, 1968), p. 172. 13

most comprehensive collection of Frederick Douglass1 per­

sonal manuscripts, letters, documents, etc., aside from materials related to his antebellum activities which are believed to have been destroyed in a fire, are located in

the Library of Congress, Washington, D . C . H There are also

helpful books, documents and newspapers in the library which is housed in the building occupied by the Ohio His­

torical Society. Other sources with important research materials that reflect the literary and rhetorical efforts

of Douglass are found in the Oberlin College library, Ober­

lin, Ohio; the 135th Street Branch of the New York public

library, New York, New York; the Buffalo public library,

Buffalo, New York; the Rochester public library, Rochester,

New York; Harvard College library, Boston, Massachusetts;

and the Atlanta University library, Atlanta, Georgia.

Still other sources of vital materials on Douglass

include the Frederick Douglass Memorial Home, Anacostia,

D.C., and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadel­ phia.

-'-•'-Benjamin Quarles, "Frederick Douglass: Black Imperishable," Quarterly Journal of the Library of Congress, XXIX (July, 1972), 159. 14

Organization of the Dissertation

This dissertation, dealing with "The Rhetorical

Practice of Frederick Douglass on the Issue of Human Rights,

1840-1860," is developed according to the following plan:

Chapter I justifies the study and relates the meth­ odology utilized in answering the questions that are involved in the statement of the problem. Chapter II examines the climate of the times (1840-1860) and explains the major re­ sponses to the slavery question. Chapter III includes biog­ raphy and relates the roles Douglass played during the ante­ bellum period. Chapters IV and V analyze the Douglass mes­ sage, with Chapter IV focusing on logos and Chapter V on ethos and pathos. Chapter VI concentrates on disposition: the selection, apportioning and arrangement of the parts and materials of the discourse. Chapter VII is a study of the Douglass style as observed in some of his speeches and writings. Chapter VIII summarizes the complete study and evaluates the impact of Douglass and his message in terms of their persuasive effects. CHAPTER II

THE RHETORICAL SETTING

The National Issue of Slavery

Stanley Elkins in his thought-provoking question—

How had Negro slavery in the United States come into being?--stated that there was nothing "natural" about it, and it had no relationship to either tropical climate or tropical crops. He discounted the idea that the Negro possessed certain characteristics which made him particu­ larly suited to slavery or to the raising of tobacco.

Elkins pointed to the fact that in past ages, slavery was not a respecter of races and in one instance in colonial

Virginia foreign white servants were preferred over black servants from Africa. Indeed, slavery had existed for cen­ turies in other lands such as Africa and Latin America but the system was totally unlike that which existed in this nation. Partially, on the basis of these thoughts, Elkins concluded that in certain crucial respects "slavery as we know it was not imported from elsewhere but was created in 16

America— fashioned on the spot by Englishmen in whose tra­ ditions such an institution had no part. In symmetry and precision of outline, nothing like it had every been pre­ viously seen.M^

Viewing the national issue of slavery between 1820 and I860, one notes a number of measures all designed appar­ ently to favor the South and its stronghold on slavery.

These measures included the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the Annexation of Texas, 1845, the Fugitive Slave Law, 1850, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 1854, and the Dred Scott Decision,

1857.2

The Missouri Compromise of 1820 stipulated that slav­ ery should not exceed above thirty-six degrees, thirty min­ utes, in that part of the Louisiana Territory that had not been organized into states, but should be permitted south of that line. Slaveholders were the main persons who introduced Negroes into new regions; thus a large area

Stanley Elkins, Slavery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), p. 38. 2 Benjamin Brawley, A Short History of the American Negro (New York: Macmillan Company, 1919), p. 64.

Rayford Logan, The Negro in the United States (Princeton, N.J.: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1957), pp. 14-15. 17 that extended from the Mississippi to the Rockies and from what became the state of Oklahoma to the Canadian border had quite a small Negro population. Congress forbade slav­ ery in 1848, in Oregon Territory--Oregon, Washington, Idaho and part of Montana.^ The abolition of slavery by Mexico in 1829 paved the way for the destruction of slavery in the land that had been yielded to the United States at the end of the Mexican War in 1848. This land became the states of

California, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, and portions of New

Mexico, Colorado, and Wyoming. Of these states California was the only one whose land was suitable to agriculture and enterprises that could make use of large numbers of slaves.

Many moderate Southerners were prepared to split the Union if California and New Mexico were closed to slaves and if slavery was abolished in the District of

Columbia.

In the Senate, Clay, Calhoun and Webster, the "Big

Three" who had controlled the body for a generation, talked about their first love which was the Union.^ Although there

^Ibid., p. 15.

^Ibid.

^Henry F. Graff and John A. Krout, The Adventure of the American People (Chicago: Rand McNally & Company, 1963), p. 286. were marked differences inherent in the methods, moods and political ideas of this trio, the members had much in com­ mon. Each played an important role in developing policies and ideas which later speakers and politicians embraced.

Each was a public speaker, and the three have been consid- ered by many historians as the superior American orators.

At one time, each of the statesmen had the personal ambi-

O tion of becoming President of the United States, but now with each well past the golden age, the personal ambitions were no longer uppermost in their minds. Unity of the nation was.

Meeting at the time the Congress convened in 1849 were new faces as well as the old ones. The new men, some of whom were Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, William Seward of New York, and Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, were considered extremists who had reached the conclusion that compromise was impossible.^

Clay, a compromiser, sought to save the Union by

7 'Robert T. Oliver, History of Public Speaking in America (Boston: Allyn and. Bacon, Inc., 1965), p. 139.

8Ibid.

8Graff and Krout, The Adventure of the American People, p. 286. 19 introducing in the Senate a series of resolutions which became known as the Compromise of 1850. The resolutions called for the following:

1. The admission of California as a free state;

2. The organization of the rest of the territory recently acquired from Mexico without provid­ ing for either the introduction of slavery or the exclusion of it;

3. The fixing of the Texas boundary to exclude a part of New Mexico, in return for which the federal government would assume the Texas state debt;

4. The ending of the slave trade in the Dis­ trict of Columbia;

5. The passage of a more effective fugitive- slave law.-1-0

In defending the resolutions, Clay pointed out that

California had previously drawn up a free-slave constitu­ tion. In discussing the New Mexico Territory, he remarked that since many people did not envision any profitability from slavery there anyway, it was of no consequence to argue the question in that area.

Clay wrs satisfied that the provision for the Texas boundary was fair, and the idea of the slave trade in Wash­ ington was repugnant to him. Regarding the Fugitive-slave

lOjbid. 20 law, he was of the opinion that it would protect the prop­ erty of Southerners, an act which he said the Constitution intended.

Calhoun did not support compromise, for he felt that the South had already too often yielded to the North.

He implored the South to take its stand. His ultimatum to the North was that

it must give the South equal rights in the terri­ tories; it must faithfully obey the fugitive-slave laws; it must stop its agitation of the slavery question; and it must amend the Constitution to restore the balance between free and slave states. 19

Some few days following Senator James M. Mason's • reading of Calhoun's speech, Daniel Webster in a speaking style aimed at securing the goodwill of his audience em­ phasized that he was speaking on this particular occasion, not as a person from the North, but rather as an American.

He explained that if he had to choose between abolition and the Union he would, without hesitation, choose the

Union. He called upon the North to return all runaway slaves for, he stated, they were property under the

Constitution.

-I-*-Ibid.

•^•^Ibid., p. 287. 21

Antislavery people were not at all pleased with

Webster's speech. One such person, William H. Seward of

New York, refused to believe that the Constitution sanc­ tioned slavery, and if it did, said Seward, "there was a higher law than the Constitution which decent men must obey— the law of God.M^3

With the deaths of Calhoun and Taylor, the leading opponents of compromise, politics began to be characterized as moderate. Millard Fillmore, who succeeded Taylor as

President, condoned the principles of Clay's proposals and so in September the Compromise of 1850 passed the Congress.

Although the conservative Whigs in both North and South felt that it was in their best interests to accept compro­ mise, there were some Southerners who were willing to defend slavery with their lives. Despite this attitude, many felt that the Union was saved and as a result, the nation for a short period of time became restful. The uneasy period of rest was short lived, for one of the vital measures in the Compromise really "stuck in Northern throats.This measure, the Fugitive-Slave Act, which

13Ibid., p. 288.

l^Samuel Eliot Morison, The Oxford History of the American People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 573. 22 had been made more stringent in 1850, prompted Emerson to write in his journal, "This Filthy enactment was made in

the nineteenth century, by people who could read and write.

I will not obey it, by GodiUnder this new Act, Federal commissioners were created to try fugitive cases. Slave masters or slave catchers employed by slave masters could capture and arrest Negroes, take them before a commissioner and swear in an affidavit that the captives were their

(slavemasters1) private property. ^ The Act forbade the fugitive from testifying in his own behalf, denied the fugitive a jury trial and it did not protect free Negroes from being kidnapped. 17 Frederick Douglass, himself an escaped slave and at this time a free man, spoke of the utterly painful effects of the enactment of the Fugitive-

Slave Law:

Fugitive slaves who had lived for many years safely and securely in Western New York and elsewhere, some of whom had by industry and economy saved money and bought little homes for themselves and their children, were suddenly alarmed and com­ pelled to flee to Canada for safety as from an

•^Quoted in Ibid.

■^Clement Eaton, A History of the Old South (New York: Macmillan Company, 1966), pi 476.

17Ibid. 23

enemy land— a doomed city— and take up a dismal march to a new abode, empty-handed, among strang­ ers . . . colored people who had been freed all their lives felt themselves very insecure in their freedom, for under this law the oaths of any two villains were sufficient to consign a free man to slavery for life. . . . Although I was now myself free, I was not without apprehension. . . .

Following the passage of the Fugitive-Slave Law of

1850, a number of northern states passed Personal Liberty

Acts which operated in favor of the fugitives inasmuch as

the Acts made the recovery of slaves very difficult. Con­

ditions of these laws were as follows:

A heavy penalty against kidnapping; extended the rights of jury trial and the writ of habeas Corpus to fugitive slaves and free Negroes; denied the use of state and county jails to confine fugitive slaves; prohibited state officials or citizens from aiding in the arrest or return of fugitive slaves; required state attorneys to defend fugi­ tive slaves at state expense; and two states, Connecticut and Vermont, granted freedom to all slaves bought within the state. ^

Since some of the stipulations of those acts violated the

federal Acts, the South was extremely displeased.

It became almost impossible to enforce the Fugitive-

Slave Law in the Northern states. Public sympathy in the

■^Frederick Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (London: Collier-Macmillan Ltd., 1892), pp. 279, 280. 19 Eaton, History of the Old South, p. 479. 24

North was aroused for the fugitive slave as a result of the publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin, a book written by Harriet

Beecher Stowe. This book, of which 300,000 copies were sold within one year, disturbed the Southerners and was an impor­ tant contributor to extremism on both sides of the Mason-

Dixon L i n e . 20 it should not be forgotten that during the period of denunciation of the Fugitive-Slave Act no voices were raised louder than those of Negroes who expressed their indignation in the form of letters, editorials, speeches, resolutions and petitions. 21

In 1854, with the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska

Act which nullified the Missouri Compromise, the North became so angry that it refused to cooperate with the

Fugitive-Slave Law, thus causing the Act to become almost a dead letter law. 22 Stephen Douglas was largely respon­ sible for passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, for he was at this time chairman of the Senate Committee on Terri­ tories, and in this position, he declared that the

2D Graff and Krout, The Adventure of the American People, pp. 288-89. 91 Herbert Aptheker, ed., A Documentary History of the People of the United States (New York: Citadel Press, 1951), p. 299.

^Eaton, History of the Old South, pp. 479-80. Compromise of 1850 had, in giving territories freedom to deal with the issue of slavery, annulled the Missouri Com- 23 promise. Douglas' bill sought to organize the Kansas and

Nebraska territories on the principle of "squatter sover­ eignty, " a provision whereby the people in any territory would be free to establish and direct their domestic insti­ tutions in any way they saw fit. In nullifying the Missouri

Compromise the line 36° 30', which had been previously agreed upon in 1820, would no longer be the dividing line between slave and free states in the area that constituted the Louisiana Purchase. Douglas' bill, if it passed, would pave the way for slavery to move further North. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill resulted in more intense squabbling over slavery and led directly to the formation of the Repub­ lican P a r t y . 24

A terribly revolting decision as far as the North was concerned was provided by the slave Institution when in

1857, Judge Taney, one of the prominent upholders of slav­ ery and at this time Chief Justice of the Supreme Court,

^Brawley, Short History of the American Negro, p . 81. 24 . . . Eaton, Civilization of the Old South, p. 482. 26 announced judgment in the Dred Scott Case.25 In 1834, Dred

Scott, a slave, was taken to the free state of Illinois where he and his master remained for two years, after which

they moved into the unorganized territory of Minnesota.

After a few years of residence in Minnesota, Emerson, the

slave master, returned with Scott to Missouri. Later,

Scott brought suit in a Missouri court, for he felt that his residence outside a slave state made him a free man.

He won a favorable decision in the lower court, but the decision was appealed to the Supreme Court which reversed the decision of the lower court. Chief Justice Taney in writing the opinion of the Court declared that

. . . Dred Scott was not a citizen of Missouri and had no right to sue in a Federal Court. He de­ clared that Negroes had never been citizens of the United States, that the Constitution was made ex­ clusively for the white people, and that the Negroes had no rights under the Constitution. Furthermore, he declared that slaves were recog­ nized as property by the Constitution and that neither Congress nor a territorial legislature had any right to interfere with a master carry­ ing his slave property into the common terri­ tories of the United States. Then came his momen­ tous decision that the Missouri Compromise line of 1820 had always been unconstitutional and therefore null and void.2^

25Willard A. Burnap, What Happened During One Man1s Lifetime (Fergus Falls, Minn.: Burnap Estate, 1923), p. 245.

2^Eaton, Civilization of the Old South, p. 487. 27

The Dred Scott decision was responsible for a wide gulf in the Democratic party and many of its members became

p n Republican converts. In fact, the Republican party gained so many Democratic recruits that in 1860, the first person in the history of the United States who was not a slave owner, said Burnap, "or who in effect— by affiliation and official ideas— was not a pro-slavery man, Abraham Lincoln, po won the presidential election." The years 1861-1865 which cover his term as United States President were the years in which he and the North fought desperately to preserve the

Union, although the South seemed bent on secession inasmuch as it was unwilling to remain in the Union on Lincoln's terms.29

As a second term Whig representative to the Illinois state legislature in 1837, Lincoln faced the slavery issue publicly for the first time. The abolitionists had begun their fight against slavery earlier, and they had been successful in securing a good measure of attention to their

^"^Burnap, What Happened During One Man's Lifetime, p. 245.

28Ibid, p. 246. p Q Eli Ginzberg and Alfred S. Eichner, The Trouble­ some Presence (London: Collier-MacMillan Ltd., 1964), pp. 97-98. cause. One of the foremost leaders in the abolitionist movement was William Lloyd Garrison, founder and editor of the Liberator, a paper dedicated to the eventual demise of slavery. Prior to the establishment of the Liberator,

Garrison served as editor of the National Philanthropist and the Journal of the Times; he wrote rather conservatively on the issue of slavery, believing that the emancipation of all the American slaves in one generation was impossible.

After acquainting himself with an edition of the Genius of

Universal Emancipation, Garrison began to give his undi-

O *1 vided attention to the cause of the slave. Garrison worked so strenuously toward gaining freedom for the Negro slaves that he was able to enlist the cooperation of many followers, and in a very short period of time, he was successful in establishing the New England Antislavery

Society.

As the abolitionist movement progressed, the South was becoming more fearful that abolitionist propaganda would lead to future insurrections. The South blamed the

^°Walter M. Merrill, Against Wind and Tide (Cam­ bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963), p. 3.

■^Ibid. 29 abolitionists for the Nat Turner rebellion and pointed an accusing finger at Garrison inasmuch as his Liberator was an antislavery paper. So sure were Garrison's opponents of his advocating slave rebellion that the then Governor John

Floyd of Virginia was prompted to remark that Garrison's purpose in publishing the Liberator was to incite, "the slaves and free negroes in this and the other states to rebellion and to murder the men, women and children of those states. . . ."32 Despite abolitionist activity in the North, there were occasions when abolitionist meetings were interrupted by mobs, and Southerners requested Northern legislatures to put a halt to abolitionism in the North.

One such request was sent to the Illinois legislature where­ upon Lincoln was in a position to express himself publicly on the issue of slavery. Said Lincoln, "... the institu­ tion of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy,- but . . . the promulgation of abolition doctrine tends rather to increase than to abate its evils."33

By the end of Lincoln's first phase of his political career, he had admitted the evil and injustice of slavery,

•^Eric Foner, Nat Turner (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971), pp. 6-7. 33 Quoted in Ginzberg and Eichner, Troublesome Pres­ ence, p. 99. 30

and yet he felt that under the Constitution slavery was

legal. He had hoped, vainly, that Clay's Compromise would

be the solution to the problem. Four years following the

passage of the Compromise, Stephen A. Douglas, the Democratic

Senator from Lincoln's hometown, was successful in manipu­

lating a bill through Congress that repealed the Missouri

Compromise of 1820, and he acquiesced to the South in cham­ pioning the popular sovereignty doctrine. Douglas was not morally opposed to slavery as was Lincoln, for he believed

that Negroes were incapable of independence because they were "so degraded by ignorance, superstition, cruelty and barbarism. . . .

When Lincoln learned of the final passage of the

Kansas-Nebraska Bill he was so outraged that he returned

to politics, entered the Illinois state senate race and began in earnest to attack the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. He became the leading speaker for the anti-Nebraska Whigs in

Illinois; he attempted to secure unanimous support among

the so-called radicals, although he balked at supporting abolitionist proposals, for he feared that to demand widespread emancipation would disrupt the Union. After

34Ibid., p. 104. 31

agreeing in 1856, to attend the state convention at Bloom­

ington (a convention called by the antislavery radicals) he

was designated to be the keynote speaker. So successful

was Lincoln in this role that at the close of the conven­

tion, a new Republican party emerged and Abraham Lincoln

became its spokesman in Illinois. 35

The year 1858 saw a bitterly contested fight between

Douglas and Lincoln for the Illinois senate seat. The fa­

mous debate in which Lincoln and Douglas participated saw

each of the men hurling charges and counter-charges at each

other. Lincoln pointed out the inconsistency of the popular

sovereignty doctrine with the Dred Scott decision. He also

challenged Douglas' "care not" policy, a statement in which

Douglas declared his neutrality as to whether slavery was

voted down or up.

Douglas, a believer in the inferiority of the Negro, accused Lincoln of waging "a crusade against the Supreme

Court of the United States on account of the Dred Scott decision. 1,36

35Ibid., p. 108.

3^Stephen A. Douglas, "Reply to Lincoln" cited in Mortimer J. Adler, ed., The Negro in American History, II (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Educational Corp., 1969), p. 397. 32

The Lincoln-Douglas debates had an impact on not

only Illinois but on the entire nation. Following the

debates, Illinois returned Douglas to the Senate and

Lincoln had gained so much prestige that he became a na- 37 tional political figure.

Before one of the two debaters would be elevated

to President of the United States, two events would further

deepen the gulf that separated Northern and Southern atti­

tudes. First, the supreme court of Wisconsin rendered an

innocent verdict in behalf of a man named Booth who forc­

ibly rescued a runaway slave. Wisconsin based its verdict

on the ground that the Fugitive-Slave Law of 1850 was un­

constitutional. Although the United States Supreme Court

overruled the Wisconsin decision and imprisoned Booth, the

OO incident triggered a negative effect on Southern sentiment.

Second, the John Brown raid at Harper's Ferry instilled tre­ mendous fear among Southerners who accused the Northerners of hating them and blamed the Republican party for the 3Q instigation of the Harper's Ferry insurrection. In spite

37 • Gmzberg and Eichner, Troublesome Presence, p. 113. 38 Morison, The Oxford History of the American People, p. 601. 39 Eaton, A History of the Old South, p. 490. 33 of denunciations against John Brown by conservatives such as Abraham Lincoln, Southerners became hostile to suspected

Northerners.

The success of the Cooper Union speech delivered by

Lincoln in 1860 possibly helped to clinch for him the Repub­ lican presidential nomination and the factional split which occurred in the Democratic party in I860, possibly cost

Douglas the Presidency.

In the Cooper Union speech Lincoln sought the good­ will of both North and South. As was always his interest, he wanted to save the Union and prohibit the further spread of slavery. He declared:

But wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual pres­ ence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the Na­ tional Territories, and to overrun us here in these free states? . . . If our sense of duty for­ bids this, Lincoln continued, then let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. . . . Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it.^O

When Lincoln had finished the speech, the audience gave him

“^Abraham Lincoln, "Address at Cooper Union," in Amer­ ican Speeches, ed. by Wayland Maxfield Parrish and Marie Hochmuth (New York: Longman's Green and Company, 1954), p. 304. 34 a standing ovation and the following morning when other people had the opportunity of reading the speech in the newspaper, they, too, praised the man who was within three months to become the standard bearer of the Republican party. 41

Because he was considered an honest man, because he represented the happy medium between two extremes and be­ cause he was the candidate of the strongest party in the

North which had become the strongest section in the United

States, Lincoln was elevated to the highest position in the

United States— President of this country.

The Domestic Issue of Slavery

The life of the slave revolved around the plantation.

It was here that he lived, worked, married and raised fami­ lies. It was here too, due to his treatment as property rather than as a human being, that he was almost dehumanized.

The slaves lived in pitifully substandard housing which was severely inadequate for good health and also exceedingly detrimental to morality. The owners of large plantations housed their slaves in what was called the village, a row of one-room cabins on either side of a wide street. The

41 Gmzberg and Eichner, Troublesome Presence, p. 114. 35 house of the white overseer was usually at the end of the street. 47 6 The slave cabins were usually without partitions and the total furnishings were often no more than a bed, a bench and a few cooking utensils. Stanley Feldstein, who has managed to collect numerous narratives of ex-slaves, reported a description of a slave's cabin as related by

Jacob Stroyer, an ex-slave. Stroyer reported that the cabins were without chairs and packing boxes or slabs of wood were used as tables. No stove was provided, so all cooking was done at the fireplace. There were one or two openings which served as windows for the cabin and wooden shutters or canvas was substituted for glass. Mattresses could not be comfortable for they were made of straw, hay, or grass. A tallow candle or lighted pine knot was the source of light.^

Despite the crudeness of the cabins, slaves at­ tempted to make their "homes" as comfortable as possible.

Although cabins were often severely crowded, there was usually some attempt to insure privacy for both males and females. For example, the kitchen area was sometimes

d o Eaton, A History of the Old South, p. 248.

^Stanley Feldstein, Once a Slave (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1971), p. 42. 36 occupied by males while females would huddle together in the area set aside for the parents.

The amount of food given to slaves was not the same but varied among different plantations; however, the fare itself was usually the same on all plantations— "coarse and lacking variety.

Frederick Douglass, in giving a first-hand account of the food situation on the plantation with which he was familiar, stated that slaves did not generally return to their cabins for either breakfast or dinner, but, rather, they took their "ash cake" with them and ate it in the fields. The slave dinner included a large piece of "ash cake" and a small piece of pork or two herrings. Although the food was not palatable, the slaves enjoyed the "ash cake" and they were more concerned about the amount of food they received rather than the quality. 45

Clothing issued to the slaves was sized either large or small. The same types of shoes were worn by both men and women. The shoes were quite uncomfortable for they

^Lerone Bennett, Jr., Before the Mayflower (Balti­ more: Penguin Books, 1970), p. 74. A C ■^Frederick Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom (New York: Dover Publications, 1855), p. 104. 37

very often did not fit.4^ Most plantations issued rough

clothing at stated intervals and on large plantations the

clothing and shoes were made by slaves whose duty it was to make "outfits" for the other slaves. 47

On large plantations, Negroes were divided into

several classes. The major classifications, however, were

the house Negroes and the field Negroes. The house Negroes

fared better in every respect than did the field Negroes.

House servants ate better food, were privileged to wear

the "hand-me-downs" of the master and mistress, learned

social graces and became more intelligent, for they were in close association with white families thereby having the AQ opportunity to observe and learn from them. °

There was a distinction in rank among the house

slaves and personal servants themselves. The highest rank in slave hierarchy was accorded those who held jobs of responsibility and who were trusted by the masters. Next in line were the skilled artisans and beneath them ranked

Af\ ^Bennett, Jr., Before the Mayflower, p. 74.

47Albert Bushnell Hart, Slavery and Abolition, 1831- 1841 (New York: New American Library, 1969), p. 100.

48Eaton, The Civilxzation of the Old South, p. 115. the field hands.^9

It appears that prejudice existed among the slaves themselves. The mulatto was conscious of his color in a proud sort of way for he thought of his color as being indicative of his connection to the white race and he tended to look down on the unmixed slaves. The mullato's feeling of superiority was enhanced by certain privileges that were accorded him. For example, he v/as usually sin­ gled out to become the house servant. E. Ophelia Settle in her study, "Social Attitudes During the Slave Regime:

Household Servants Versus Field Hands," related testimonies' from ex-slaves and children which further pointed up the gulf that divided the house and field slaves. Settle's interviewees included forty-four who were classified as house servants and thirty-one as field hands; six engaged in both house and field work, nine were too young to be employed and ten were occupationally unclassified. 50 One ex-slave who had worked as a house servant reported that

49e> Franklin Frazier, The Negro in the United States (New York: Macmillan Company, 1957), p. 274.

^ E . Ophelia Settle, "Social Attitudes During the Slave Regine: Household Servants Versus Field Hands" in August Meier, ed., The Making of Black America, I (Kings­ port, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, Inc., 1969), p. 149. 39 the house slaves were raised differently and felt themselves superior to the field slaves. 51

Children of house Negroes served as "play children" for the children in the master's household. The "play children" did not play with other slave children and they

C O referred to other slave children as niggers.

Attitudes of children toward runaway slaves differed depending upon whether the children were those of house ser­ vants or field servants. Children of field hands tended to be more sympathetic to runaway slaves than children of 53 house servants. Instances of heartbreaking experiences have been recorded about members within the same family being assigned plantation ranks. William Wells Brown re­ lated a personal, sad experience:

During the time that Mr. Cook was overseer, I was a house servant— a situation preferable to that of a field hand, as I was better fed, better clothed, and not obliged to rise at the ringing of the bell, but about half an hour after. I have often laid and heard the crack of the whip, and the screams of the slaves. My mother was a field hand, and one morning was ten or fifteen minutes behind the others in getting into the field. As soon as she reached the spot where they were at work, the

51Ibid.

^Ibid.

^ Ibid. , p. 150. 40

overseer commenced whipping her. She cried. . . . I heard her voice, and knew it, and jumped out of my bunk, and went to the door. Though the field was some distance from the house, I could hear every crack of the whip, and every groan of my poor mother. . . . the cold chills ran over me, and I wept aloud. After giving her ten lashes, the sound of the whip ceased, and I returned to my bed and found no consolation but in my tears. Experience has taught me that nothing can be more heart-rending than for one to see a dear and be­ loved mother or sister tortured, and to hear their cries, and not be able to render them assistance. But such is the position which an American slave occupies.^64

Family life of the slave seldom existed on a stable basis. The slave family was seldom looked upon with respect.

The normal procedure which, generally, leads to marriage,

that is, courtship, seldom had a chance to develop. In some

isolated cases, slaves were permitted a religious ceremony.^

Marriage between slaves belonging to different plan­

tations was discouraged, the reason being that such unions would result in loss of productivity for the slave owner.

Consequently, slaves who found it possible to marry were encouraged to select their mates from the same plantation.

The stability of a slave marriage was strengthened when the

^William W. Brown, The Narrative of William W . Brown, A Fugitive Slave (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1969), p. 2.

5^John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1947), p. 202. 41 partners were able to work and experience the same emotions and when children were permitted to remain with their parents rather than being sold.^

Slave marriages were the exception rather than the rule. Often the slave woman was raped and impregnated by her master and then denied sufficient time to attend to child rearing. Charleston, Mobile, and New Orleans have been singled out as some cities where frequent intermixture 57 was practiced. The slave woman had no say over her body and if she resisted a white man's advances he could whip, beat or otherwise inflict pain upon her without fear of reprisal.

For countless years, Negroes were accused of being careless of their virtue and lacking in morality. A memo­ randum from a "courageous Southerner" defended the Negro against this attack:

. . . the system of slavery itself made it difficult for the Negroes to live up to the standards of mo­ rality expected of the white race, and for the fol- following reasons:

1. Slaves were the chattel property of their owner, just as were his horses and his cattle, and

56Ibid.

57ibid., p. 203. 42

were just as completely subject to his will and pleasure.

2. If Negroes on different plantations married they could not live together, and they could visit each other only by permission of their respective owners. To expect marital fidelity under such conditions would be expecting too much of a primitive race like the Negroes.

3. If they married among themselves on the same plantation there was little opportunity to develop home and family life in any true sense of the terms "home" and "family."

4. The owner and his sons (not all, but far too many) were often more than indifferent about the morals of their slaves, if they did not themselves make the Negro woman unchaste.

5. Every child born to a slave woman was an asset to her owner, of more value than many cattle, and it was to his interest for his slaves to mate and breed as profusely as they would, be they married or unmarried. If the tradition of that free love continued to live among them after they were freed, it seems to me that we are obliged to admit that its causes trace back to the system of slavery, and if Negroes today need to bow their heads in shame because of those sins, we of the white race may well bow our heads with them, for much of the responsibility lies at our door. Con­ sciously or unconsciously, intentionally or unintentionally we helped to make them what they a r e . 58

Slaveholders, generally, forbade slaves to learn to read and write for fear that an educated Negro would become

58gdward Cavelyn, Memories of Some Courageous South­ erners (Boston: Christopher Publishing House, 1940), pp. 24-25. 43

discontent with a servile life which, in turn, could lead to

revolts. Frederick Douglass experienced great difficulty in acquiring knowledge; however once it was acquired, Douglass knew that slavery was wrong. The more he read, the more he was led to hate his enslavers. Of them, he said, "I could regard them in no other light than a band of successful robbers, who had left their homes, and gone to Africa, and stolen us from our homes, and in a strange land reduced us to slavery. I loathed them as being the meanest as well as 5q the most wicked of men."

Despite the harsh penalties meted out to those caught teaching slaves, some freemen risked everything in order to aid the slave in obtaining an education. Although it was the exception rather than the rule, some slaves were taught the skills of reading and writing by their masters; however, often if word spread that such was being attempted, the guilty masters were forced by community pressure to refrain from continuing their work with the slaves. One white man who collected and preserved slave narratives stated that the slaveholder defended the anti-education codes as a

^Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass (New York: New American Library, Inc., Signet Books, 1845), p. 55. 44

necessary weapon against abolitionist agitation. In reality,

the codes were established to make sure that slaves would be

kept in ignorance, but the framers maintained that out of pity and care for the slave they did not wish to see him

free because of the harm freedom would bring him.^®

The religious situation on the plantation was gov­

erned by one of three patterns:

1. No religious instruction at all;

2. Formal or organized instruction, more or less along the lines of the established gospel, either with or without the per­ mission of the slaveholders; or

3. Makeshift or fraudulent instruction de­ signed solely to "keep the slaves in line."61

Charles Ball, an ex-slave, reported that throughout

the slave states, the slaves were discouraged from hearing

or partaking of any religious instruction. The slaveholders who disapproved of religious instruction for their slaves

felt that if a sufficiently large enough group congregated, there might be chances to plan insurrections. As a result of their fears, slaveholders concocted various tales that would tend to lessen the slave's desire to attend worship

^Feldstein, Once a Slave, p. 67.

Ibid. , p. 68. 45

/■ services.

In some instances where religious instruction was

permitted, the services of the white ministers who preached

for the slaveholder on Sunday morning were engaged for the 63 slaves on Sunday afternoon.

Sometimes services were held on the plantation and

sometimes they were held in churches. In some white

churches, Negroes were permitted to sit in special gal­

leries for worship services. There were also some separate

Negro churches.64 The slaves almost always enjoyed reli­ gious ceremonies; however, sometimes perplexing questions entered their minds.

When the religious instruction was being used as a guise, the preacher dwelled constantly on the idea that the

slave should obey his master and show gratitude to him by refraining from stealing or lying. So often was the obedi­ ence sermon preached that many slaves were led to believe that there was, somewhere, a real Bible that came from

God, but that the Bible being used by the master was the

62Ibid.

63Ibid.

64Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 105. "master's bible.

There were times when slaves slipped away and held secret religious meetings of their own. Announcements of such meetings were disseminated by clever code systems, sometimes in the form of songs. Slavery was responsible for the Negro 1s turning to deceit and because the whites were anxious to believe that Negroes were a happy, docile, child-like lot, deceit was not difficult to put over.^

Major Responses to the Question of Slavery: Assimilation

In his quest for the "American Dream" the Negro has turned to the utilization of self-preservative measures ranging in nature from nonviolent to violent. For the sake of convenience and clarity in contributing to an understand­ ing of some major responses to the slavery question, the campaigns for freedom and equality can be viewed, in terms of three different types of strategies— assimilation, separation and revolution. Exponents of the strategy of assimilation believed that the Negro could achieve success, that is, complete freedom and the good life by pursuing

^Feldstein, Once a Slave, p^ 73.

6£>Earl e . Thorpe, The Mind of the Negro (Westport, Conn.: Negro Universities Press, 1970), p. 105. 47 these goals through moral suasion within the democratic sys­ tem of the United States. However, assimilation, after many years of its implementation as a strategy, has failed to afford complete equality to the Negro. One reason for its failure has been the common belief held by a majority of Caucasians that the Negro race is innately inferior to the white race. This racial inferiority myth has accounted for the main defensive arguments for the inception and per­ petuation of slavery. Frederick Douglass deplored racism, and although on occasions he veered toward sanctioning of violence, he never really disassociated himself from assimi­ lation. He believed that with proper persuasion, America would eventually acknowledge the Negro as a man and concede to him all the rights and privileges to which he was en­ titled. To this end, Douglass researched thoroughly infor­ mation on the ethnology of man and sought desperately to prove that shortcomings attributed to the Negro were not due to an inherent inferiority but, rather, to his depraved environment of servitude.

Douglass and other abolitionists encouraged Negroes to become self-reliant, thinking this might aid in raising their image, thereby providing another weapon against slav­ ery. By 1850, Negroes had established schools, churches, 48

lodges, and newspapers, and were practicing medicine and

law.67

Douglass appealed to the church and the clergy to

lend their influence in denouncing racism. The Bible and

the Constitution were sources used to point up the brother­ hood of man and the right of every American to enjoy free­ dom.

Despite a valiant try for acceptance of his beliefs,

Douglass was unsuccessful in his persuasive efforts to suf­ ficiently arouse the conscience of most of white America.

Despite the intellectual progress made by the Negro, the

Southern conviction of the Negro's anthropological inferi­ ority remained unchanged. Prejudice against the Negro con­ tinued and disenchantment with moral suasion grew.

Separation

When some Negroes became convinced that the American

Dream could not be obtained through assimilation, they began to think about the strategy of separation as a means of freeing themselves from white racist people and institutions.

The reasoning of separatist sympathizers can be viewed thusly

67V e r n o n Loggins, The Negro Author (New York: Colum­ bia University Press, 1931), p. 177. 49 according to Golden and Rieke:

First, separation can be advocated as the only viable alternative in the face of the failure of assimila­ tion. Second, it can be advanced as a positive good for the preservation of black, culture and racial identity; and third, it can be held as an instrumen­ tality to the eventual accomplishment of some form of integration, if not assimilation.®®

The two battles, assimilation and separation, have long existed and are still with us today. The first has declared that America is for all Americans; therefore inte­ gration of all its people must be demanded. The idea of separation is supported only to the extent that it relates to racial solidarity and self-help. Frederick Douglass, a stern critic of the colonization societies, expressed his views regarding self-help on the part of Negroes:

Our white friends can and are removing the barriers to our improvement, which themselves have set up; but the main work must be commenced, carried on, and concluded by ourselves. While in no circum­ stances should we undervalue or fail to appreciate the self-sacrificing efforts of our friends, it should never be lost sight of, that our destiny, for good or for evil, for time and for eternity, is by an all-wise God, committed to us, and that all the helps or hindrances with which we may meet

®®James L. Golden and Richard D. Rieke, The Rhetoric of Black Americans (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Pub­ lishing Company, 1971), p. 282. on earth, can never release us from this high and heaven-imposed responsibility.^

The second battle is the result of proponents who are conciliatory toward separation from the mild form of economic development of Negroes and their self-help to the more intense form of emigration and colonization. The ten­ dency toward separation generally spirals during periods when race relations become severely incompatible. When

Booker T. Washington was speaking to his white audience in

Atlanta, Georgia, in September, 1895, he acknowledged his acceptance of social separation: "In all things purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress."7®

A mild form of separation is inherent in a request by a Negro when he argues for his own ethnic .schools, churches or clubs.71 Richard Allen, born a slave in Penn­ sylvania, became one of the first prominent spokesmen for

^Frederick Douglass, "What Are the Colored People Doing for Themselves?" North Star (Rochester), 14 July, 1848, quoted in Golden and Rieke, The Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 99.

70Booker T. Washington, "Atlanta Exposition Address cited in The Rhetoric of Black Americans (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company, 1971), p. 114. 71 Golden and Rieke, The Rhetoric of Black Americans p. 286. 51 the type of separation that had as its goal self-respect and racial unity.^ At the age of seventeen, Allen -was converted to Methodism. So persuasive was he as a preacher that he converted his master and was permitted to buy his freedom. 7 His occasional sermons m a white Philadelphia church inspired many blacks who came out to hear him preach.

The white congregations segregated their pews and forced the Negroes to sit in the rear of the balcony. This treat­ ment of Negro Christians disturbed Allen; however, he did not move in the direction of separatism until he himself while kneeling at the altar of a church was pulled up and compelled to sit in the back of the church. Rather than accept such abuse, Allen together with his followers walked out of the church and therafter founded the African Method- ist Episcopal Church. 74 His followers credited him with being the first person that formed a religious society among people of color m the United States of America. 7 S

^ Ibid.

73john Hope Franklin, "The Bitter Years of Slavery, 11 Life, 22 November, 1968, p. 97.

^^Golden and Rieke, The Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 286.

^Liberator, 22 February, 1828, p. 191. 52

Alexander Crummell like Richard Allen was also a

believer in separatism, but unlike Allen who opposed coloni­

zation, Crummell supported colonization in Africa and de­

nounced those Negroes who aspired to unite with whites. He

was also critical of those Negroes who desired to adopt the

culture of the white man in exchange for their o w n . ^ In

1852, Crummell emigrated to Africa and remained there for

twenty-one years after which he returned to the United

States to work in Washington, D.C. 77

The decision to embrace assimilation or separation

often leaves the Negro in a dilemna. The provocative ques­

tions posed by Genovese illustrate: "How do you integrate

into a nation that does not want you? How do you separate

n o from a nation that finds you too profitable to release?"

Down through history, racial prejudice has been a constant

source of frustration which has given rise to a growing

^Golden and Rieke, The Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 287.

^Carter G. Woodson, The Negro in Our History, 9th ed. (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, Inc., 1947), p. 275.

78Eugene D. Genovese, In Red and Black (New York: Pantheon Books, 1968), p. 144. 53 79 belief in separatism. In the words of James Baldwin, sym­ pathizers with this response find justification for their serious doubts about the eventuality of a brighter day coming:

This day has been coming for nearly one hundred years. Viewed solely in the light of this coun­ try's moral profession, this lapse is inexcusable. Even more important, however, is that fact that there is desperately little in the record to indi­ cate that white America ever seriously desired or desires to see this day a r r i v e . 80

Revolution

Man has always resisted subjugation, and the Negro from the era of slavery to the present day has constantly fought for total freedom which he has yet to enjoy.

Two direct forms of active resistance which slaves undertook included flight and insurrection.81 Runaway slaves were a problem to slave owners throughout the years of slavery, and despite state and federal laws to aid in their recovery, many slaves escaped forever. A successful

7 Q Thomas Wagstaff, Black Power: The Radical Response to White America (Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1959), preface.

o n James Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name (New York: Dial Press, 1951), p. 70.

O *J oxRobert A. Liston, Slavery in America (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1970), p. 99. 54 escape often depended upon the amount of help a fugitive could receive from other sympathetic slaves or free persons living in the South and/or some few white Southerners who opposed slavery.

In effecting his own escape from slavery, Douglass was fortunate to receive assistance from a friend who sup­ plied the fugitive with a sailor's outfit and a free Amer-

Q O ican sailor's protection papers. ^ The outfit, the papers, the ability to express himself as an "old salt" and much luck enabled Douglass to reach New York, thus ending his experience as a slave.

Attempting to escape from slavery was a dangerous undertaking which generally depended upon the shield of darkness for some sort of protection; therefore most trav­ eling was done at night, and not infrequently, the north star was the only guide to the direction of freedom.

William Wells Brown, a slave born in Kentucky, was one who depended upon the north star to aid him in his flight from bondage:

After dark, I emerged from the woods into a narrow path, which led me into the main travelled road. But I knew not which way to go. I did not know north from south, east from west. I looked in

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 198. 55

vain for the North Star; a heavy cloud hid it from my view. I walked up and down the road until near midnight, when the clouds disappeared, and I wel­ comed the sight of my friend— truly the slave's friend— the North StarJ88

During the day slaves generally lay in swamps and covered themselves with leaves to escape detection.

All available forces in the South including the individual, the community, and/or the government were acti­ vated in an attempt to discourage militant action for free­ dom. Congress was used by Southern politicians to enforce the use of the Fugitive Slave L a w , 84 but by the time the

Fugitive slave law was enacted, a system for aiding South­ ern slaves to escape to the North had been developed.

Known as the Underground Railroad, this system of escape became the most famous.8~* Faced with what seemed to be the reality that no amount of persuasion, moral or otherwise, would free the slave and change the minds and hearts of slave owners and slavery sympathizers, some Negroes be­ lieved they had no choice but to resort to insurrection, the most feared form of revolution in the South. Although

8^Brown, The Narrative of William W. Brown, p. 42.

O A °^Liston, Slavery in America, p. 101. O C OJListon, Slavery in America, p. 102. 56 most revolts were minor, to hear that slaves were in revolt was sufficient to stir panic. Of most attempts at insurrec­ tion, the major ones were led by Gabriel Prosser, who in

1800, organized an attack on Richmond, Virginia; Denmark

Vesey, an ex-slave, who organized and plotted a revolt which he planned to launch in May, 1821, and which he hoped would sweep the South; and Nat Turner, who in 1831 led the most famous and successful slave insurrection which resulted in wholesale murder of white people. Following the Nat

Turner revolt, slave owners and legislators of slave states took great precautions to stifle any further attempts at insurrections. The laws they put into practice proved to be very effective because the slaves were without firearms or other weapons, they were disorganized and, besides, they began to realize that insurrection would be doomed from the beginning.87

Although the abolitionists did not always agree on strategies to be utilized in bringing about the downfall of slavery, they were all champions of the ideals of brother­ hood and equality for all men.

^ Ibid. , p. 108.

®^Ibid., p. 111. 57

Summary

In sum, we have seen that slavery was, indeed a

Peculiar Institution. So controversial was the system that

the profitability or unprofitability of it is still an un­ answered question today. The South defended slavery on the basis of the inferiority myth, the alledged Biblical sanc­

tion, economic profitability, and the alleged humanitarian efforts in behalf of the Negro slave. The North attacked

slavery on moral, religious and legal grounds. The strong­ est vanguard against slavery was the abolition movement,

the activity of which was most disturbing to Southerners.

Countless examples of the dehumanizing existence led by the slaves have been pointed out. References have been made to inadequate basic necessities, cruelty, total disre­ gard on the part of slaveholders for the sanctity of mar­ riage among slaves, as well as unsatisfactory religious experiences.

Finally, in looking at the Negro's quest for freedom down through the years, we observe that he has utilized sev­ eral strategies— assimilation, separation and revolution; however, none proved to be a panacea for eliminating segre­ gation and discrimination that existed during the antebellum period, and none has led to total equality for the Negro even today. CHAPTER III

DOUGLASS: AN OVERVIEW

The Formative Years

"Why am I a slave? Why are some people slaves and

others masters? Was there ever a time when this was not

so? How did the relation commence?"-'- These were some of

the perplexing questions that penetrated the mind of a young, black, male child who, although born into the ugly, ultimately dehumanizing institution of slavery, emerged as, perhaps, the greatest black agitator for abolition in the history of this country. This ex-slave, Frederick Douglass, was destined to prove in later life the superiority of man­ hood over environment. The circumstance over which he had no control made him a slave, but he turned these unfortu­ nate circumstances into levers by which he raised himself and helped to elevate his people. Of all the famous Amer­ ican white men who were victims of hardship, few, if any,

suffered as did Douglass, who was born under circumstances

-'-Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom, p. 89.

59 60

that made any chances appear remote of his developing into a Negro leader of national repute. While it is well known that Lincoln had to surmount a number of obstacles, it is also well known that he was born a free man, and he was not denied the right to an education. Douglass, not being so fortunate, was considered less than a man and treated as no more than chattel until he managed his escape. Douglass, born during one of the darkest periods of slavery, approxi­ mately 1817, spent a childhood which was characterized by extreme hardship:

My mother and I were separated when I was but an in­ fant— before I knew her as my mother. It is a com­ mon custom, in the part of Maryland from which I ran away, to part children from their mothers at a very early age. . . . For what this separation is done, I do not know, unless it be to hinder the development of the child's affection toward its mother, and to blunt and destroy the natural affec­ tion of the mother for the child. This is the in- 2 evitable result.

Douglass rarely saw his mother to know her as such, perhaps four or five times at most, and when she died he was not informed until long after she had been dead. He was not permitted to visit her during her illness and was

2Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douqlc ss, p. 22. 3 denied the right to attend her burial.

If knowledge of his mother appeared scarce to him,

information about his father was more so; for when his

mother was suddenly called away, he was left without any

certain knowledge of his father’s identity. He became

aware of the whispers, however, that his master was his

father.

Although denied the privilege of parental care,

Douglass was fortunate to have the warmth and love of a grandmother, around whose slave cabin he found enjoyment.

During this time he was only a tot who liked to do the same things that many other youngsters did such as fishing, roaming the fields and playing with relatives. When he was seven years old, he was taken several miles from his birth­ place to the home of his master, Captain Aaron Anthony, a slave owner and also general overseer for a Colonel Edward

Lloyd who was a successful wheat grower and cattle raiser in Maryland. It was on the Lloyd plantation that Douglass experienced some of the harsher aspects of slavery. The food allotted to slaves on this plantation was meagre and of times not fresh; moreover it was not the type of food

3Ibid. 62 necessary for the prevention of physical exhaustion of the slave. The yearly supply of clothing was as insufficient as was the food:

It consisted of two tow-linen shirts, one pair of trousers of the same coarse material, for summer, and a woolen pair of trousers and a woolen jacket for winter, with one pair of yarn stockings and a pair of shoes of the coarsest description. Chil­ dren under ten years old had neither shoes, stock­ ings, jackets, nor trousers. They had two coarse tow-linen shirts per year, and when these were worn out they went naked till the next allowance day— and this was the condition of the little girls as well as of the boys.1^

The shockingly cruel deeds which Douglass witnessed while on Colonel Lloyd's plantation are too numerous to de­ tail. Suffice it to say that lashing, torture and murder were types of punishments meted out to slaves if they pro­ voked the overseer to anger.

During the summer of 1825, Douglass was sent to live with Hugh Auld, a distant relative of Captain Anthony.

While he lived there, his desire for an education became greatly intensified. He frequently heard his mistress reading the Bible aloud, which made him curious about the mystery of reading. So curious did he become that he requested Mrs. Auld to teach him how to read. Until she

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, pp. 55-56. 63 was ordered to stop, Mrs. Auld complied with his wish.

With the aid of his mistress, Douglass learned the alpha­ bet and had accomplished the ability to spell three or four letter words. Captivated by the swift progress of her student, Mrs. Auld displayed great enthusiasm when she praised the aptness of Douglass to her husband and related to him what she had been doing for the child.

Auld was displeased and forbade his wife to give Douglass further literary aid, insisting that,

. . . if you give a nigger one inch he will take an ell. Learning will spoil the best nigger in the world. If he learns to read the Bible it will for­ ever unfit him to be a slave. He should know noth­ ing but the will of his master, and learn to obey it. As to himself, learning will do him no good, but a great deal of harm, making him disconsolate and unhappy. If you teach him how to read, he'll want to know how to write, and this accomplished, he'll be running away with h i m s e l f . ^

In spite of hardships and rebuffs, Douglass was determined to grow in knowledge. On some occasions, he 6 used his young white playmates as teachers. When he was thirteen years old he worked as a bootblack and managed to purchase a copy of the Columbian Orator, a very popular

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass,

6Ibid., p. 83. 64 school book during this time. Fascinated by the contents of the book, Douglass studied it diligently. He was par­ ticularly impressed with the dialogue between a master and his slave, and he enjoyed reading the discourses of Sheri­ dan, Lord Chatham, William Pitt and Fox. Reading speeches by these men helped to furnish Douglass with the appropri­ ate language to use when desirous of expressing his own thoughts. Further, the words penned by these men, espe­ cially those of Sheridan, were reflections of his own thoughts and served as reinforcements of his hatred for the institution of slavery. He extended his education wherever he was fortunate enough to meet free Negroes who 7 were well versed in literature, geography and arithmetic.

Douglass is said to have been a graduate of slavery with a diploma of scars upon his back.^

For seven years he worked for Hugh Auld, serving in several capacities,among which were house boy and babysitter.

In addition to these duties, he worked as an unskilled la­ borer in Auld1s shipyard. Later, owing to the death of

^Philip S. Foner, Frederick Douglass (New York: Citadel Press, 1964), p. 21.

^Langston Hughes, Famous American Negroes (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1954), p. 31. 65

Captain Anthony, Douglass became the possession of Thomas

Auld, Anthony's son-in-law who, subsequently, hired Doug­ lass out to a cruel slavebreaker, Edward Covey, who for six months flogged Douglass every week.^ It was while in the employ of Covey that Douglass for the first time in his life became a fieldhand. In contrasting the lot of the slave and that of his master, Douglass explained that the only purpose for which the fieldhand existed was to bring profit to the plantation. Speaking further of the fieldhand, Douglass said,

He toils that another may live in idleness; he eats bolted meal so that another may eat the bread of fine flour; he rests his toil-worn limbs on the cold damp ground, that another may repose on soft­ est pillows; he is clad in a coarse and tattered raiment, that another may be arrayed in . . . fine linen; he is sheltered only by the wretched hovel, that another may dwell in a magnificient mansion; and to this condition he is bound down as by an arm of iron.10

The cruelty which Douglass suffered at the hands of

Covey drove the slave to utter desperation, resulting in his determination to resist Covey's brutal actions the next time he was abused. The abuse was not long coming,

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 121.

10Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom, p. 430. 66 and Douglass kept his promise. He recalled his previous thoughts: "He is whipped oftenest, who is whipped easiest; and that slave who has the courage to stand up for himself against the overseer, although he may have many hard stripes at the first, becomes in the end, a free man, even though he sustains the formal relation of a slave."-1-1 In the last confrontation between Covey and Douglass, Douglass, a mere sixteen-year-old boy, fought and beat the slavebreaker who, eventually, hired him to another master. strong was the desire for freedom in Douglass that, in spite of the humane treatment accorded him by his new master, he contin­ ued to be restless and discontented. His logical explana­ tion for this reaction is summed up in these words: "Give a man a bad master and he aspires to a good master; give I him a good master and he wishes to become his own master.

The first attempt by Douglass to escape slavery was betrayed by one of his fellow slaves and Douglass was thrown into prison where he remained until his master secured his

11Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom, p. 95.

-^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, pp. 144-45.

1^Ibid., p . 150. 67 release and returned him to Baltimore.^ There he learned to be a caulker for ships and later was permitted to hire his own time. On September 3, 1838, the second attempt by

Douglass to escape was successful. He arrived in New York 1 R City the following day.

The Disillusioned Escapee

Douglass knew no one in New York; however, by chance he met a sailor in whom he confided. The sailor, in turn, introduced him to David Ruggles, who was secre­ tary of the New York Vigilance Committee and who spent a great deal of time aiding fugitives. Ruggles was instru­ mental in providing a lodging place for Douglass, who was waiting for the arrival of the lady that was soon to be his wife. Upon her arrival, the marriage was consummated and Ruggles suggested that the newlyweds take up residence in New Bedford, Massachusetts, the city where Douglass be­ gan his career as a freeman. Although he was a skilled caulker, Douglass was denied such a job on account of his color. He had applied for the job upon learning that there

■^W. E. B. Dubois, "Frederick Douglass," in Dictio­ nary of American Biography, ed. by Allen Jordan (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1946), p. 406.

15Ibid., p. 407. 68

was much caulking and coppering to be done on a ship about

to be launched. Initially, he was promised the job by a wealthy and rather generous man who told Douglass to go to

the vessel and begin work; however, upon reaching the float—

stage where other caulkers were working, he was told that

every white man would strike, leaving the ship in its unfin­

ished condition if he were permitted to practice his skill

on it.16 Such bigotry resulted in Douglass being reduced

from a skilled craftsman to a lowly odd-jobs laborer. In order to help ease the financial strain, Mrs. Douglass went to work as a domestic, continuing until the birth of her

first child. In addition to his responsibilities as hus­ band and father, Douglass took an interest in church affairs and in the abolitionist crusade. When he learned that the church he intended joining, a white Methodist church, prac­ ticed segregation in seating arrangements and at the commu­ nion table, he decided to become a member of the Negro-con- 1 7 trolled Zion Methodist Church.

l^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 211.

l^Benjamin Quarles, ed., Great Lives Observed: Frederick Douglass, Spectrum Books (Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1968), p. 4. 69

The Garrisonian Abolitionist

Douglass had been a resident of New Bedford no more

than four or five months when he was asked to subscribe to

the Liberator. He informed the carrier of his recent es­

cape from slavery and of his dire financial condition which

made it impossible for him to take out a subscription. In

sympathy with the hardship Douglass was facing, the paper

man arranged for him to have a subscription. Thus, Douglass

was introduced to the thinking of Garrison; and his paper,

the Liberator, occupied a dear place in the heart of the

former slave.

The occasion was an antislavery convention in Nan­

tucket, Massachusetts, during the year 1841, when Douglass

met face to face with the leader of the abolitionist move­

ment— Garrison, a man whom he would revere for several

years and respect for life. This meeting marked a turning

point in the lives of both men. An abolitionist, William

C. Coffin, had heard Douglass on occasions speak to Negro people, and at this convention he sought Douglass out in

the crowd and asked him to address the convention. 1 R

-^Benjamin Brawley, Negro Builders and Heroes (Chapel Hill, N.C.; University of North Carolina Press, 1937), p. 61. 70

Douglass complied with the request and later he expressed his views of his performance:

It was with the utmost difficulty that I could stand erect, or that I could command and articulate two words without hesitation and stammering. I trembled in every limb. I am not sure that my embarrassment was not the most effective part of my speech it could be called. At any rate, this is about the only part of my performance that I now distinctly remember. The audience sympathized with me at once, and from having been remarkably quiet, became much excited. 1®

What Douglass did not realize was that he had made a rather impressive speech. In fact, so impressive was the speech that Garrison, also a speaker on this occasion, made

Douglass the subject of his address and succeeded in deliv- enng a discourse filled wxth great power. 20 Regarding the performance of Douglass at the convention, Garrison had this to say:

I shall never forget his first speech at the conven­ tion— the extra-ordinary emotion it excited in my own mind— the powerful impression it created upon a crowded auditory, completely taken by surprise. I think I never hated slavery so intensely as at that moment. . . . There stood one in physical propor­ tions and stature commanding and exact— in intellect richly endowed— in natural eloquence a prodigy.21

1^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 215. ^^Brawley, Negro Builders and Heroes, p. 61.

21James M'Cune Smith, "Introduction" in My Bondage and My Freedom by Frederick Douglass, p. xxi. 71

Of Garrison's verbal effort, in the cause for free­

dom, Douglass called it masterly, stating also that it would

never be f o r g o t t e n . 22 This mutual admiration for the abil­

ity of each other was destined to endure for at least four

years for "Douglass saw in Garrison a man who could wield

influence in securing freedom for his people, and Garrison

saw in Douglass a black man who could colorfully portray

the evils of slavery. 23 At the close of the meeting, Mr.

John A. Collins, the general agent of the Massachusetts

Anti-Slavery Society, urged Douglass to join the Society

as a lecturer and to espouse its ideals. Lacking self-

confidence and having fear that publicity could result in

his being returned to his master, Douglass refused the

offer; however, Mr. Collins prevailed upon him until he

consented. That consent catapulted him from obscurity and

signaled the introduction of Mr. Frederick Douglass to the

people at home and abroad.

Although Theodore Weld, in Slavery As It Is, the

Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses, had succeeded in publicly

p p ^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 215.

^^George Whitfield, "Frederick Douglass: Negro Abilitionist," Today's Speech, II (February, 1963), 6. disclosing and proving that proslavery advocates lied about

the terrible conditions of slavery, the abolitionists were

overjoyed to have an ex-slave join their ranks who would

serve as a living testimony to the truth about the barbari­

ties inherent in the slave system. For his first few ap­ pearances on the platform, Douglass adhered to the requests

of the Garrisonians, that of telling about his experiences

as a slave; and for a time he found this exciting. He was

developing his oratorical potential, but he was not develop­

ing nor expanding ideas. Over and over during the early months of the Douglass lecturing career Garrison would ask

the escaped slave to tell his story, but Douglass was now

reading, thinking and gaining new insights about his mes­

sage. He wanted to do more than relate details. Several of his colleagues admonished him not to appear too learned

on the platform for fear the audience would not believe his

story. The motives of his friends, he thought, were well

intentioned but he had reached the decision to address his audiences in a manner he thought best. Soon he began to participate in discussions, to denounce the hypocrisy of the church and to champion causes.

During the early months of 1842, Douglass together with several speaking companions continued his speaking 73 activities in. eastern and central Massachusetts. There were occasions when he shared the speaker1s platform with

Parker Pillsbury, a Garrisonian and former Congregational minister who gave up the church to devote his time to ef­ forts in behalf of freedom and Wendell Phillips, who has been described as the most effective orator in the aboli­ tionist movement. Phillips was a source of eloquence that

Douglass could emulate.

In November, Douglass began to assist other aboli­ tionists in their effort to free George Latimer from jail.

Latimer, a runaway slave from Norfolk, Virginia, had been arrested and placed in a Boston jail in October, 1842.

Abolitionists sought to have him released by a writ of habeas corpus but were unsuccessful. In a letter to Gar­ rison, Douglass wrote passionately of Latimer and sarcas­ tically of the city of Boston:

. . . here is George Latimer— a man— a brother— a husband— a father, stamped with the likeness of eternal God, and redeemed by the blood of Jesus Christ, outlawed, hunted down like a . . . and ferociously dragged through the streets of Boston, and incarcerated within the walls of jail. And all this is done in Boston— liberty— slavery-hating Boston— intellectual-moral-religious Boston.24

^ Liberator, Nov., 18, 1842, p. 182. 74

Determined to secure freedom for Latimer, the abolitionists

began to hold meetings for the purpose of mapping their

strategies. Placards and handbills were distributed and

posted; the power of the press was engaged and citizens

were called on to agitate. With the successful arousal of

public sympathy Latimer became a free man, his former owner

having accepted four hundred dollars in exchange for the

ex-slave. The Latimer case was used by the abolitionists

in prodding the Massachusetts legislature to enact a law

forbidding state officers to help in apprehending fugitive

slaves.^

Antislavery activity was greatly pronounced during

the year, 1843. The New England Anti-Slavery Society held

its annual meeting during that spring and decided to sponsor

a movement, the One Hundred Conventions, for the purpose of

emphasizing further the necessity for the abolition of slav­

ery. In the mind of Douglass the idea met with great favor.

"I had the honor to be chosen as one of the agents to assist

in these proposed conventions, and I never entered upon any work with more heart and hope.Joining Douglass in the

^^Quarles, Frederick Douglass, p. 29.

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 226. 75

venture as orators were "Messrs. George Bradburn, John A.

Collins, James Monroe, William A. White, Charles L. Remond,

and Sydney Howard Gay." Each of these men, according to

Douglass, was familiar with the subject and some were, in­

deed, proficient in the art of delivery. The plan of the

One Hundred Conventions was to divide the agents into two

groups, to plan meetings in different places, to reunite 27 and regroup occasionally.

Douglass and Remond were paired and began their duties in July, holding their first meeting in Vermont.

Audience attitudes in this state were hostile. Many na­ tive Vermonters refrained from attending the meetings.

The speakers were unethically attacked and although one respected citizen of Vermont spoke for the antislavery cause and attempted to prevent adverse publicity, the

first convention ended unsuccessfully. From Vermont the tour led the speakers to New York. They stopped first

in Albany and then moved along the Erie Canal where they were again rebuffed. Even Syracuse did not gladly welcome

the speakers nor the convention. The leaders of the Lib­ erty Party objected to any provisions being made for the

27Quarles, Frederick Douglass, p. 30. 76

convention to be held in any church or hall; therefore a

suitable meeting place was unobtainable. Determined that

the message be imparted, Douglass was not to be discouraged.

Some of the agents upon learning that suitable speaking fa­

cilities would not be available to them became discouraged and decided to move on to the next stop. Douglass remained behind and with support from his host, a strong antislavery man, he selected a place in the park, where, at first, his

audience numbered only five. At the conclusion of his afternoon meeting his audience had increased to five hun­ dred, and officers of the Congregational church permitted him use of an old abandoned building that they owned. Here

Douglass proceeded to arrange meetings for three more days.

During the three-day meeting, John A. Collins ap­ peared. As General Agent of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery

Society, he had been the one who introduced the proposal

for the establishment of the series of One Hundred Conven­

tions^ in the Western states. Collins had recently re­

turned from England where he became a believer in communist ideas. Accompanied by several other associates who leaned

28Arna Bontemps, Free at Last: The Life of Frederick Douglass (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1971), p. 74. 77

toward communism/ Collins interruped one of the three-day

sessions that Douglass had scheduled. He proposed that

the meeting discontinue the discussion of antislavery and

commence a discussion of communism.29 Douglass, obviously

annoyed by such a suggestion, objected and let his thoughts be known:

I held that it was imposing an additional burden of unpopularity on our cause, and an act of bad faith with the people, who paid the salary of Mr. Collins, and were responsible for these hundred conventions. Strange to say, my course in this matter did not meet the approval of Mrs. M. W. Chapman, an influ­ ential member of the board of managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and called out a sharp reprimand from her, for insubordina­ tion to my superiors. This was a strange and dis­ turbing revelation to me, and one of which I was not soon relieved. I thought I had only done my duty, and I think so still. The chief reason for the reprimand was the use which the Liberty party- papers would make of my seeming rebellion against the commanders of our antislavery army.3®

Douglass threatened to resign his duties as a lec­ turing agent in the One Hundred Conventions movement if the

Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society endorsed the conduct of Collins. Collins took the position that the abolitionist movement was futile, so he resigned

29 Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 228.

30Ibid. 78 as the general agent of the Society and Douglass continued to serve in the capacity of lecturing agent.

Following the termination of the meetings held in

Syracuse, Douglass, together with other abolitionists in­ cluding Remond, Ferris and Bradburn, moved to Rochester where the antislavery speakers were cordially received:

In the growing city of Rochester we had in every way a better reception. Abolitionists of all shades of opinion were broad enough to give the Garrisonians (for such we were) a hearing. Samuel D. Porter and the Avery family, though they belonged to the Gerrit Smith, Myron Holly, and William Goodell school, were not so narrow as to refuse us the use of their church for the convention.

Douglass was quite impressed with the attitude of the members of the non-Garrisonian faction. Not only did they provide a site for the Garrisonians to hold their meetings but they listened intelligently to the issues discussed by the Garrisonian abolitionists, and then in a courteous manner refuted them. Douglass remarked as follows:

They heard our moral suasion arguments, and in a manly way met us in debate. We were opposed to carrying the antislavery cause to the ballot-box, and they believed in carrying it there. They looked at slavery as a creature of law; we re­ garded it as a creature of public opinion. It is surprising how small the difference appears as I

^ Ibid. , p. 229. 79

look back to it, over the space of forty years; yet at the time of it this difference was i m m e n s e . 32

The tour at Rochester was considered a successful one. Douglass and Bradburn went next to Buffalo where they were offered a dilapidated, old, former post office as the place to hold their meetings. At the sight of the first audience which was altogether unimpressive, Bradburn de­ serted Douglass, leaving him to stump Buffalo alone.

Douglass, speaking everyday for almost a week, drew large and respectable audiences. When the Baptist church was offered to him as a place for his meetings, he accepted it and spoke there until it could no longer contain the crowds whereupon he moved on Sunday to an open park where his au­ dience numbered four or five thousand people. Sometime later Charles L. Remond, Henry Highland Garnet, Theodore

S. Wright, Amos G. Beaman, Charles M. Ray, and other promi- % nent Negroes held a convention in Buffalo. Douglass at­ tended some of the sessions, and then he and Remond left for their next meeting in Clinton County, Ohio. There they joined White and Gay. As a team Douglass and White made their way to Indiana, a state whose inhabitants included many former southerners who hated abolitionists. In

32ibid. 80

Pendleton, Douglass and White met with great hostility and brutal violence. Luckily they survived in spite of the murderous attacks upon them by a mob of thugs. With the nursing care provided in the home of Neal Hardy, a member of the Society of Friends, Douglass soon recovered suffi­ ciently to continue lecturing but he never forgot what hap­ pened at Pendleton.33

Following the tour experience at Pendleton, the agents moved eastward back to Massachusetts. Everywhere they went, people were anxious to hear Douglass. The agents finished their tour with a stop in Philadelphia and there they participated in the celebration of the tenth anniver­ sary of the formation of the American Anti-Slavery Society.

The Political Warrior

As was pointed out earlier, Douglass accepted all the Garrisonian doctrines during the first ten years that he worked as an abolitionist. He made use of all channels available to him to denounce the Constitution as a pro­ slavery document, to suggest destruction of the American

Union, to reiterate his hostility toward the use of the

33ibid., pp. 230-31. 81 ballot against slavery and to proclaim, as usual, that moral suasion was the most reliable means toward the eradication of slavery. By 1851, however, the change in the thinking of Douglass which had been gradually developing over a pe­ riod of years became public knowledge when the abolitionist leader declared his revised political position. In his own words, here is what Douglass had to say:

After a time, a careful consideration of the sub­ ject convinced me that there was no necessity for dissolving the union between the northern and southern states, that to seek this dissolution was no part of my duty as an abolitionist, that to abstain from voting was to refuse to exercise a legitimate and powerful means ;or abolishing slavery, and that the Constitution of the United States not only contained no guarantees in favor of slavery, but, on the contrary, was in its let­ ter and spirit an antislavery instrument. . . . ^4

In this statement Douglass is observed echoing the senti­ ments of such stalwart men as Madison and others who helped frame the Constitution and who admitted, "it is wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that there could be

O CZ property in man. As the opinions of Douglass changed, so did his actions and those with whom he had once agreed, he now disagreed. In further departing from the thinking

•^Ibid. , pp. 250-61.

•^Anti-Slavery Records and Pamphlets (Westport, Conn.: Negro Universities Press, 1834-1844), p. 2. 82 of Garrison and the American Anti-Slavery Society, Douglass disagreed with the idea that any distinct antislavery party

(such as the Liberty Party) should be thought of as inexpe- dient and unwise and should, therefore, be condemned. 3 6 At this point let us turn to some events that seem to account

for the radical change that Douglass made. The early views of Douglass were conditioned by abolitionists whom he met shortly after his escape from slavery and did not represent his independent thinking. Shortly after joining the aboli­ tionist movement, Douglass became weary and irritated over the idea of others telling him what to say and attempting to influence his thinking. Deciding to approach the problem on a sound basis, he began to read extensively in the areas of law, political philosophy and American government, all of which, naturally, began to exert some influence on him and his thoughts about the Constitution. Ducas and Van Doren have stated that the conviction by Douglass that the Con­ stitution had been misinterpreted places him on the side of reformist abolitionists and that throughout the remainder of his life, following the break with Garrison, he continued to strive for a political solution to the problems of slavery

36Anti-Slavery Bugle (New Lisbon, Ohio), March 13, 1846, p. 1. 83 37 and then to the status of the free Negro.

In 1847, following publication of the North Star, which he used much of the time to exhort his own views,

Douglass had occasion to enounter another event which also proved to alter his thinking. This event was his meeting

John Brown. Much has been written about John Brown; how­ ever, he was such a colorful abolitionist that even at the risk of repeating some of what is already known about him, herewith is presented a composite about this man and some of his thinking as has been described by some writers.

Filler who described Brown as one of the two most famous of all abolitionist figures had this to say:

Brown may have been made famous by eastern newspapers; yet, by common standards, his ceaseless movements and plans for freeing slaves were neither effective nor carefully worked out. Responsible society should logically have repudiated his dangerous ac­ tivities , if only because there was woven into them evidence of temper and impetuosity which could be ascribed to the strain of insanity in his family.

Henry D. Thoreau did not share the thinking of Filler about

Brown. In fact, Thoreau held ideas about the old man that

3 7 George Ducas and Charles Van Doren, ed., Great Documents in Black American History (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970), p. 126. 38 Louis Filler, The Crusade Against Slavery, 1830- 1860 (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1960), p. 240. 84

directly contrasted with those of Filler:

A man of rare common-sense and directness of speech, as of action; a transcendentalist above all, a man of ideas and principles,— that was what distinguished him. Not yielding to a whim of transcient impulse, but carrying out the purpose of a life. I noticed that he did not overstate anything, but spoke with­ in bonds.

I do not believe in erecting statues to those who still live in our hearts, whose bones have not yet crumbled in the earth around us, but I would rather see the statue of Captain John Brown in the Massa­ chusetts State House Yard, than that of any other man whom I know. I rejoice that I live in this age, that I am his contemporary.^

Blaustein and Zangrando capsule one of the popular opinions

about Brown; that is, they refer to him as a fanatic; how­

ever they credit him with having been instrumental in help­

ing the antislavery cause:

Most fiery and fanatical of all the abolitionists, John Brown believed himself God's chosen instru­ ment to end slavery and to struggle against pro­ slavery forces. Having obtained funds from New England and New York abolitionists to establish a stronghold in western Virginia to assist fugi­ tive slaves, Brown armed himself and his follow­ ers for an attack on the United States arsenal at Harpers Ferry. The arsenal was seized on October 16, 1859, and then re-captured two days later. . . . Brown was indicted and found guilty of treason. . . . He rejected his counsel's plea of insanity and was sentenced to hang. John Brown's impassioned speech at the trial expressed

^ H e n r y David Thoreau, "A Plea for Captain John Brown," in Anti-Slavery and Reform Papers, ed. by H. S. Salt (London: Swan Sonnenschein and Company, 1890), pp. 55,67. 85

the moral urgency of the slavery issue and helped inspire antislavery f o r c e s . 40

Booker T. Washington spoke of the close relationship that developed between Douglass and John Brown. Said he:

Mr. Douglass's relations with this man were more intimate and continuous than his associations with the author of Uncle Tom's Cabin. No one could be a part of the anti-slavery movement between 1849 and 1859 without knowing and being more or less influenced by the personality of John Brown.^

Douglass, who was an invited guest at the home of Brown, had much to say that was complimentary about his host. Some of his remarks follow:

I was not long in company with the master of this house before I discovered that he was indeed the master of it, and was likely to become mine too if I stayed long enough with him. He fulfilled St. Paul's idea of the head of the family. His wife believed in him. . . . His arguments, which I ventured at some points to oppose, seemed to con­ vince all; his appeals touched all, and his will impressed a l l . 42

Brown repudiated the belief by Douglass that moral suasion would rid the South of slavery. After he explained to

^Albert P. Blaustein and Robert L. Zangrando, ed., Civil Rights and the American Negro (New York: Trident Press, 1968), p. 174.

^Booker T. Washington, Frederick Douglas, ed. Ellis Paxson (New York: Oberholtzer Argosy-Antiquarian, 1969), p. 182. A O ^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 272. 86

Douglass that slaveholders were too immoral in their think­

ing to understand moral arguments, he outlined his plan for

assisting the slaves to escape and for dealing with slave­

holders and slave-catchers. Douglass appreciated the view­

point and sincerity of Brown but could not accept violence

as the remedy for slavery. Despite his commitment to non­

violence, the meeting with Brown resulted in Douglass having

some doubts in his own mind about total dependence on moral

suasion. Factor explains that the experiences which Doug­

lass had in slavery supported the view of the character of

the slaveholder as Brown had pictured it, but other influ­

ences such as early religious training, rational thinking

and the Garrisonian philosophy of pacifism were not easy

for Douglass to dispel.^3 There had to be an answer to the

dilemma, but what was it? The Compromise of 1850 contri­ buted to the answer, for as a result of the New Fugitive

Slave Act which Douglass knew was brought into existence by

an act of the legislature, he became convinced that politi­

cal action could be a useful tool and was, perhaps the an­

swer to the dilemma.

^•^Robert L. Factor, The Black Response to America (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1970), p. 16. 87

The departure of Douglass from Garrisonianism was announced at the American Anti-Slavery Society convention in 1 8 5 1 and since Douglass had been the chief Negro spokesman for the Garrisonians, his departure was a stun­ ning blow to them. Other Negroes began to join ranks with

Douglass in favoring political power; however division of party interest which had been developing over several years continued with some Negroes being in favor of supporting the Liberty Party and others expressing strong preference for the Free Soil Party. In 1848, a division splintered the Liberty Party and resulted in the formation of the

Liberty League and the National Liberty Party. Frederick

Douglass who by this time had returned from Europe and es­ tablished the North Star, attended the convention of the

National Liberty Party and remarked that this was his first

A C attendance at such a convention. For a while he joined the ranks of the Liberty Party whose great mission was said to be that of making the abolition of slavery the central theme of American politics. The Party was formed by those

^ L e o n F. Litwack, "The Emancipation of the Negro Abolitionist," in The Antislavery Vanguard, ed. Martin Duberman (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 146.

^^North Star (Rochester), June 23, 1848. 88

abolitionists who had become convinced that unless injected

into the political arena, antislavery agitation would fail.46

For a while Douglass continued to support the Liberty Party

by both voice and pen; however, Douglass was never one to

hesitate in switching loyalty if he felt that doing so would

aid his cause. It appears that this is the reason he moved

over to the ranks of the Free Soil Party. At the Free Soil

Convention which met in Pittsburg in August, 1852, Douglass was elected secretary by acclamation. An

Wesley had stated that at one time Douglass seemed

to be operating in both party ranks. He further said that:

Since the Liberty Party was strong in New York State, he (Douglass) continued in its ranks, while follow­ ing the Free Soil Party on a national basis. He himself stated that he supported the Free Soil Party as long as its liberal principles were sustained, but the editorials in his paper also show his sup­ port of the Liberty Party.48

When one speaker began to address the Convention,

his voice was drowned out by delegates calling for Douglass

46(5erald Sorin, The New York Abolitionists (Westport, Conn.: Greenwold Publishing Corporation, 1971), p. 127.

47charles H. Wesley, Neglected History (Washington, D.C.: Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, 1969), p. 72. 48!bid. 89 to speak. As the audience cheered, he approached the plat­ form after which he delivered what was described as "an aggressive s p e e c h . "49 So impressed was Douglass with the attitude displayed at the Convention as well as with doc­ trines and presidential candidates that were endorsed— Hale of New Hampshire and Julian of Indiana, both, purportedly, friends of freedom— that he sought support for these candi­ dates from the Liberty Party which was about to hold a con­ vention in Canastata, New York. Unfortunately for Douglass, cn his movement for support of Hale and Julian was defeated.

However, the unhappy feelings of defeat Douglass experienced were assuaged when later in 1852, he learned that his friend

Gerrit Smith had been nominated by the Liberty Party to be the representative from the twenty-second Congressional dis­ trict of New York and had succeeded in winning the election.

Douglass expressed his elation over the outcome of the elec­ tion in a message to another of his friends, Samuel J. May:

The election of Gerrit Smith— What an era.! But this grand event will be comparatively lost unless the agitation is kept up. With men and money we could

^Ibid.

5°Philip s. Foner, ed., The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II (New York: International Publishers, 1950), p. 76. 90 r l 51 carry the State I New YorkJ for freedom in 1856.

The career of Smith as Congressman was shortlived, however.

During the summer of 1854, Smith, after making what to some abolitionists was an unsatisfactory explanation, resigned his Congressional seat.-^

For a short period of time, some talk had been given to the idea of having Douglass succeed Gerrit Smith in Congress. The idea, which never materialized, was met with commendation from some parts of the Northern press and denunciation from the press that were sympathetic to the views of the South.

The difficulties involved in the attempt at compro­ mise in the Kansas-Nebraska dispute paved the way for the actual shedding of blood in the struggle between the free c o labor and slave labor factions in Kansas and it was the

^Letter, Frederick Douglass to Samuel J. May, Nov. 10, 1852, Manuscript Collection, New York Historical Society. Quoted in Carter G. Woodson, The Mind of the Negro as Reflected in Letters Written During the Crisis, 1800-1860 (Washington, D.C.: Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc., 1926), p. 653.

^Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, p. 77.

^carter G * Woodson and Charles Wesley, The Story of the Negro Retold (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publish­ ers, 1959), p. 144. 91

passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act that sparked aggression

in the North 54 and brought together dissatisfied political

groups into one coalition, later named the Republican Party.

The new party comprised three major groups— Whigs who wanted

to see the end of fence straddling on the slavery question,

antislavery Democrats and Free Soilers. 55

At first Douglass refused to join the new political organization, preferring to continue allegiance to that seg­ ment of the Liberty Party which refused to join the coali­ tion. In early 1855, Douglass pointed out the faults of other antislavery organizations and praised the Liberty

Party. He criticized the doctrine of the Garrisonians as being negatively antislavery because of its stand on the issue of dissolving the Union. He opposed the dissolution of the Union as a measure which would not serve in any way to benefit slaves but rather would place them at the com­ plete mercy of the South. He accused the American and

Foreign Antislavery Society of being unable to produce

^Thorpe, The Mind of the Negro, p. 193.

55Quarles, Frederick Douglass, p. 154.

^Peter Bergman, The Chronological History of the Negro in America (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers), p. 198. 92

desired effects, and he blamed the Free Soil Party for at­

tempting only to limit and de-nationalize slavery- In con­

trast with criticisms of the above-mentioned organizations,

Douglass praised the Liberty Party as being an organization whose present and past behavior indicated its commitment to

continue the struggle for the end of slavery as long as a bondman was in chains.^7 >phe criticism Douglass had of the

Republican Party was that it did not go far enough in ad­ vocating the complete eradication of slavery.

In March 1855, Douglass prevailed with Gerrit Smith

to plan a National Liberty Party Convention which did mate­ rialize and met in June of the same year. At the meeting,

Douglass was elected to serve on the Business Committee.

The Radical Political Abolitionists held a meeting in

Syracuse on May 28, 1856, at which time Gerrit Smith was nominated for President and Samuel McFarland for vice-presi­ dent. Douglass had been honored by being nominated for vice- president but because he and Smith were from the same state, his nomination was rescinded. The New York Herald carried the announcement of the Douglass nomination at the same time

Douglass was using his paper to promote the candidacies of

57 Quarles, Frederick Douglass, p. 155. 93

Smith and McFarland. Coming as a complete surprise to his

readers, on August 15, 1855, Douglass announced that because

he felt he could best work for the end of slavery in every part of the republic by joining ranks with the coalition,

he was withdrawing his support from Smith and McFarland and

lending his influence to the candidates endorsed by the Re­ publican Party for President and vice-president, John C.

Fremont and William L. Dayton. He was quick to point out, however, that supporting these candidates did not mean that he had joined the Republican Party as a member, for he was

still a Radical Abolitionist. Bearing out the veracity of his statement, he attempted to revitalize the dying Radical

Abolition Party even after it appeared that the Republican

Party was fast growing in strength and numbers and, there­

fore, the logical party with whom to affiliate.

Douglass was a practical man in his political deal- lings. For this reason he could not permit his emotions to blind him from reality. He loved the Liberty Party, but he had to join forces with an organization that possessed the ability to organize and he had to work within the organiza­ tion in order to get its leaders to move farther in the direction he wanted them to go.

It appears that truth prevails in the words that 94

Conrad spoke about Douglass when he said:

The guidance which Douglass gave to the antislavery movement during the 1850's made the movement an un­ derriding force in the development of the Republican Party. This guidance emerged inside the Republican Party as an unseen rudder which perhaps more than any other factor in the land droveno Abraham Lincoln toward his emancipation policy. °

The Reformer

Douglass was a man interested in any movement whose purpose was that of promoting the welfare of human beings.

Not only did he speak and write in behalf of human rights but he has been credited for having engaged in even more active operations for the removal of human indignities.

One of the most effective operations in which Douglass en­ gaged himself was the Underground Railroad, "a highly de­ veloped and thoroughly organized system that mysteriously aided fugitive slaves in their frantic efforts to escape miserable slavery, to freedom.in his continuing ef­

forts to help the slave, Douglass permitted the North Star office to be used as one of the "stations. 11 Although the problem of raising finances for the welfare of the escaped

58Earl Conrad, The Invention of the Negro (New York: Paul S. Ericksson, Incorporated, 1966), p. 108.

59E. D. Preston, Jr., "The Genesis of the Underground Railroad," Journal of Negro History, XVIII (April, 1933), 144. 95

slaves was acute, Douglass managed to aid in alleviating the problem by giving of his earnings and providing refuge for the escapees. 60 His home in Rochester was considered a very important "station" and he is known to have provided shelter and raised money for eleven fugitives at one time who were trying to reach Canada. 61 Douglass himself veri­ fied this statement. In Life and Times of Frederick Doug­ lass , he explained how his being a widely known abolition­ ist and editor of an antislavery newspaper in Rochester fitted him for the position of stationmaster and conductor of the Underground Railroad that passed through the city.

On the occasion that he housed eleven fugitives at one time

Douglass stated that,

It was the largest number I ever had at any one time, and I had some difficulty in providing so many with food and shelter, but . . . they were not very fas­ tidious in either direction, and were well content with very plain food, and a strip of carpet on the floor for a bed or a place on the straw in the

^Angelo Herndon, "Frederick Douglass: Negro Lead­ ership and War," Negro Quarterly, (Winter-Spring, 1943), 313.

^-^-Daniel S. Davis, Struggle for Freedom: The His­ tory of Black Americans (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovano- vich, Incorporated, 1972), p. 118. 96

barnloft.^

Not only was Douglass proud of his own work with the Under­ ground Railroad but he recognized and appreciated the work of others who, too, were devoted to assisting runaway slaves.

Other agents and conductors included Thomas Garrett, William

Still, Robert Purvis, David Ruggles and Samuel J. May. The home of Lucretia Mott (a pioneer in the movement for the rights of women) was a "station" and the Motts served as conductors. So appreciative was Douglass of the work of

Harriet Tubman in the underground movement that on August 29,

1868, he sent her a letter in which he praised her for her role in promoting the cause of freedom:

The midnight sky and the silent stars have been the witnesses of your devotion to freedom and of your heroism. Excepting John Brown— of sacred memory— I know of no one who has willingly encountered more

62Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 266. One Douglass biographer, Shirley Graham, stated that Douglass built on to his home to make room for fugi­ tive slaves; however this statement was not verified by Douglass. Shirley Graham, There Was Once a Slave (New York: Julian Messner, Incorporated, 1947), p. 170.

^Lloyd C. M. Hare, The Greatest American Woman: Lucretia Mott (New York: American Historical Society, Incorporated, 1937), p. 226. 97

perils and hardships to serve our enslaved people than you h ave.^

The Underground Railroad was an outgrowth of the slavery

system and as slavery grew in intensity the Railroad grew

in strength.

Douglass was concerned not only about the plight of the slave but also about the welfare of the large number of free Negroes in the United States. Upon his return from the British Isles he threw himself into the colored conven­ tion movement which had been launched for the purpose of deciding upon the action to be taken to protest against the lowly status of the Negro in America. The movement can be considered a value-oriented movement inasmuch as it was com­ posed of Negroes who represented the people who considered themselves among the persecuted minorities and who were searching for a method of solving problems that were be­ setting them. The leadership of the national conventions was drawn from the ministry and from among businessmen, newspaper editors, and free men. Smelser has stated that value-oriented movements germinate during periods of ferment

^Letter, Frederick Douglass to Harriet Tubman, Aug. 29, 186", quoted in Sarah Bradford, Harriet Tubman; The Moses of Her People (New York: Corinth Books, 1961), p. 135. 98 which produce many other kinds of collective behavior. 65

The germination of the National Negro Convention Movement bears out the truth of this conclusion. It began in 1830, the first meeting being held in Philadelphia and attended by fifteen delegates from five states,66 ancj it was a part of the total reform movement which spread during the nine­ teenth century and which included other protest organiza­ tions such as conventions for the rights of women, the con­ vention for colonization, temperance conventions and vari- ous church conventions. The main business attended to by the first convention consisted of recommending emigration to Canada, passing strong resolutions against the American

Colonization Society, and appointing the next annual con­ vention of the people of color to be held in Philadelphia in June, 1831.68

^^Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior, p. 317.

^Hanes Walton, Jr., Black Political Parties (New York: Free Press, 1972), p. 40.

8^Ibid., p. 38.

68i'The First Colored Convention, " in Minutes of the Proceedings of the National Negro Conventions, 1830-1864, ed. by Howard Holman Bell (New York: Arno Press s 1 New York Times, 1969), p. 5. All proceedings of the Nat onal Negro Conventions included in this paper have been ta .en from this source. 99

The sensitivity of Smelser as revealed in his deduc­ tions about value-oriented movements must be acknowledged when he points to the thought that when "avenues for influ­ encing political authorities are absent, blocked or atro­ phied, value-oriented beliefs begin to flourish.One proof which substantiates this thought is to be found in the frustrations, anger and bitterness which developed in

Negroes during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries re­ sulting from the victimization by an American political system which relegated the Negroes to a powerless position with no means or avenues of obtaining meaningful responses to their demands.

Although the Negro Convention Movement had reason to be proud of the initiative it took in dealing with its dilemma, the organization could not overcome some of its problems. For example, Herbert Simons has stated that a movement may be doomed to failure if one or more demands required of it are not met. 70 In the case of the Negro

^ S m e l s e r , Theory of Collective Behavior, p. 331. 70 Herbert Simons, "Requirements, Problems, and Strategies: A Theory of Persuasion for Social Movements," in Contemporary Rhetoric, ed. by Douglas Ehininger (Glen­ view, 111.: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1972), pp. 192-93. 100

Convention Movement, it suffered because of the lack of a well-knit and powerful organization which, according to

Herbert Blumer, is a necessary ingredient in any successful movement. 71 In seeking to adopt directions toward the even­ tual uplifting of free Negroes in the North, the leaders during the incipient stages of the Movement could agree on neither the means nor ends toward settling the problem, and this situation, unfortunately, contributed to the tem­ porary demise of the organization after 1836.

The year 1843 witnessed the emergence of activists who began to resurrect the Movement. Moral suasionists were fighting for their principles, but it became increas­ ingly clear that they would have to deal with the activists who were seeking to utilize political means in order to abolish slavery. Frederick Douglass who, for the first time attended the Convention when it reconvened in Buffalo, immediately became and continued to be an influencing force at this convention in 1843, as well as at subsequent con­ ventions. At the Buffalo convention he became actively engaged in the proceedings. At this convention Douglass

"^Herbert Blumer, "Collective Behavior," in Review of Sociology, ed. by Joseph B. Gittler (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1957), p. 147. 101 and Garnet engaged in their famous debate. Speaking at the afternoon session, Wednesday, August 16, 1843, Garnet moved the Convention with a masterful speech in which he chal­ lenged the slaves to resist their masters. Douglass op­ posed certain points in the speech, believing that to pre­ sent such ideas to the slaves would lead to insurrection.

Following is a report from the Convention relative to the

Douglass position with regard to the address by Garnet:

Douglass remarked, that there was too much physical force, both in the address and the remarks of the speaker last up. He was for trying the moral means a little longer; that the address, could it reach the slaves, and the advice, either of the address or the gentleman, be followed, while it might not lead the slaves to rise in insurrection for lib­ erty, would, nevertheless, and necessarily be the occasion of an insurrection; and that was what he wished in no way to have any agency in bringing about, and what we were called upon to avoid; and therefore, he hoped the motion to refer would pre­ vail.72

The respect and esteem which Douglass enjoyed from his col­ leagues was again obvious when he was nominated and named 73 one of the vice-presidents of the Convention.

The site of the next convention was Troy, New York,

72Minutes of the National Convention of Colored Citi­ zens: Held at Buffalo on the 15th, 16th, 176h, 18th and 19th of August, 1843 (Buffalo: Piercy and Reed, Printers, 1843), p. 13.

7^Ibid., p. 8. 102 in 1847. The main order of business at this meeting cen­ tered around the establishment of a National Negro Press, the establishment of a Negro College and the disposition of the gift of land (140,000 acres to 3,000 Negro citizens of New York) donated by Gerrit Smith. Henry Garnet be­ lieved that a well-conducted press solely under the con­ trol of Negroes would be a successful method of helping to overthrow slavery. Douglass, a prominent figure at the convention while favoring

Garnet proposal of establishing a National Press, believ­ ing that such a national organ would be controlled even- tually by a clique. 74

The Convention moved that a committee of three be appointed to make a report on the state and wants of educa­ tional privileges of the colored people in the United States.

Regarding the disposition of the land donated by

Gerrit Smith, Douglass suggested that it be put to use by the recipients; for in doing so, praise and appreciation would be expressed to Smith for his generosity.7-*

74Proceedings of the National Convention of Colored People and Their Friends Held in Troy, New York, on the 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th of October, 1847 (Troy, N.Y.: Steam Press of J. C. Kneeland and Company, 1847), p. 7.

7^Ibid., p. 13. 103

As chairman of a committee appointed to draft a

report suggesting the best means of abolishing slavery,

Douglass reaffirmed his faith in moral suasion, declaring

that:

We should utterly frown down and wholly discounte­ nance any attempt to lead our people to confide in brute force as a reformatory instrumentality. All argument put forth in favor of insurrection and bloodshed, however well intended, is either the result of an unpardonable impatience or an athe­ istic want of faith in the power of truth as a means of regenerating and reforming the world.76

Further, the committee headed by Douglass called for expo­

sure of the slaveholder and his crimes and it prevailed

upon the Press and the pulpit to lend their influence in

denouncing oppression and other injustices.77

In 184-8, when the National Negro Convention met in

Cleveland, Ohio, Douglass was elected president. At this

convention were representatives of many types of labor, both skilled and unskilled. Douglass, as usual, commanded wide attention for the role he played at the convention. * When the question came up about certain occupations being

degrading to Negroes, Douglass took the position that "what­

ever is necessary to be done, is honorable to do; and leave

76Ibid., p . 31.

77Ibid., p. 32. 104

situations in which we are considered degraded, as soon as necessity ceases.

The delegates to this convention sanctioned the equality of the sexes, encouraged education of the youth, called for support of the United States, condemned the

American Churches, generally, condemned the American Colo­ nization Society as a deceptive and hypocritical organiza­ tion and condemned the action of some Negro barbers who refused to treat colored men on equality with the whites.79

Douglass during this same year sensed a faction existing between moderates and militants. He realized the harm that strife could do to an organization and so an ef­ fort to create harmony between the factions, he proposed a National League of Colored People which he hoped would do the job. Because moral suasion was losing ground to acti­ vism among so many Negroes, his efforts failed to draw suf-

on ficient backing for his plan.

7^Report of the Proceedings of the Colored National Convention Held at Cleveland, Ohio, on Wednesday, Septem­ ber 6, 1848 (Rochester, N.Y.: Printed by John Dick, at the North Star Office, 1848), p. 6.

79Ibid., pp. 12-17

^Walton, Black Political Parties, p. 42. 105

Following the Cleveland convention, the National

Negro Convention Movement remained inactive for five years.

With the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850, revi­ talized action by Negroes against slavery began again. In the meantime Douglass had tried to be what he found out, eventually, he could not be— the perpetual champion of the idea that moral suasion was the only practical solution to the slavery question. He began to fit squarely into the characteristic mould described by Simon:

The leader must appear to be what he cannot be. Expected to be consistent, for example, he must nevertheless be prepared to renounce previously championed positions. Expected to be sincere and spontaneous, he must handle dilemmas with consum­ mate manipulative skill.

By the time the Negro Conventions resumed in 1853, Douglass had broken with Garrisonism and moral suasion and had shifted his allegiance to political action.

In July, 1853, the Convention met in Rochester, and here Douglass was elected a vice-president. One of the major items of discussion centered on the feasibility of establishing a manual labor college for Negro youth. Pre­ viously, Douglass had opposed a Negro college, believing

O *1 oxSimons, "Requirements, Problems and Strategies," in Ehninger, ed., Contemporary Rhetoric, p. 194. 106

that such an institution would tend to perpetuate segrega­ tion and prejudice. Later, he endorsed the establishment of an industrial college but indicated that its doors would be open to all students regardless of color. Other business of the Convention included praise and recognition for Uncle

Tom's Cabin, persuading free Negroes to use the franchise to vote for the right man, regardless of his party, further denunciation of the American Colonization Society, praise for the Frederick Douglass1 Paper and advocating the estab­ lishment of a National Manual Labor School as steps toward equality for Negroes in political rights, and in civil and

op social privileges with other Americans.

Two years later, the Convention reconvened in Phila­ delphia; it praised and named the Frederick Douglass1 Paper the official organ of the National Convention 83 and it re­ affirmed the positions to which the delegates ascribed at

op ^ Proceedings of the Colored National Convention Held in Rochester, July 6th, 7th and 8th, 1853 (Rochester: Printed at the office of Frederick Douglass' Paper, 1853), pp. 39-40.

^ Proceedings Qf the Colored National Convention Held in Philadelphia, October 16th, 17th and 18th, 1855 (Salem, N.J.: Printed at the National Standard Office, 1856), p. 35. 107

the convention in Rochester in 1853.^ The programs out­

lined, however, did not materialize; this failure together with the continuing factional disputes and the lack of fi­ nances were some of the causes of the dissipation of the

National Negro Convention Movement.

Notwithstanding the absence of longevity, the Move­ ment did succeed in promoting Negro independence and self- reliance .

Douglass was interested in participating in any movement that he felt was beneficial to the human race; thus, he engaged himself in other activities such as the fight for temperance and the fight for woman's rights, re­ forms not exclusive to any one race. Both of these reforms were related to the antislavery crusade and the temperance society included groups which otherwise were opposed to one another. An illustration of a case in point can be fur­ nished by observing the following action which occurred dur­ ing the temperance convention held in New York in 1853. Be­ fore the meeting adjourned Antoinette L. Brown, a minister and regularly elected delegate was forbidden to speak be­ cause she was a woman; Dr. J. McCune Smith had been unable

S^Htfalton, Black Political Parties, p. 43. 108

to participate because he was a Negro; and Wendell Phillips had been expelled on grounds that appeared false.88 These people, like Douglass, believed that the fight against li­ quor was vital to the progress of their separate causes:

that women suffered by the intemperateness of their men, that Negroes ought to arm themselves in sobriety for the advancement of their race, and that drinking was part of Q/r the moral corruption which sustained slavery. Douglass who as a youth had observed the effects of intemperance on the mind as well as the body condemned strong drink and 87 paralleled a slave to whiskey with a slave to master.

As was stated previously, he believed intemperance to be contributory to poverty. Douglass spoke out against in­ temperance both at home and abroad.

The movement for the rights of women was a cause dear to the heart of Douglass. Andrew Sinclair has stated that reforms are not separate entities and that agitation

88Filler, The Crusade Against Slavery, 1830-1860, p. 39.

86Ibid.

S^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 148. 109 for one reform ignites agitation for others.Douglass had been an agitator in the abolitionist movement, which is credited with giving the American women their first opportunity to learn about political action and organiza-

OQ tion, and now he was fighting for the rights of women.

Although he was dedicated to the feminist movement, some other abolitionists did not share his thoughts about equal­ ity for women. The General Anti-Slavery Convention which met in London in June, 1840, is remembered most for its de­ cision to exclude women as delegates, a move which pointed up discriminatory practices and eventually resulted in the initiation of the woman suffrage movement.^

As soon as Douglass had become established at

Rochester in 1847, he used the first issue of the North

Star to proclaim that "Right is of no sex."91 In July of the following year, the first woman's movement in America

^Andrew Sinclair, The Better Half (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. xiii. 89 Kate Millett, Sexual Politics (New York: Double­ day and Company, Inc., 1970), p. 80.

^Douglass H. Maynard, "The World Anti-Slavery Con­ vention, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XLVII (December, 1960), 452.

^iQuarles, Frederick Douglass, p. 132. 110

officially began, and among those present at this Seneca

Falls Convention was Douglass, one of thirty-two men in at­

tendance and the only one to play a prominent r o l e . 92 Prior

to the Seneca Falls Convention, the right of women to vote

was considered so radical that when Elizabeth Stanton, the

chief instigator of a woman's rights convention, suggested

the idea, she was rebuffed by another feminist, Lucretia 93 Mott and even by her own husband. However, Stanton

found support from Douglass who, when the Seneca Falls

meeting convened, spoke in favor of giving the franchise

to women. He continued to support rights for women through­ out the remainder of his life. In the following statement,

Douglass sums up his interest in and attitude toward women's

rights:

Observing woman's agency, devotion, and efficiency in pleading the cause of the slave, gratitude for this high service early moved me to give favorable attention to the subject of what is called "woman's rights" and caused me to be denominated a woman's-

92Benjamin Quarles, "Frederick Douglass and the Woman's Rights Movement," Journal of Negro History, XXV (January, 1940), 35.

93 , . Elinor Rice Hays, Morning Star: A Biography of Lucy Stone, 1818-1893 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1961), p. 80. Ill

rights man. I am glad to say that I have never been ashamed to be thus designated.^4

Summary

As an agitator Douglass was a dynamic and energetic

leader who, because of these qualities together with a lib­

eral amount of charisma, was able not only to command the

attention of his audience but he was also gifted with the

ability to influence and motivate some who listened to him.

One strong point conceded to Douglass is that he was not

satisfied to gain attention only, but he gave a sense of

direction to his hearers by making suggestions, offering

criticisms and ideas which to him seemed vital to the solu­

tion of problems facing them.

As a leader Douglass had been named the most promi­

nent and able Negro of his day, one whose elevation to such

a position was the result, primarily, of his own efforts

and ability.

As an American Douglass loved his country, but he was not blind to her faults. He believed in the worth and

dignity of all mankind. Although criticized by some, most people of many races admired and respected the man who

^^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 472. 112 lived and died believing that the American Dream was at­ tainable for all citizens. CHAPTER IV

THE DOUGLASS MESSAGE: LOGOS

Throughout the history of rhetoric and public speak­ ing, logical proof has been given top priority both in theory and in practice. Aristotle, who was one of the first schol- are to initiate this emphasis, reminds us that a speaker has certain topoi and lines of argument available to him for the purpose of effecting persuasion. The regions containing ar­ guments that may be found in all branches of knowledge are identified as commonplaces, and they include the topics of more and less, of magnifying and minifying, of past and fu­ ture fact, and of possible and impossible occurrence.^- In addition to these commonplaces, there are also special re- gions where the orator searches for arguments.

British and contemporary rhetoricians have shared

Aristotle's concern for artistic proof. But they gave to

^Aristotle, The Rhetoric of Aristotle, trans. by Lane Cooper (New York: Appleton-Century-Cross, Inc., 1932), 2.19.

^Ibid.

113 114

inartistic proof--the use of evidence in the form of testi- money and statistics— a higher acceptance than did the clas­

sical scholars. Cathcart in discussing evidence remarked

that a "persuasive speech which is supported with sound evi­

dence will be more effective in terms of winning belief than will the speech which relies entirely upon assertion and

generalization.

A study of Douglass' speeches reveals his adeptness

at employing both artistic proof and inartistic proof.

Typical of Douglass 1 skill in using Topoi and lines of ar­

gument and in employing statistics and testimony to buttress

the reasoning process was his commencement address delivered

at Western Reserve College in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1854. The

speech was entitled The Claims of the Negro Ethnoloqically

Considered.^ Since all of Douglass' familiar logical tech­

niques and strategies were present in this address, this

chapter will focus on an analysis of the remarks developed

■^Robert S. Cathcart, "An Experimental Study of the Relative Effectiveness of Four Methods of Presenting Evi­ dence," Speech Monographs, XXII (August, 1955), 232.

^This speech was published as a pamphlet at Rochester in 1854, following the widespread interest it generated. Illustrative quotes from this address have all been taken from the Pamphlet, the complete text of which appears in Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, pp. 56-73. 115

on this occasion. Hopefully this case study will provide

an insight into Douglass' pattern of logos.

For centuries large numbers of whites who lived in

both the South and the North looked upon the Negro as being

permanently inferior, and, as has been previously stated

in earlier chapters of this study, these proslavery advocates

used many arguments in an attempt to justify their beliefs

and to perpetuate slavery. To them, the Negro was a thing,

a piece of property and not a man. Douglass used the powers

of print and voice in the attempt to prove that the Negro was not inherently inferior and that, indeed, he was a man.

Douglass initiated his ethnological arguments with

an appeal to his audience to lend their efforts toward im­

proving the relationship between white and black people in

the United States. In the solution of the vital question

of race relations, Douglass admonished the scholars of

America to lead the way toward improvement, basing this appeal on their obligations to patriotism and the Diety.

In the eyes of both the country and God, the neutral schol­

ar, according to Douglass, was an ignoble man. In attempt­

ing to persuade scholars to take a stand on race relations,

Douglass reminded them that neutrality on the subject was

an impossibility. 116

Consequences and Criss-Cross Consequences

Further pointing up this impossibility, he drew upon the topoi of consequences and criss-cross consequences:

Here, a man must be hot, or be accounted cold, or, perchance, something worse than hot or cold. The lukewarm and the cowardly, will be rejected by earnest men on either side of the controversy. The cunning man who avoids it, to gain the favor of both parties, will be rewarded with scorn; and the timid man who shrinks from it, for fear of offend­ ing either party, will be despised. To the lawyer, the preacher, the politician, and to the man of letters, there is no neutral ground.^

Douglass clinched his final point with the maxim, "He that is not for us, is against us.

Essential Definition

Douglass presented his first general claim in re­ sponse to an article published in the Richmond Examiner which alleged that the Negro was not entitled to the same rights as a white man because he was not a man. Of the three avenues open to Douglass in refuting the allegation— ridicule, denunciation, argument— he chose argument, begin­ ning with the topos, Definition. Although Aristotle alludes to Definition in his Rhetoric, he details principles govern-

^Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 57.

^Ibid. 117

ing "essential definition" in Topica, one of his discussions of logic. An "essential definition" is one which stems

from the nature of things.8 In using essential definition, one puts that which is to be defined into a genus or general class and then delineates those specific differences that

set it apart from every other things in the same general class. Douglass argued that,

Man is distinguished from all other animals, by the possession of certain definite faculties and powers, as well as by physical organization and proportions. He is the only two-handed animal on the earth— the only one that laughs, and nearly the only one that weeps.9

Douglass in utilizing "essential definiton" followed the method formulated by Aristotle in that he put the thing to be defined [man] into a genus or general class [animal] and followed this by relating certain specific differences that distinguished it from every other thing known to be in the same general class. Speaking of distinguishing character­ istics between man and brutes, Douglass said of man:

7 'Edward P. J. Corbett, Classical Rhetoric for the Modern Student (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 51 .

8Ibid.

^Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 58. 118

his speech, his reason, his power to acquire and to retain knowledge, his heavenly erected face, his habitudes, his hopes, his fears, his aspirations, his prophecies, plant between him and the brute creation, a distinction as eternal as it is palpa­ ble.10

Douglass concluded that when the Negro is tried by all usual and unusual tests, he emerges as a man. It appears that the answer to whether or not a Negro is a man could and did rest upon the actual treatment of the Negro. Southerners opposed

"inalienable rights" for the Negro, claiming he was not a man; yet he was considered a man when directives to him required that he understand orders, perform work and help procreate the human species.11 The two positions were ob­ viously incompatible.

Before concluding his first claim, Douglass offered three additional types of evidence in support of the Negro being a man. Notwithstanding his lacking specificity in referring to the author of the statement, "that man is dis­ tinguished from all other animals in that he resists as well as adapts himself to his circumstances,m1^ Douglass did

IQlbid., pp. 58-59.

HRichard Weaver, The Ethics of Rhetoric (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1953), p. 91.

■^Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, p . 59. 119

apply this test of authoritative testimony to the Negro and

found that it also supported the contention that the Negro

is a man. Pointing to dexterity and skill common to human

beings, Douglass continued his argument from the genus, "man."

You may see him yoke his oxen, harness the horse, and hold the plow. He can swim the river; but he prefers to fling over it a bridge.43

Douglass questioned the inability of other men to recognize

the Negro as a man when even beasts, fowl and domesticated

animals recognized the Negro as such. Douglass explained

thusly:

The horse bears him on his back— amidst his mastery and dominion. The barn-yard fowl know his step, and flock around to receive their morning meal from his sable hand. The dog dances when he comes home, and whines piteously when he is absent. All these know that the negro is a man.44

Authoritative Testimony

Satisfied with the disposition of his first claim,

Douglass moved methodically to his second argument which was that the Negro race is a part of the human race and

like the rest of mankind originated from a common ancestry.

The speaker advanced the opinion that neither the unity nor

43Ibid.

14Ibid. 120 diversity of the human family could be proved without call­ ing upon the authority which rests in the Bible. Alluding to the Bible as a means of authoritative support for his argument on the oneness of the human race, Douglas said,

The unity of the human race— the brotherhood of man— the reciprocal duties of all to each, and of each to all, are too plainly taught in the Bible to admit of cavil.— The credit of the Bible is at stake— and if it be too much to say, that it must stand or fall, by the decision of this question, it is proper to say that the value of that sacred Book— as a record of the early history of mankind— must be materially affected, by the decision of the question.

For myself I can say, my reason (not less than my feeling, and my faith) welcome with joy, the decla­ rations of the inspired Apostle, "that God has made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell upon all the face of the earth.1^

Future Fact

Douglass reminded the audience that the whole ques­ tion of slavery was centered around the belief that the

Negro is an inferior being unworthy of rights, privileges and immunities enjoyed by others. Employing the topic of future fact, Douglass supported his belief that recogniton of the human brotherhood of all men would result in the ultimate freedom and elevation of the black man:

15Ibid., 60-61. 121

The black the white— the negro and the European— these constitute the American people— and, in all likelihoods of the case, they will ever remain the principal inhabitants of the United States, in some form or other. The European population are greatly in the ascendent in numbers, wealth and power. They are the rulers of the country— the masters--the Africans, are the slaves— the proscribed portion of the people— and precisely in proportion as the truth of human brotherhood gets recognition, will be the freedom and elevation, in this country, of persons of African descent.-^

Testimony: Statistics

The use of testimony by way of statistics or figures

and the use of maxims were both utilized by Douglass in the

discussion of his second claim. Unfortunately, Douglass

did not reveal the source of his figures; however the credi­ bility of his ethos might have precluded any judgment against

the orator for making inferences lacking in support. Speak­

ing of the progress made in the West Indies with reference

to freedom for Negroes, Douglass had this to say:

The West Indies have made progress. . . . God's emancipating angel has broken the fetters of slav­ ery in those islands, and the praises of the Almighty are now sung by the sable lips of eight hundred thousand freemen, before deemed only fit for slaves, and to whom even baptismal and burial rights were denied.^

^ Ibid. f p. 61. 122

Of all those who subscribed to the idea that there was a diverse origin of mankind in this country, Douglass asserted that ninety-nine out of every one hundred were among those who sanctioned the right of Anglo-Saxons to

hold the African in servitude.

Douglass was mindful that opinions favoring the one­ ness of the human family when they are advocated by men of less than humble origin are viewed with suspicion. At this point, Douglass captured the essence of such a potential

suspicion by alluding to the maxim "the wish is father to the thought.

Causal Relationship

Evidently, Douglass considered the topos of cause- and-effect relationship a vital source of arguments, for the address under consideration abounds with such. . Douglass turned to this topic of causal relationships when he argued that the reason for the repeated attempts by some Southern pseudo-scientists to discount the Biblical account of the origin of man was that these advocates wished to eliminate the Negro as a part of the human family; for they realized

l^Ibid.

19ibid. 123

that the moment he was declared a man equal to the Anglo-

Saxon, the whole argument in defense of slavery would be­

come fallacious.

Inconsistencies

Pointing out inconsistencies in the thinking of

slaveholders and oppressors, Douglass was at a loss to rec­

oncile their attitudes toward fitting a man for slavery and

then condemning him for taking on characteristics that re­

sulted directly from being enslaved. Douglass cited igno­

rance, depravity and the inability to rise from a demoraliz­

ing state to one of respectability as some of the descrip­

tions used to identify the slaves. These were the charac­

teristics resulting from slavery and oppression, and according to Douglass, they "are precisely those which

slaveholders and oppressors would transfer from their sys­

tem to the inherent character of their victims."20 Accord­

ingly, the crimes for which slavery was responsible became

defenses for slavery, and by so dehumanizing the enslaved

that he became a character unfit for any system other than

slavery, the slaveholders excused themselves for refusing

to make the slave a freeman.

2^Ibid., p . 62. Sign

Douglass used the argument from sign to refute the

claim by Morton that Copts derived from their remote ances­

tors some mixture of Greek, Arabian and, perhaps, even Negro

blood.21 Douglass generalized by stating that everyone was

aware that Copts were descendants of the Egyptians; then he

took the description which Morton used to identify Egyptians

in Crania Americana— "Complexion brown. The nose is straight,

excepting the end, where it is rounded and wide; the lips

are rather thick, and the hair black and curly"— and logi­

cally reasoned the apparent•presence of blood relationship between Negroes and Egyptians. Douglass said,

This description would certainly seem to make it safe to suppose the presence of "even negro blood." A man, in our day, with brown complexion, "nose rounded and wide, lips thick, hair black and curly," would, I think, have no difficulty in getting him­ self recognized as a negro.^2

That Douglass was aware of the virtue of truth and

of the inclination of some men to appeal to prejudice and popularity rather than to facts and truths is evident in

the following passage:

Ibid., p. 63.

2 2 ibid. 125

Our author again repels the supposition that the Egyptians were related to negroes, by saying there is no mention made of color by the historian, in relating the marriage of Solomon with Pharaoh's daughter; and with genuine American feeling, he says, such a circumstance as the.marrying of an European monarch with the daughter of a negro would not have been passed over in silence in our day. This is a sample of the reasoning of men who reason from prejudice rather than from facts. It assumes that a black skin in the East excites the same prejudice which we see here in the W e s t . 23

Existing Decisions

Pointing up further the tendency for some men to permit prejudice and popularity to color their thinking and behavior, Douglass turned to the topos, existing decisions, and based his conclusion on a decision accepted by the ma­ jority of mankind:

It is the province of prejudice to blind; and scien­ tific writers, not less than others, write to please, as well as to instruct, and even unconsciously to themselves, (sometimes) sacrifice what is true to what is popular. Fashion is not confined to dress but extends to philosophy as well— and it is fash­ ionable, now, in our land, to exaggerate the dif­ ferences between the negro and the European.24

Instances

In a number of phrenological and ethnological works,

23Ibid., p. 64.

24ibid. Douglass observed the tendency of the artists to exhibit partiality in their treatment of European and Negro like­ ness. For instance, Douglass reported that in portraits intended to represent differences between the Negro and

European races, phrenologists or naturalists who took them invariably displayed for viewers, the highest type of the

European and the lowest type of the Negro. Douglass ob­ served that the European face was drawn to the epitome of beauty, dignity and intellect whereas the Negro was almost always drawn with distorted and exaggerated features to correspond with the generally held notion of Negro intel­ lectual and physiological inferiority. Douglass remarked that he could mention hundreds of Negroes whose heads were all better formed, and indicative of the presence of intel­ lect far more than some pictures by ethnological and phre­ nological artists portrayed. Realizing that instances and examples usually provide evidence to justify a conclusion or generalization, Douglass named Alexander Crummel, Henry

H. Garnet, Samuel R. Ward, Charles Lenox Remond, W. J.

Wilson and others as representative Negroes whose physical appearances and intellectual accomplishments refuted the insinuations of the controversial artists.

Douglass was recognized as an honest man, and his 127 candor insisted that he admit that some Negroes did fit the description presented by the American ethnologists, but those Negroes, in his opinion, were the exception rather than the rule.

He utilized literal analogy in trying to establish further the relationship between the Negro and the Egyptian; then employing the enthymematic process, he sought to prove that geographical processes such as weather have a bearing on changes that occur in the physical appearance of an indi­ vidual. Again, Douglass relied on instances to support his claim:

It seems to me that a man might as well deny the affinity of the American to the Englishman, as to deny such affinity between the negro and the Egyptian. He might make out as many points of difference, in the case of one as in that of the other. Especially could this be done, if, like ethnologists, in given cases, only typical speci­ mens, were resorted to. The lean, slender Ameri­ can, pale and swarthy, if exposed to the sun, wears a very different appearance to the full, round Englishman, of clear, blonde complexion. One may trace the progress of this difference in the common portraits of the American Presidents. Just study those faces beginning with Washington,- and as you come thro1 the Jeffersons, the Adamses, and the Madisons, you will find an increasing bony and wiry appearance about those portraits, and a greater remove from. . . .^5

25ibid.f p. 65. 128

In the preceding statement, Douglass appeared to be explain­

ing again that ethnologists in trying to disprove relation­

ships, too often resort to widest extremes or very narrow

margins for illustrations in an attempt to prove a point.

He implied also that the loss of distinctive national

characteristics by a person does not necessarily pose a

question as to that person being identified with a race with whom he claims an affinity.

Conditional Premise

Douglass was determined in his effort to prove that

all mankind is the product of one human family. In discuss­

ing the origin of the African, Douglass reached his proba­ ble conclusion from conditional premise, a kind of reasoning

that permits one to arrive at either a necessary or a proba­ ble conclusion. Observe how Douglass employed this kind of

reasoning:

If it shall be found that the people of Africa have an African character, as general, as well defined, and as distinct, as have the people of Europe, or the people of Asia, the exceptional differences among them afford no ground for supposing a differ­ ence of race; but, on the contrary, then it will be inferred that the people of Africa constitute one great branch of the human family, whose origin may be as properly referred to the families of Noah, 129

as can be any other branch of the human family, from whom they d i f f e r . 26

Authoritative Testimony

Once more, Douglass turned to support from authori­

ties, this time to those whom he regarded as the best source

for a description of the appearance of the Egyptians. In

argument by authority, the more respected the reputation of

the expert, the greater the strength of the argument. If

an audience does not accept a particular authority, what

he says will have little or no effect upon it. The most

successful authorities are those who have studied broadly,

experienced widely and observed carefully. Dr. Prichard,

an ethnologist whom Douglass seemed to respect, met, evi­

dently, the requirements of a successful authority. He,

in turn, brought together the testimony of Herodotus,

Eschylus, Baron Larrey and one Mr. Ledyard about whose

testimony Prichard said is of increased value since he was not attempting to support any theory. Douglass seemed con­

fident that these authorities would admit that while there would be little likeness between the Egyptians and the de­ based and enslaved Negro, the difference would be no greater

26ibid., p. 66. 130

than might be found in other parts of the world among people whose origin is from the same variety and the same origin.

In presenting the testimony of Herodotus, Prichard

gave the following account:

Herodotus traveled in Egypt and was, therefore, well acquainted with the people from personal observation. He does not say anything directly, as to the descrip­ tions of their persons, which were too well known to the Greeks to need such an account, but his indirect testimony is very strongly expressed. After mention­ ing a tradition, that the people of Colchis were a colony from Egypt, Herodotus says, that 'there was one fact strongly in favor of this opinion— the Colchians were black in complexion and woolly haired.'27

Prichard commented that those who had described Egyptians as swarthy people could have simply described them as black

since they were, evidently, of a chocolate color.

The description attributed to Eschylus and the other authorities mentioned by Prichard seemed to punctuate the

idea of striking similarities between the appearance of the

Negro and that of the Egyptian. Mr. Ledyard, whose testi­ mony was highly regarded gave his opinion:

I suspect the Copts to have been the origin of the Negro race; the nose and lips correspond with those of the Negro; the hair, wherever I can see it among the people here, is curled, not like that of the

27jbid., p. 66. 131

Negroes, but like the mulattoes.28

Douglass was not content to rest his case on the mere evidence of similarity of features, hair and coloring, but he established other more decisive indications of Negro-

Egyptian relationships. Drawing once again on testimony from authority, this time Dr. R. G. Latham, a member of the

Ethnological Society, New York, Douglass presented evidence that language is considered very vital by ethnologists in establishing the affinities of nations, tribes, classes and families. He reminded his audience that the speech of a people was sometimes more lasting than the color of the skin. He explained that his conclusions were not based on personal opinion but rather on conclusive proof:

I speak by authority, and follow in the footsteps of some of the most learned writers on the natural and ethnological history of man, when I affirm that one of the most direct and conclusive proofs of the general affinity of Northern African nations, with those of West, East and South Africa, is found in the general similarity of their language.28

Refutation

When Charles Hamilton Smith, author of a volume on the Natural History of the Human Species, attempted to

28Ibid.

29Ibid., p. 67. 132 discredit the Negro by attacking his physiological struc­ ture and his mental capabilities, Douglass refuted each charge logically and methodically. Smith, after making mis­ cellaneous and uncomplimentary statements regarding the form of the Negro head, drew a conclusion based, obviously, on a fallible sign and faulty reasoning:

This very structure may influence the erect gait, which occasions the practice common also to the Ethiopian, or mixed nations, or carrying burdens and light weights, even to a tumbler full of water upon the head.30

Smith assumed that the practice of carrying burdens on the head was a custom common only to Negroes, Ethiopians and people of mixed nations. Douglass turned to the use of ex­ amples in refuting this idea as can be observed in the fol­ lowing section.

Examples

Douglass exposed the fallacy in Smith's assertion by declaring that prior to the author's publication, had

Smith been at the Douglass home for a few successive days, he might have observed numerous Germans and Irish people bearing heavy weights upon their heads. Douglass reminded the audience that carrying bundles on the head was a custom

3°Ibid., p. 68. 133 as old as oriental society. He clinched his refutation, employing the enthymematic process: "... the man writes himself a blockhead, who attempts to find in the custom a proof of original difference."31

Douglass was able to cite examples as proof in dis­ crediting and refuting another claim by Smith. The ethnol­ ogist wrote that "the typical woolly haired races have never discovered an alphabet, framed a grammatical language, nor made the least step in science or art. "32 Douglass was able to point to an inhabitant among the Mandingoes of the

Western Coast of Africa, who had framed an alphabet. The orator castigated Smith for being unaware that the Mpongwe language, spoken on both sides of the Gaboon River and in the interior of Cape Lopez and Cape St. Catharine, was a really grammatically framed language. Making his claim all the more emphatic, Douglass was fortunate to have in his possession a copy of the grammar, supplied to him by the then President of Rochester University, which he held up for his audience to see.33

3J-Ibid.

32Ibid.

33Ibid. 134

Up to this point, Douglass had tried to prove that

the people of Africa, in spite of all the different tribes were, probably, one people who, too, could claim relation­

ship in the family of Noah.

Authoritative Testimony

Douglass relied on his own ethos to validate his

testimony against a second claim made by Smith, who charac­

terized the Negro male voice as being feeble and hoarse.

Having been a slave and having firsthand knowledge of atti­

tudes and actions of slaves, Douglass was his own authority as he attempted to invalidate the Smith claim. He called

the charge by Smith ridiculous and proceeded to explain

that,

. . . an oppressed people, in addressing their supe­ riors— perhaps I ought to say, their oppressors— usually assume a minor tone, as less likely to pro­ voke the charge of intrusiveness.34

Possible and Impossible

One of the forms of argument common to all speeches

concerns the possible and impossible. Aristotle gives numer­ ous examples of this common topic, and in one he states that if a given genus can be produced as a whole, then a given

■^Ibid. 135 O C species under the genus is possible. Up to this point,

Douglass had submitted proof that the Negro and the African were men whose origins like those of other races.had their roots in a common ancestry. He alluded to the possible as he commented on the idea of the African race as one people:

Having shown that the people of Africa are, probably, one people; that each tribe bears an intimate rela­ tion to other tribes and nations in that quarter of the globe, and that the Egyptians may have flung off the different tribes seen there at different times, as implied by the evident relations of their language, and by other similarities; it can hardly be deemed unreasonable to suppose, that the African branch of the human species— from the once highly civilized Egyptian to the barbarians on the banks of the Niger— may claim brotherhood with the great family of Noah, spreading over the more Northern and East­ ern parts of the globe.

Douglass gave considerable time to the discussion of the effect of circumstances upon the physical man. As he began the discussion, instances of future fact, causal relations and narration were teamed together in expanding his ideas. Future fact, or future possibility, as it is sometimes called, is a common topic used mostly in delib­ erative speeches and is concerned with whether or not some­ thing will happen. In speaking of how circumstances affect

^^Aristotle, Rhetoric, 2.19.

^Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 69. 136 an individual, Douglass implied that circumstances had ac­ counted for degeneration as well as personal improvement in families, depending upon whether the circumstances were good or bad. He seemed to resent the constant remarks from those who dwelled upon the physical shortcomings of some Negroes as if there were no whites with the same physical flaws.

With reference to future fact, he said he believed that one day the form of the Negro would be as well shaped as that of the Anglo-Saxon.

Mention was made earlier of the many instances of causal relationships observed in this address. Douglass used one to restate the idea of circumstances and their effect upon the physical man: "I think it will ever be found, that the well or ill condition of any part of man­ kind will leave its mark on the physical as well as on the intellectual part of man. '

Although Aristotle felt there is very little room for narration in the deliberative speech, sometimes the use of it seems to provide a welcomed diversion. Such was the case on one or two occasions when Douglass included the use of it in his message.

37ibid. 137

Comparison

In narrating an experience he had in Ireland, Doug­ lass employed the common topic, comparison, to point up the

similarities between many common people there and the en­

slaved people in America- This is how Douglass expressed the comparison:

. . . and I say, with no wish to wound the feelings of any Irishman, that these people lacked only a black skin and woolly hair, to complete their like­ ness to the plantation negro. The open, uneducated mouth— the long, gaunt arm— the badly formed foot and ankle— the shuffling gait— the retreating fore­ head and vacant expression— and, their petty quarrels and fights— all reminded me of the plantation, and my own cruelly abused people. Yet, that is the land of Grattan, of Curran, of O'Connell, and of Sheridan.^®

Resorting to comparison as a means of argument may not be as worthy a means of persuasion as, perhaps some other forms of support; however, bringing two or more things together to study their similarities can assist a speaker in the clari­ fication of his ideas. Thus, for purposes of explanation and proof, Douglass used comparison to illustrate that among the Irishmen as well as among Negroes there existed both beauty and deformity in the human frame and feature. Doug­ lass was quick in pointing out that while his description of the Irishmen dealt primarily with the common people, he

3^Ibid.f p. 70. 138 wanted the fact established that the educated Irish were a really handsome people.

Induction

When Aristotle listed induction among his topoi, he was suggesting that a speaker could proceed from particulars to a generalization in order to enlighten and achieve proof.

As Douglass sought further to verify his claim that a man is worked upon by what he works on, he enlisted the topos of induction, restating the effects of geographical conditions and customs on human appearance and intellect. Douglass proceeded with his argument:

If you go into Southern Indiana, you will see what climate and habit can do, even in one generation. The man may have come from New England, but his hard features, sallow complexion, have left little of New England on his brow. The right arm of the blacksmith is said to be larger and stronger than his left. The ship carpenter is at forty round shouldered. The shoemaker carries the marks of his trade. One locality becomes famous for one thing, another for another. Manchester and Lowell, in America, Manchester and Sheffield, in England, at­ test this. But what does it all prove? Why, noth­ ing positively . . . still it raises the inquiry— May not the condition of men explain their various appearances.JJ39

Douglass continued further to argue his point that circum­ stances account for changes in human beings; this time he

^Ibid. 139

advanced a series of rhetorical questions framed in such a way that they revealed cause-effect relationship such as is observed in the following instance: "Need we go behind the vicissitudes of barbarism for an explanation of the gaunt, wiry, ape like appearance of some of the genuine negroes?4*-*

When Douglass wanted to establish the idea that from the beginning of humanity, God endowed man with numerous variations in form, feature and color without beginning a new creation for every variety, he made use of another

Aristotelian topos which is labeled more or less and which reasons that,

If a thing does not exist where it is most frequent, it does not exist where it is less frequent; or that if it exists where it is less frequent, it exists where it is more frequent— according as you may need to prove that it does not exist . . . or that it does ,4 -*-

The speaker, in preparing his argument, again gath­ ered support from the authority of the eminent ethnologist,

Dr. Latham, whose testimony revealed that the largest per­ centage of the total white population, nine-tenths to be exact, was found to be living between 40 and 65 degrees

North latitude, that they were as far from the Adamic com­

40Ibid.

^Aristotle, Rhetoric, 2.23. 140

plexion as Negroes and that white people comprised only

about one-fifth of all the people on earth, the remainder

of people being colored and ranging in complexion from

brunette to jet black. Douglass reasoned from the argument

of degree that if the idea that colored people, existing in

greater numbers than white people, are not close to the

Adamic complexion, then white people existing in lesser

numbers are just as far away from the Adamic complexion.

The substance of the argument reverts to the idea that all

races, regardless of the varieties of appearances, had their

being in one human family.

Incredible Occurrences

When Douglass proceeded to emphasize further the

effect of circumstances on the appearance of human beings,

he related incredible instances which would amaze those who were uninitiated in the effects of nature on the color and

hair of man. Incredible occurrences refer to things that

are thought to occur even though they seem incredible.

Because the incredible thing is believed true is proof

that it happened. Aristotle stated that one "may argue

that no one would have believed in such an occurrence if

the thing had not actually, or almost, happened; even that 141 it is more likely to be true because it is incredible."42

Douglass made use of this topos in describing the effect of the natural elements on races of people:

On the mountains on the North of Africa, where water freezes in winter at times, branches of the same people who are black in the valley are white on the mountains. The Nubian, with his beautiful curly hair, finds it becoming frizzled, crisped, and even woolly, as he approaches the great Sahara. The Portuguese, white in Europe, is brown in Asia. The Jews, who are to be found in all countries, never intermarrying, are white in Europe, brown in Asia, and black in Africa.42

The Good. More and Less

When two directions are possible, sometimes people are reluctant about making a choice even though both direc­ tions may be advantageous. Douglass believing that the greater number of goods constituted a greater good than a single good, argued in favor of the common origin of man­ kind, intimating that,

a powerful argument in favor of the oneness of the human family, is afforded in the fact that nations however dissimilar, may be united in one social state, not only without detriment to each other, but, most clearly, to the advancement of human welfare, happiness and perfection44

42Ibid., 2:23.

42Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 70.

44Ibid., p. 71. 142 which can be considered universal goods.

As Douglass approached the close of his address, it

seems he followed the admonition of Aristotle who listed

four elements that make up the conclusion of a speech:

(1) You must render the audience well-disposed to yourself, and ill-disposed to your opponent; (2) you must magnify and depreciate [make whatever favors your case seem more important and whatever favors his case seem less]; you must put the audience into the right state of emotion; and (4) you must refresh their memories.^

As regards the audience, it was already well-disposed toward the speaker who acknowledged that he had intended to present an address for the lonely and despired ones with whom he identified. Phrasing a series of rhetorical ques­ tions intended to touch upon the thinking of skeptics, Doug­

lass inferred that even if the claims he made in behalf of

the Negro were left wanting for conclusive proof, the Negro was still a man. Arguing again from the topos of degree, he

intimated that more happiness would be derived from the be­

lief in the argument in favor of the unity of origin of the human race, for the arguments opposing that conclusion were partisan, lacking in depth, detrimental to the happiness of man and disrepectful toward the counsel of God.

“^^Aristotle, Rhetoric, 3.18-19. 143

Never seriously abandoning the idea of assimilation,

Douglass reiterated the thought that the Negro and the white man would most likely continue to comprise the major part

of the population of America. He discounted the idea that

Negroes would resort to colonization, be exterminated or die

out, and he gave reasons for his conclusion. First, he told

his audience that he was doubtful of any hardships America

could assign to the Negro, a citizen of the United States,

that would make him abandon his country. Arguing from the

Universal topic based on past fact, Douglass said, "Two hun­

dred years have passed over him, his tears and blood have

been mixed with the soil, and his attachment to the place

of his birth is stronger than i r o n . "46 Punctuating this

thought, Douglass asserted that all facts in the history of

the Negro destine black men to be united to America and

Americans.

Douglass cited the influence of Christianity and

the power of self-interest as deterrents against such a

crime as extermination. As to the possibility of the Negro

dying out, Douglass again recalled the past, reminding the

listeners that the history of the Negro race had proved the

46Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, p. 72. 144 adaptability of Negroes to all manner of conditions, includ­ ing the cruelty of slavery. The orator remarked further that civilization could not kill the Negro, one who accepts and becomes a part of that civilization.

Douglass reiterated the duty of the American schol­ ars, reminding the learned that the future public opinion of the land would reflect either honor or shame upon them.

Once again Douglass turned to the topic of more and less with special reference to the good in his argument re­ lative to justice for all mankind:

There is but one safe road for nations or for indi­ viduals. The fate of a wicked man and of a wicked nation is the same. The flaming sword of offended justice falls as certainly upon the nation as upon the man. God has no children whose rights may be safely trampled upon. The sparrow may not fall to the ground without the notice of his eye, and men are more than sparrows.47

Witness and Contracts

Earlier mention was made that Douglass persuaded his audience not only by means of artistic forms of proof but by non-artistic forms as well. Although Aristotle assigned non- artistic proofs, which are those proofs already in existence,

47Ibid. 145 primarily to the forensic branch of oratory, he concluded that these proofs did not belong exclusively to that branch.

Mention was made earlier of testimony by Herodotus which es­ tablished a degree of similarity between the Negro and the

Egyptian. Not only was the testimony of Herodotus an author­ itative source regarding the Egyptians, but Herodotus himself can be listed as an ancient witness to the Douglass ethno­ logical arguments since he was a man of note whose judgments had been recorded.

Douglass continued to emphasize the idea that the essential characteristics of all people were the same.

Quoting some of the words of Curran, he alluded to the

Declaration of Independence, declaring that,

“No matter what complexion, whether an Indian or an African sun has burnt upon him," his title deed to freedom, his claim to life and to liberty, to knowl­ edge and to civilization, to society and to Chris­ tianity, are just and p e r f e c t . 48

After complimenting his audience with descriptive terms such as wise and scholarly, Douglass appealed to the emotion of his audience by a short and modest statement designed to recapitulate his less than humble beginning and his more than difficult years of degradation in slavery.

4 8 Ibid. 146

The orator closed his address with the well-known Biblical quotation of admonition:

Whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there by any praise, think on these things.49

Summary

Upon investigation of the speech just analyzed, one becomes impressed with the strong arguments and evidence that abound in it. The major arguments were (1) The Negro is a man; (2) All mankind descended from a common ancestry; and (3) Circumstances greatly affect the physical and intel­ lectual parts of man. The orator appeared thoroughly pre­ pared to defend his arguments, utilizing the supports of authoritative, factual and concrete evidence.

Douglass, in short, made use of most of the topoi and lines of argument discussed by Aristotle. Further he strengthened these logical appeals by buttressing them with citations from authorities and examples. The end result was a well reasoned and developed discourse consistent with the recommendation of Classical, British, and Contemporary rhetorical thought.

^Bible, Phil. 4:8. CHAPTER V

THE DOUGLASS MESSAGE: ETHOS AMD PATHOS

Ethos: Initial

Although Aristotle devoted little space to the con­ cept of ethos, his discussion of this form of proof leads one to believe that he considered it an important means of persuasion. Said he:

The character (ethos) of the speaker is a cause of persuasion when the speech is so uttered as to make him worthy of belief; for as a rule we trust men of probity more, and more quickly, about things in general, while on points outside the realm of exact knowledge where opinion is divided, we trust them absolutely. This trust, however, should be created by the speech itself, and not left to depend upon an antecedent impression that the speaker is this or that kind of man. It is not true, as some writers on the art maintain, that the probity of the speaker contributes nothing to his persuasive­ ness; on the contrary, we might almost affirm that his character (ethos) is the most potent of all the means of persuasion.1

For one to discuss properly ethical appeal as it relates to Douglass, he must look beyond the boundary of

1-Lane Cooper, The Rhetoric of Aristotle (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1932), pp. 8-9.

147 148 ethos as set by Aristotle and include initial and terminal ethos as well as derived ethos. Douglass himself repre­ sented the most potent argument against slavery for to ra­ tional men, it was difficult to conceive of so exceptional a man to have been born and reared in slavery. Broadly interpreted ethical appeal refers to the speaker's efforts to prove himself as a man of impeccable character and intel­ lectual honesty, to prepare himself so as to become an au­ thority on the subject which he chooses to discuss and to become audience-centered rather than self-centered in order to secure the goodwill of the audience. McCroskey defines initial ethos as "the ethos of a source prior to the begin­ ning of a given communicative act.

A source's initial ethos is greatly enhanced if his appearance, personal characteristics and background are known to be favorable. J. Mills and E. Aronson after en­ gaging in an experiment to determine the effect of physical appearance on initial ethos concluded that the impact of appearance on a source's credibility and subsequently on

2 James C. McCroskey, An Introduction to Rhetorical Communication (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1972), p. 63. 149 3 attitude change is significant. Fortunately for Douglass,

he was a possessor of this form of extrinsic ethos.

Charles W. Chesnutt in describing Douglass had this to say:

Douglass possessed, in large measure the physical equipment most impressive in an orator. He was a man of magnificent figure, tall, strong, his head crowned with a mass of hair which made a striking element of his appearance. He had deep set and flashing eyes, a firm well-moulded chin, a counte­ nance somewhat severe in repose, but capable of a wide range of expression. His voice was rich and melodious, and of carrying power.^

Expressing a similar view, N. P. Rogers, who in 1841 was

editor of the Concord Herald of Freedom, noted: Douglass

is "an extraordinary man" who "was cut out for a hero," and

a possessor of such majestic proportions that his "head would strike a phrenologist amid a sea of them in Exeter

Hall. . . . of greater importance in the formation of a

speaker's initial ethos is his perceived character.

Plato referred to four great virtues in the Republic:

3J. Mills and E. Aronson, "Opinion Change as Func­ tion of the Communicator's Attractiveness and Desire to In­ fluence, " Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, I (1965), 173-77.

^Charles W. Chesnutt, Frederick Douglass (Boston: Small, Maynard and Company, 1899), pp. 107-8.

3Cited in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 48. 150

courage, temperance, wisdom, and justice. It was his feel­

ing that a speaker possessing these virtues would receive recognition and have the power to persuade.^ Specifically, the model for the noble rhetoric of which Plato was desirous included the concept of ethos. Discussing requirements to be met by one who would persuade, Plato laid down the fol­ lowing rules:

(1) The speaker should possess good character.

(2) The speaker should be intelligent and informed.

(3) The speaker should adapt his arguments to the audience.

(4) The speaker should consider the goodwill of the audience.7

From evidence revealed through research and from ideas projected by the subject himself, Douglass was a living exhibition of the virtues outlined by Plato and other great men of the ages. The ethos of Douglass was greatly established in his own character and personality.

Lerone Bennett, Jr., spoke of Douglass thusly:

^William Callagham, An Outline of Plato's Republic and Dialogues (Boston: Student Outlines Company, 1966), p. 25.

^William M. Sattler, "Conceptions of Ethos in Ancient Rhetoric," Speech Monographs, XIV (Research Annual, 1947), p. 57. 151

First of all and most important of all, Douglass was a man, in the deepest and truest sense of that much abused word. Douglass knew that to be a man is to be, precisely, responsible. He knew, too, that man­ hood is founded on self-respect and self-esteem. Frederick Douglass did not doubt himself, nor did he apologize for his place of birth or the color of his mother's skin. He did not isolate himself from the masses. Wherever he went, the black man went with him.8

Regardless of the source of the audience's image of Douglass, that is, whether it was determined by his reputation or whether it resulted from the content and manner of his speaking, Douglass' stature as a man representative of his own argument and proof was overwhelming. For the ex-slave could speak with unquestioned authority since the message he presented was the result of firsthand experience. Sup­ porting this view, a reporter from the Herald of Freedom said of Douglass:

He was a very effective speaker, but more than that his words carried weight because he spoke from per­ sonal experience. His eloquence and unquestioned ability provided a direct challenge to slavery and the doctrine of racial inferiority by which it was justified.^

^Lerone Bennett, Jr., Pioneers in Protest (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company, 1968), p. 202.

^Herald of Freedom (Wilmington, Ohio), May 7, 1852. Reprinted in Larry Gara, ed., "Brilliant Thoughts and Impor­ tant Truths: A Speech of Frederick Douglass," Ohio History, LXXV (Winter, 1966), 4. 152

By virtue of the reputation which Douglass had established, one could possibly be justified in referring to him as the

"good man" orator spoken of by Quintilian. Both Cicero and Quintilian believed in the effectiveness of antecedent or initial ethos. Cicero was concerned with both the ap­ pearance of good and the actual character of the speaker.

He explained his reason for so believing:

It contributes much to success in speaking, that the morals, principles, conduct, and lives of those who plead causes, and of those for whom they plead should be such as to merit esteem.10

It would appear that the life Douglass led did merit esteem.

From his youth onward he had embraced the Christian faith and accepted Jesus Christ as the Redeemer, Friend and Savior of those who seriously sought Him. When he arrived in New

Bedford one of his first concerns was that of joining a church. Although some prior experiences with some people who professed Christianity left him a bit lukewarm toward religion, he remained with the church. He did not want to be identified as an infidel; consequently, he often dwelled upon the religious aspect of an argument against slavery.

He believed that it was the religious people who were to be

10John S. Watson, "De Oratore" in Cicero on Orators and Orations (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1862), p. 27. 153

relied on in the antislavery movement.

Douglass 1 faith in the sermon on the Mount helped

mould in him a capacity to forgive. This trait was clearly

revealed in an incident which took place in Baltimore. In

this city, a few years prior to his escape from slavery, while he was working in a shipyard, he was almost beaten

to death by some white laborers. The cry of the mob was,

"Kill the nigger.’ " Among those who joined with the mob in

its vicious attack to kill Douglass was a man who up to a

short time before Douglass' death, was still alive and re­

siding in Baltimore. At this time he was old, sick and in

great need. While in Baltimore, Douglass learned of the

old man's plight whereupon he visited him, spoke kind words

to him and before leaving left a ten dollar bill in his

hand.^

Various other commentaries attest to the ethical

credibility of Douglass. Herbert Aptheker quoted Dubois:

His whole life was given to the work of moulding public opinion toward what he firmly believed was the truth, and we can judge of his success and his wisdom only by viewing in the calm light of history

-^Quarles, Great Lives Observed: Frederick Douglass, p. 126. 154

some of the solutions which he offered to the great problems of our country. ^

He and we have said not that all black men should be honored merely on account of their blackness, but that in the treatment which a civilized country ac­ cords its citizens, character and not color should be the sole basis of all differences.*^

In eulogizing Douglass, Francis J. Grimke, a Presby­ terian minister and friend of the deceased leader, had these words to say:

Morally, what a splendid specimen of a man he was— lofty in sentiment, pure in thought, exalted in character. Upon the loftiest plane of a pure and noble manhood he lived and moved. No one need ever be ashamed to call his name. There he stands, in the serene, beautiful white light of a virtuous manhoodi For more than fifty years, he was before the public eye: Not infrequently during that time he was the object of the bitterest hatred, and yet during all those years, in the face of the strong­ est opposition, with the worst passions arrayed against him, no one dared even to whisper anything derogatory of him, or in any way reflecting upon the purity of his life, or upon the honesty and integrity of his character.14

In praising Douglass further, Grimke alluded to the initial ethos of the orator. He contrasted the reputation of Doug­ lass with that of some other men who might have had the

•^Herbert Aptheker, "Dubois on Douglass: 1895," The Journal of Negro Life and History, XLIX (October, 1964), p. 265. l^Ibid.

l^Quoted in Quarles, Great Lives Observed: Fred­ erick Douglass, pp. 123-24. 155

ability to speak but who were, in all probability, not to­

tally respected because of unsavory character. The eulogy

continued:

There have been among us in the past history of our race, men who were richly endowed intellectually, and who, like him, possessed also that rarest of gifts, the mighty gift of eloquence— men who could hold entranced great audiences by the hour, the fame of whose eloquence has come down to us; but when you have said that of them, you have said all. Beyond that, you dare not go. When it comes to character, which infinitely transcends in point of value all mere intellectual endowments, or even the gift of eloquence, we are obliged to hang our heads, and remain silent, or go backward and cover their shame. But not so here. No one need ever hang his head when the name Frederick Douglass is mentioned, or feel the necessity. . . . ^

Douglass1 firm belief in self-reliance also contri­ buted importantly to his initial ethos as a man of indepen­ dence. Although he welcomed assistance from sympathetic whites, it was his strong conviction that the elevation of the Negro race was primarily dependent upon its own exer­

tions. The editor of Putnam1s Monthly lauded Douglass, recognized and appreciated his accomplishments, and made readers aware of what the ex-slave had done in his own behalf and in the behalf of his people:

Our English literature has recorded many an example of genius struggling against adversity— yet this is

15Ibid., p. 124. 156

not so impressive as the case of the solitary slave, in a remote district surrounded by none but enemies, conceiving the project of his escape, teaching him­ self to read and write to facilitate it, accomplish­ ing it at last, and subsequently raising himself to a leadership in a great movement in behalf of his brethren.16

Whatever may be our opinion of slavery or of the best means of acting upon it, we cannot but admire the force and integrity of character which has en­ abled Frederick Douglass to attain his present unique position.17

Affecting the initial ethos of Douglass further and in a positive manner was sponsorship. McCroskey points out that sponsorship effect, which concerns the circumstances surrounding the communicative event, can be valuable in raising the status of a communicator, for if a speaker is introduced to an audience by a person who himself is highly respected, the ethos of the speaker is significantly en-

1 Q hanced. Early in his career as an antislavery lecturing agent, Douglass was sometimes introduced to an audience by

John A. Collins who at that time was the general agent of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. In this position,

"Editorial," Putnam's Monthly Magazine, VI (November, 1855), 547.

ITlbid.

l^McCroskey, An Introduction to Rhetorical Communi­ cation, p. 69. 157

Collins was a highly respected leader although later his ethos was diminished in the sight of Douglass because of unpopular ideologies embraced by Collins following a trip to England. Nevertheless, during Douglass' early years as a lecturing agent, Collins was a reputable source for an introduction. He was a graduate of Andover Theological

Seminary and known to be a successful organizer.^

While visiting Ireland, Douglass spoke to a vast audience in Conciliation Hall. Here he was introduced by

Ireland's famous orator, Daniel O'Connell, a man whose own credibility was exceedingly high. Douglass spoke of

O'Connell in these terms:

He held Ireland within the grasp of his strong hand, and could lead it withersoever he would, for Ireland believed in him and loved him as she had loved and believed in no leader since. . . . He was called "The Liberator, " and not without cause, for though he failed to effect the repeal of the union between England and Ireland, he fought out the battle of Catholic emancipation, and was clearly the friend of liberty the world over. In introducing me to an im­ mense audience in Conciliation Hall he playfully called me the "Black O'Connell of the United States."20

Divergent sources provide evidence of prestige and credibility Douglass enjoyed as an orator. An incident that

l^Quarles, Frederick Douglass, p. 19.

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 237. 158 occurred on a college campus and one that occurred during a public debate illustrate the point being made. On March 11, the Literary Adelphi Society of the University of Michigan postponed carrying on any business when it was learned that

Frederick Douglass would be delivering a lecture that eve­ ning. It was revealed that members of the Society were unanimous in their decision to postpone their business meet­ ing so that they could attend the Douglass lecture.

During the course of the Brownlow-Pryne debate, ref­ erence was made to the ability of Douglass to deal compe­ tently with issues raised in the rhetorical situation.

Prior to the Brownlow-Pryne debate dealing with the per­ petuation of slavery, Douglass expressed the desire to de­ bate Brownlow, who was a Methodist preacher and an advocate of the perpetuation of slavery on grounds that the Bible sanctioned slavery and that the Negro was inferior.

Brownlow refused to debate Douglass claiming "it would be immeasurable disgrace to debate with a N e g r o . "22 it was

^Charles W. Lomas, "Controversy Among College Stu­ dents, 1858-1861," in Antislavery and Disunion, 1858-1861, ed. by J. Jeffery Auer (New York: Harper & Row, 1963), p . 72.

2^Gordon F. Hostettler, "The Brownlow-Pryne Debate, 1858, " in Antislavery and Disunion, 1858-1861, ed. by J. Jeffery Auer (New York: Harper & Row, 1963), p. 2. 159 during the actual course of debate that Pryne, obviously aware of errors in Brownlow's testimony, stated that Doug­ lass would be a better source than he in refuting Brownlow's fallacies.^3

Whenever Douglass appeared on a platform, he brought to the speaker's stand a reputation for integrity, intelli­ gence, and goodwill that gave him a high degree of credibil­ ity. Moreover, his commanding presence, combined with en­ thusiastic endorsements from eminent contemporaries, fre­ quently disarmed his listeners even before a speech trans­ action by Douglass began.

Ethos: Derived

It was Aristotle who admonished speakers to build their ethos with their message rather than depending on initial ethos. The logic stemming from such an admonition was that during the presentation of a message, a communi­ cator could enhance or impair his initial ethos depending upon the content and delivery of the message. For this reason a wise communicator will select with care the ideas he will support.

^ Ibid., p. 17. 160

Notwithstanding other causes that he championed,

Douglass was interested, principally, in striking down slav­ ery wherever it existed. In the early stages of his speak­ ing career, he appeared ill at ease and he lacked speaking finesse, but the sincerity and conviction with which he spoke endeared him to his audience which was a partisan one at this time. So moved were the abolitionists by the ability of Douglass to express himself that they acknowledged him as a "brother man," promised to prevent any attempt to re- p A turn him to slavery and resolved to protect him.

Early in 1842, James C. Fuller reporting in the

Liberator made encouraging remarks about Douglass who at this time had been only four years removed from slavery.

Having listened to Douglass at the State House and at

Faneuil Hall, Fuller stated that Douglass was impressive in his presentation, that he possessed a powerful mind and that he was a noble specimen of humanity. 25

As an antislavery agent, Douglass was faced with many difficulties and hostile situations, yet he faced these ordeals with moral courage. Among the most vicious and

24poner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 26-27.

^ Liberator, Feb. 18, 1842, p. 26. 161 loathsome situations with which the fugitive slave had to contend was that of mob violence. While on a Western tour

Douglass displayed the courage which was so characteristic of his behavior in circumstances that would have almost surely crushed the spirit of a less dedicated invididual.

In a letter to Sidney Howard Gay, a friend and editor of the Anti-Slavery Standard, Douglass related his awful expe­ rience and his conduct at the hands of a mob in Harrisburg,

Pennsylvania:

A meeting convened in the court house of this town last night to hear addresses on slavery. . . . I spoke only for a few moments when through the win­ dows was poured a volley of unmerchantable eggs, scattering the contents on the desk in which J. stood, and upon the wall behind me, and filling the room with the most disgusting and stifling stench. The audience appeared alarmed, but dis­ posed to stay, though greatly at the expense of their olfactory nerves. I, thinking I could stand it as well as my audience, proceeded with my speech, but in a very few moments we were interrupted and startled by the explosion of a pack of crackers, which kept up a noise for about a minute similar to the discharge of pistols. . . . When this subsided I again proceeded, but was at once interrupted again by another volley of addled eggs. . . . Cayenne pepper and Scotch snuff were freely used, and produced their natural results. . . . I proceeded again and was again interrupted by another grand influx of rotten eggs.^

26poner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 257. 162

The irascible behavior of the mob continued, its

rage heightened and intensified through the use of deroga­

tory remarks, stones and brickbats. Douglass persevered

until it became clear that the mob would not be dispersed

and that his life was in danger. Undaunted by numerous

rude actions such as these Douglass continued to speak and write his convictions.

Because Douglass was regarded as such a reputable man, his ideas and opinions as expressed in his speeches were highly respected. In his farewell speech to the

British people, Douglass expressed his candid opinion of

the church and ministers of religion. The attention with which his remarks were received is evidenced by audience response as can be observed by words that are enclosed in parentheses:

You can see that I keep harping on the church and its ministers, and I do so for the best of all rea­ sons, that however low the ministry in a country may be— . . . that corrupt the stream of politics and religion, nevertheless the fountain of the purity, as well as of the corruption, of the com­ munity may be found in the pulpit. (Hear.) It is in the pulpit and the press— in the publications especially of the religious press— that we are to look for our right moral sentiment. (Hear, hear.) I assert this as my deliberate opinion, I know, against the views of many of those with whom I co­ operate. I do believe, however dark and corrupt they may be in any country, the ministers of 163

religion are always higher . . . than the community about them. I mean, of course, as a whole. There are exceptions. '

Because experimental studies dealing with derived ethos have been so few, it has been difficult to determine exactly what elements contribute to derived ethos; however some probable elements which contribute to it have been suggested. Findings based on research seem to indicate that a communicator who expresses views compatible with those of his audience will enjoy greater credibility with that audience than a communicator whose views are at vari­ ance with his audience. Thus, a communicator may enhance his ethos through the use of wise rhetorical choices— electing to discuss and support ideas and principles favored by his audience. When Douglass addressed the anti-slavery societies, his messages were praised and supported by the abolitionists, for what he spoke represented their convic­ tions. In fact, the early anti-slavery speeches that Doug­ lass presented were replicas of the set pattern of speeches

^Extracted from the farewell speech of Frederick Douglass previously to embarking on board the Cambria upon his return to America; the speech was delivered at the Vale­ dictory Soiree given to him at the London Tavern on March 30, 1847. The speech in its entirety can be located in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 226. 164

adhered to by most of the Garrisonian abolitionists. Sup­ porters of the Garrisonian wing were unanimous in express­

ing their esteem for Douglass until he began to question

Garrisonian precepts and then ventured to propose some of hi s own.

Douglass was not one to depend solely upon his per­

sonal ethos as a means of persuasion. He respected his audience, and it appears that for each proposition submitted by him, he offered evidence for its support. The manner in which a communicator backs his propositions affects derived ethos. It has been asserted that the communicator who often asserts rather than supports stands the chance of diminishing his ethos rather than enhancing it. Douglass in his lecture on slavery delivered in Corinthian Hall in 1850 spoke of the role slavery played in the history of the American people.

He supported his allegations by posing and answering anti­ cipated questions, all designed to make clear the truth of his statements to any would-be doubter:

Indeed, slavery forms an important part of the entire history of the American people. Its presence may be seen in all American affairs. It has become inter­ woven with all American institutions, and has an­ chored itself in the very soil of the American Con­ stitution.

That must be a powerful influence which can truly be said to govern a nation; and that slavery governs 165

the American people, is indisputably true. If there were any doubt on this point, a few plain questions (it seems to me) could not fail to remove it. What power has given this nation its Presidents for more than fifty years? Slavery. What power is that to which the present aspirants to presidential honors are bowing? Slavery.28

Douglass pointed to such men as Cass, Dickinson, Webster, and Clay and accused them of using the powers of speech and writing in favor of slavery. When he had dispensed with the discussion of the power and prevalence of slavery, he turned his attention to a discussion of the nature of slav­ ery itself. The fact that he could speak from experience and with the authority of firsthand knowledge was a plus factor for his credibility. When he spoke of the severe cruelty heaped upon the slave, he was not depending on hearsay evidence, but upon evidence obtained as a result of his having been a victim of the system. He knew whereof he spoke when he said:

The very accompaniments of the slave system, stamp it as the offspring of hell itself. To ensure good behavior, the slaveholder relies on the whip; to induce proper humility, he relies on the whip; to

28Douglass, "Lecture on Slavery, No. 1" in The North Star, December 5, 1850. Douglass delivered a series of sev­ en lectures on slavery in Rochester, New York, during the year 1850-1851. Lectures I and II are reproduced in their entirety in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 132-149. 166

rebuke what he is pleased to term insolence, he re­ lies on the whip; to supply the place of wages, as an incentive to toil, he relies on the whip; to bind down the spirit of the slave, to imbrute and to destroy his manhood, he relies on the whip, the chain, the gag, the thumbscrew, the pillory, the bowie-knife, the pistol, and the blood-hound. These are the necessary and unvarying accompani­ ments of the system. . . .29

Another factor which appears to have an effect on derived ethos is delivery. Experimental research suggests that good delivery has the tendency to increase a source's ethos whereas poor delivery has just the opposite effect.

The oratorical ability of Douglass had been established from the time he joined the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society and his reputation for eloquence continued throughout his lifetime. Holland's biography of Douglass contains extracts from letters of distinguished contemporaries who knew Doug­ lass and attested to his remarkable ability as a speaker.

One such admirer of Douglass was Colonel T. W. Higginson, who wrote, "I have hardly heard his equal, in grasp upon an audience, in dramatic presentation, in striking at the pith

29Douglass, "Lecture on Slavery, No. 1," in North Star, December 5, 1850. Cited in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II , 135.

30McCroskey, An Introduction to Rhetorical Communica­ tion, p. 73. 167

of an ethical question, and in single illustrations and

images. . . ."31 william G. Allen, a teacher at Central

College of McGrawville, New York, and formerly the editor of the National Watchman (1842-1847), was similarly enthu­

siastic about Douglass as a speaker. Upon hearing him

speak at a colored convention in Cincinnati, Allen exclaimed,

"What a speech was that of Douglass A masterly production, and which should gain him immortal h o n o r . "^2

Characteristic of Douglass 1 personality and delivery pattern was his modesty. He knew the importance of ingra­ tiating himself with his audience and he made use of devices to do just that. Very often he would minimize his own ac­ complishments, an act that helped to demonstrate his hu- milty. Nowhere is this technique more readily observed than in Douglass' "Farewell Speech to the British People." Fol­ lowing his introduction, Douglass began his speech thusly:

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I never appear before an audience like that which I now behold, without feeling my incompetency to do justice to

■^Frederick May Holland, Frederick Douglass (New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company, 1891), p. 312.

•^william G. Allen to William Lloyd Garrison, June 20, 1853. See Carter G. Woodson, ed., The Mind of the Negro As Reflected in Letters Written During the Crisis 1800-1860 (Washington, D.C.: Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc. 1926), p. 286. 168

the cause which I am here to advocate, or to meet the expectations which are generally created for me, by the friends who usually precede me in speaking. Certainly, if the eulogium bestowed upon me this evening were correct, I should be able to chain the attention of this audience for hours by my eloquence. But, sir, I claim none of these qualities. While I feel grateful for the generosity of my friends in bestowing them upon me, I am conscious of possessing very little just right to them; for I am but a plain, blunt man— a poor slaver, or, rather, one who has been a slave.33

That Douglass was well received by this audience was evi­ denced by the cheers he generated at the conclusion of the 34 above-mentioned excerpt. At the close of his address, he became apologetic, another device utilized to demonstrate humilty. He also expressed appreciation to the people of

England for their kindness to him. This act, of course, was definitely added ethos — building for the speaker. In his concluding remarks Douglass said:

Pardon me, my friends, for the disconnected manner in which I have addressed you; but I have spoken out of the fulness of my heart; the words that came up went out, and though not uttered altogether so delicately, refinedly, and systematically as they might have been, take them as they are— the free upgushings of a heart overborne with grateful emo­ tions at the remembrance of the kindness I have

■^Douglass, "Farewell Speech to the British People," at London Tavern, London, England, March 30, 1847. Cited in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 206.

34Ibid. 169

received in this country from the day I landed until the present moment.^

The exemplification of modesty displayed by Douglass in his speech on Self-Made Men was noted by a Chicago news­ paper reporter who wrote an evaluation of the speech and the speaker. Said he:

The list of examples of self-made men that he gave was necessarily incomplete for modesty would not admit of any reference to himself. Were we to lecture on that subject we could not overlook so wonderful an instance as Frederick Douglass. Mr. Douglass is a natural ora­ tor. Not one speaker in a hundred of any color has so good a voice or so graceful a delivery. . . . We are astonished at what the man has made of himself, and seriously doubt whether all history can furnish any instance more remarkable. ^6

Agreeing with Chauncey Goodrich, Douglass believed that it was chiefly by the tongue and the pen that a com­ municator had to win his way to influence and distinction.^

He knew that an audience would accept a communicator who demonstrated knowledge, learning or wisdom and so he was careful always to present his ideas and his proof with suf­ ficient care and confidence so as to satisfy a need of his

35ibid.

36The remarks attributed to the Chicago newspaper reporter appeared in the Chicago Cong. Herald and were reprinted in Douglass1 Monthly, March, 1859, p. 45.

-3 7 John P. Hoshor, "Lecture on Rhetoric and Public Speaking by Chauncey Allen Goodrich," Speech Monographs, XIV (1947) , 5. 170 seen or unseen audience— that of being able to listen to a speech or read material prepared by a communicator who ex­ hibited full grasp of his subject. No doubt it was knowl­ edge of the deep concern and respect Douglass had for his audience that prompted the complimentary statement about him which follows:

This remarkable man delivered two lectures last week in Metropolitan Hall. The subject of his first lec­ ture on Friday evening was "The Races of Men." A large congregation assembled to hear him. . . . It was a most triumphant vindication of the black man's claims to humanity. On Saturday evening his theme was "Self-Made Men." He had not quite so large an audience as on the previous evening and did not speak with quite so much freedom, making more use of his notes, yet his presentation of the subject was able and his views were eminently sound and- just.38

Douglass had almost always proved himself adept at establishing identification and common ground with his audi­ ence. In a speech before the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1847, he was addressing a friendly audience whose thoughts on slavery coincided with his own; therefore it was not a difficult task to reach his hearers with his message. He knew, however, the importance of maintaining this positive ethos: thus the content of the speech included rhetorical

^The quote taken from a reprint of the Chicago Cong. Herald in Douglass' Monthly, March, 1859, p. 45. 171 devices aimed specifically at reinforcement of the esteem in which he was held. Since "the ethos of the individual depends in part upon the reputation of the group to which he belongs,"39 it was easy for Douglass to sustain rapport with the audience inasmuch as he, too, had become a member of the respected Anti-Slavery Society prior to his trip abroad. In addressing his audience Douglass stated:

I am very glad to be here. I am very glad to be present at this Anniversary, glad again to mingle my voice with those with whom I have stood identi­ fied, with those with whom I have labored, for the last seven years, for the purpose of undoing the burdens of my brethren, and hastening the day of their emancipation.40 . . . I am not here to please you with an eloquent speech . . . but to speak to you the sober truths of a heart overborne with gratitude to God that we have in this land, cursed as it is with Slavery, so noble a band to second my efforts and the efforts of others, in the noble work of undoing the yoke of bondage. . . .4^

As noted earlier, Douglass was devoted to the cause of freedom and the overthrow of slavery, and wherever there

-^Kenneth Anderson and Theodore Clevenger, Jr., "A Summary of Experimental Research in Ethos," Speech Mono­ graphs, XXX (June, 1963), 69.

^Douglass, "The Right to Criticize American Insti­ tutions, " National Anti-Slavery Standard, May 20, 1847. The entire speech is reprinted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 234.

41Ibid., 234-35. 172 were forces seeking to deny freedom for all mankind or work­ ing to support and perpetuate human bondage, he threw every bit of the weight of voice and pen against them. He criti­ cized America for her hypocrisy both at home and abroad.

In speaking out against the injustices heaped upon Negroes in America, his candor was such that some could have inter­ preted his remarks as an implication that he was anti-Ameri­ can. Shortly after his arrival from abroad, Douglass ad­ dressed the American Anti-Slavery Society in New York. Cer­ tainly, in his bitter remarks it would appear that there was room for misinterpretation, particularly if pro-slavery sympathizers happened to have been present:

The only thing that links me to this land is my fami­ ly, and the painful consciousness that here there are three millions of my fellow-creatures, groaning be­ neath the iron rod of the worst despotism that could be devised, even in Pandemonium; that here are men and brethren, who are identified with my by their complexion, identified with me by their hatred of Slavery, identified with me by the stripes upon their backs, their inhuman wrongs and cruel suffer­ ings. This and this only, attaches me to this land, and hinges me here to plead with you, and with this country at large for the disentralment of my op­ pressed countrymen, and to overthrow this system of slavery. . . . How can I love a country that dooms three millions of my brethren, some of them my own kindred . . .? I cannot have any love for this country as such or for its Constitution. I desire to see its overthrow as speedily as possible, and its Constitution slivered in a thousand fragments, 173

rather than this foul curse should continue to remain as now.42

Notwithstanding these remarks Douglass was not Anti-American.

"In all this, my friends, let me make myself understood. I do not hate America as against England, or against any other country, or land. I love humanity all over the globe. I am anxious to see righteousness prevail in all directions.1,42

It was the system of government in America, a system that would suppress the rights of a segment of its people that

Douglass was against.

Douglass, it would appear, sought to reinforce his generally favorable initial ethos by developing ideas that were morally sound and defensible, by utilizing an effective delivery, and b]/ projecting the image of a man who was both sincere and modest. He thus derived an ethical thrust that enabled him to identify with his listeners.

Ethos: Terminal

Terminal ethos is said to be the result of the inter­ action which takes place between initial ethos and derived ethos. It represents the credibility of a source following

42Ibid., 236.

43Ibid., 236-37. 174 the termination of a communicative act. 44 Realizing that a speaker's terminal ethos on one day would become his initial ethos the following day, Douglass sought to conduct himself and present his discourse in such a manner befitting a speaker anxious to preserve his credibility with his audi­ ences. McCroskey would have a speaker be seriously con­ cerned with terminal ethos. On this subject he suggested some guidelines for the speaker:

. . . he must take care to build and preserve his ethos each time he communicates with a given audi­ ence. Only in the case of the one-shot communica­ tion may the communicator be unconcerned with his terminal ethos. Failure to be concerned about terminal ethos may place a communicator in an ex­ tremely unfavorable position for later communica­ tion.^*

At least two specific instances stand out to reveal that Douglass fully understood the importance of giving at­ tention to terminal ethos. Early in his public career his ethos was becoming questionable inasmuch as his eloquence seemed to belie his professed background. People who had heard him on the platform began to doubt his story. They could not reconcile speech proficiency, confidence and inde-

44McCroskey, Introduction to Rhetorical Communica- tion, p. 64.

45Ibid., p. 79. . 175 pendence as being qualities belonging to a slave. Repeated­ ly, statements were heard from doubters who declared that

Douglass did not talk, look or act like a slave. These doubters were responsible for Douglass resolving to dispel doubt by setting down on paper the experiences he endured as a slave. So conclusive was the proof of his background that doubting his story gave way, eventually, to marveling over his accomplishments.

At one point during the height of the Douglass-

Garrison feud, Douglass was charged with being primarily con­ cerned with self-interest rather than the antislavery cause.

So appalled was Douglass by this attack that he felt com­ pelled to respond by reminding his foes that had he been a selfish man he would have taken advantage of the many offers presented to him in England, and he would have remained there rather than return to America to endure its hostili­ ties with the rest of his Negro fellowmen. In responding as he did to these two situations, Douglass in each instance was able to maintain high ethos with audiences he later faced.

Pathos

Many rhetoricians agree that the interaction of ar­ tistic proofs needs to be brought about and utilized in order 176 for an orator to obtain his desired response from an audi­ ence. The uses of logical and ethical appeals as effected by Douglass have been described previously and so a look at his use of pathos appears to be in order.

Although Aristotle emphasized logical proof as the essential mode of persuasion and condemned previous writers for giving too much attention to the psychological modes of proof which he considered accessories, he devoted reasonable prominence in his Rhetoric to emotional proof. He gave the reader explicit instructions in methods of producing impres­ sions upon listeners through various appeals. Aristotle recognized the need of using emotional proof in order to meet the need of satisfying the passions of an audience.

On this point he made these remarks:

Now Rhetoric finds its end in judgment— for the audi­ ence (of a deliberatire speech) judges the counsels that are given, and (in forensic speaking) the deci­ sion (of the jury) is a judgment; and hence the speaker must not merely see to it that his speech (as an argument) shall be convincing and persuasive, but he must (in and by the speech) give the right impression of himself, and get his judge (audience) into the right state of mind.^

Among the emotions discussed by Aristotle was that

^ The Rhetoric of Aristotle, trans by Lane Cooper (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1932), 2.1, 91. It is to be understood that all references to the Rhetoric are taken from the Lane Cooper translation. 177

of indignation. He cited the causes of indignation and

acquainted the reader with the types of persons who arouse

indignation. Moreover, he pointed out the conditions under

which men feel indignation:

Now for the conditions under which indignation is felt. Men tend to have this emotion if they deserve to possess the greatest goods, and do possess them; it is unjust (unfair) that people unlike them should have been thought worthy of the like rewards. Sec­ ondly, they tend to have it if they are in fact good and upright, for then they make sound judgments, and hate anything that is unfair. And they tend to have it if they are ambitious, and eager to gain particu­ lar ends, and especially if they aim at things (hon­ ors, for example) that others get without deserving them. In general, those persons tend to feel indig­ nation who are worthy of things which others are un­ worthy; they tend to have it towards those others, and with respect to those things.47

Aristotle did not end his discussion with the analysis of

conditions under which men feel indignation, but he went on

to point out the types of men who find no cause for indigna­ tion: "Accordingly, the servile, the worthless, the unam­ bitious, are not given to indignation, for there is nothing that they think they deserve."48

That Douglass conformed to Aristotle's views on in­ dignation seems clear. When the first issue of the North

47Ibid., 2.9, 126.

4®Ibid. 178

Star came off the press in late 1847, one of the main fea­ tures was a public letter from Douglass addressed to Henry

Clay who during the month of November addressed a mass meet­ ing in Lexington, Kentucky, on behalf of colonization. In the course of his address, Clay touched upon a number of ideas. When he suggested that the condition of the African in bondage in the United States was better than it would have been had he been forced to remain in his native Africa,

Douglass felt compelled to express his indignation:

I can scarce repress the flame of rising indignation, as I read this cold blooded and cruel sentence; there is so much of Satan dressed in the livery of Heaven, as well as taking consolation from crime, that I scarcely know how to reply to it. Let me ask you what has been the cause of the present unsettled condition of Africa? Why has she not reached forth her hand unto God? Why have not her fields been made Missionary grounds, as well as the Feejee Islands? Because of this very desolating traffic from which you seem to draw consolation. For three hundred years Christian nations, among whom we are foremost, have looked to Africa only as a place for the gratification of their lust and love of power, and every means have been adopted to stay the on­ ward march of civilization in that unhappy land.49

Three years later during the debate on the Compro­ mise of 1850, Douglass showed still greater indignation at what he believed to be were grave injustices against his

49Frederick Douglass to Henry Clay, North Star, Dec. 3, 1847. Quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 288-89. 179 people. Of the eight resolutions that were introduced in

the Congress of the United States by Clay, several were

very strongly attacked by Douglass. One of these was the

first resolution:

Resolved, That California, with suitable boundaries, ought upon her application to be admitted as one of the States of the Union, without the imposition by Congress of any restriction in respect to the exclu­ sion or introduction of slavery within those bounda-

Douglass appeared to have dispensed with any restraint as he continued his personal war of words against slavery and slaveholders. His remarks in response to the resolution were marked by heightened indignation as he lashed out at what he considered the impertinence of slaveholders:

The impudence of slaveholders exceeds everything! They talk about the rights (!!) of slavery, just as if it were possible for slavery to have rights. The right to introduce it into new territories! the constitutional right, &c. Shame on such insolent pretensions! Slavery has no Rights. It is a foul and damning outrage upon all rights, and has no right to exist anywhere, in or out of the terri­ tories . 51

5C>Appendix to the Congressional Globe, Speeches and Important State Papers of the First Session, Thirty-First Congress (Washington: John C. Rives, 1850). p. 115.

5lDouglass, "Henry Clay and Slavery," North Star, Feb. 8, 1850. Quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 107. 180

Not only is the emotion of indignation present in his retort, but here again one can observe Douglass' ability to weave skillfully more than one emotional appeal within a single paragraph. At this point he appeals to love of God, allud­ ing to the fact that men should respect God as the owner of the universe, one who is against the subjugation of one man by another. Those who think otherwise, according to Doug­ lass, are against God. Douglass expressed himself thusly:

"The earth is the Lord's" and "righteousness" should "cover it" and he who concedes any part of it to the introduction of slavery, is an enemy of God, an invader of his dominion,

C O and a rebel against his government.

Resolution number seven in the Compromise series called for the following measures which led to further in­ dignation by Douglass:

That more effectual provision ought to be made by law, according to the requirement of the Constitu­ tion, for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service or labor in any State, who may escape into any other State or Territory in the Union.53

Douglass, having been a fugitive slave himself, was outraged

52Ibid.

^Appendix to the Congressional Globe, Speeches and Important State Papers of the First Session, Thirty- First Congress (Washington: John C. Rives, 1850), p. 115. 181 at this resolution, and he did not fail to exhibit strong feeling. He believed that the measure was probably intro­ duced in order to entangle the North in complicity with slavery and to make its moral sentiments mute. Also, Doug­ lass was well aware of the very painful effects of the law.

For this reason it is understandable that he regarded the resolution as inhuman, atrocious and shameless. Commenting on resolution number seven, Douglass began by ridiculing

Clay and then proceeded to infer that enforcing such a mea­ sure would be a denial of the sense of justice as it is pro­ fessed in America. Douglass said:

Hardened as we have had reason to believe Mr. Clay to be, and inconsistent as he always is, we scarcely expected such a resolution from him as the foregoing, at this time, and in such a connection. When the sympathy of the nation has, by his eloquence and that of others, just been wrought up to the greatest intensity for the Hungarian fugitives from oppres­ sion, that he should propose such a resolution, at such a time, for hunting down fugitives in our own land, who are fleeing from bondage and tyranny far more terrible than that of Austria, is almost as shocking to our sense of consistency and propriety, as it is revolting to our moral preceptions of right and w r o n g . 54

Closely related to indignation is the emotion of

^Douglass, "Henry Clay and Slavery," North Star, Feb. 8, 1850. The complete text of the article appears in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 105-9. 182

anger. Aristotle defined anger "as an impulse attended by pain, to a revenge that shall be evident, and caused by an

obvious, unjustified, slight with respect to the individual

or his friends."^ The classicist goes on to state that

man becomes angry with another man in particular because

that man has done something against him or against one of

his friends. Further, it is stated that pleasure accom­ panies anger for a person who is angered receives some grati­

fication from anticipation of r e v e n g e . 56 on the subject of

slavery, instances of anger toward the slaveholders and the

system of anger are almost constant. Observe the angry tone

of Douglass and the expectation of eventual triumph over

slavery in the letter to Sidney Howard Gay, editor of the

Anti-Slavery Standard:

The infernal system of Slavery is receiving a power­ ful shock in the West. The enthusiasm of our friends is unequalled. I am informed, on all sides, that the meetings now being held, are such as were never held before. Our psalm-singing, praying, pro-slavery priesthood are stamped with hypocrisy; and all their preten­ sions to a love for God, while they hate and neglect their fellow man, is branded as impudent blasphemy. The fire is lighted,— let it rise— let it spread. Let the winds of an approving Heaven fan it, and

55Rhetoric, 2.2, 93. 56ibid. 183

guided by the hand that stays the thunderbolt, and directs the storm, its holy flames shall burn up, and utterly consume the last vestige of tyranny in our land.^7

In keeping with the teachings of George Campbell,

Douglass was keenly aware of the advantage of subtlety in appealing to the emotions. It appears that he knew a speak­ er could invite mistrust if his audience conceived the idea that he was consciously attempting to stir their emotions; therefore on some occasions he took steps to assure his hearers that his remarks were prompted by the necessity for them to know the facts. Observe how he conveyed a feeling of anger and indignation as he skillfully prepared his

British audience for the strong message to follow:

I now come to the physical evils of slavery. I do not wish to dwell at length upon these, but it seems right to speak of them, not so much to in­ fluence your minds on this question, as to let the slaveholders of America know that the curtain which conceals their crimes is being lifted abroad; that we are opening the dark cell, and leading the peo­ ple into the horrible recesses of what they are pleased to call their domestic institutions. We want them to know that a knowledge of their whip­ pings, their scouragings, their brandings, their chainings, is not confined to their plantations, but that some Negro of theirs has broken loose from his chains— . . . and is now exposing their

SVprederick Douglass to Sidney Howard Gay, National Anti-Slavery Standard, Sept. 9, 1847. Quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 262-63., 184

deeds of deep damnation to the gaze of the Christian people of England.

Unlike the intellectual faculties of reason and memory which largely can be governed by one's own will, the emotions cannot be successfully manipulated through volition.

Corbett points out that one cannot force himself into being angry with another. 59 The feeling of anger must be present within the communicator before he can transmit it or, rather, arouse it in his audience. What has been concluded about anger is true of other emotions as well. To understand how much Douglass hated the institution of slavery is to under­ stand his anger with slaveholders and bondage as well as his reasons for the constant denunciation of them. One of the outgrowths of slavery which Douglass found heinous was the

Fugitive Slave Law. In his address to the National Free

Soil Convention at Pittsburgh, August 11, 1852, one can sense the wrath felt by the speaker:

The man who takes the office of a bloodhound out to be treated as a bloodhound? and I believe that the lines of eternal justice are sometimes so obliterated

^8Douglass, "An Appeal to the British People, " quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 156.

C Q ^Corbett, Classical Rhetoric for the Modern Student, p. 100. 185

by a course of long continued oppression that it is necessary to revive them by deepening their traces with the blood of a tyrant (much applause). This Fugitive Slave Law had the support of the Lords, and the Coxes, the Tyngs, the Sharps and the flats (Laughter). It is nevertheless a degradation and a scandalous outrage on religious liberty,- and if the American people were not sunk into degradation too deep for one possessing so little eloquence as I do to describe, they would feel it, too. This vile, infernal law does not interfere with singing of psalms, or anything of that kind, but with the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy and faith.

But Douglass' feeling of anger was not limited to the dissonance he experienced when thinking about slavery.

On occasion he was equally disturbed with the actions of his black colleagues who unwittingly compromised their convic­ tions. When Samuel Ward, for example, accepted a speaking engagement at Second Presbyterian Church in which segre­ gated seating arrangements were planned and executed, Doug­ lass became so incensed that he promptly printed a North

Star Extra in which he not only lashed out at such prejudice practiced by whites against Negroes but he also condemned

Ward for accepting the speaking engagement under the circum­ stances and for being insensitive to what Douglass consid­ ered an insult to his race.

^Douglass, "The Fugitive Slave Law," quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 207. 186

This unnatural, unreasoning and malignant prejudice is the secret of most of our social troubles and misfortunes. By it we are proscribed, plundered and oppressed. This it is that has shut us out not only from halls, from hotels, from steam-boat cabins, from the ballot-box, from lyceums, from places of amusement, from churches, from almost every honorable employment— but even from decent burial grounds in the city. Yes, it is this venomous prejudice that stands, as if armed with a thunderbolt, to strike dead any black man who dares to seek his own and the AT true elevation of his race.

Prior to this incident, Douglass believed that prej- judice was about to be wiped out in Rochester. He was dis­ appointed that "at the very moment when the colored people of this city had reason to hope that an effective blow would be dealt upon the head of this arch enemy, the very principle for which we are bound to contend, has been most cowardly and shamefully abandoned."62

Douglass did not fail to censure Ward who sought to absolve himself from blame in the matter by indicating that since white men authored the handbill which announced the meeting and seating arrangements it was their duty to make right whatever wrong there was in it. The indignation felt by Douglass becomes apparent in his answer to the explana-

^-^-Editorial, North Star Extra, May 30, 1850, quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 122.

62Ibid., 122-23. 187

tion offered by Ward:

Now this answer is anything than creditable to the honesty, consistency and good sense, of him who made it. It is evasive, unsatisfactory, and a mere quib­ ble, which will only sink its author deeper in dis­ grace, than the act which he designed to shield from condemnation. In a matter of this sort, a man like Mr. Ward cannot be allowed neutral ground. He is here as an apostle of liberty and equality. He is jealously to watch over, and boldly to defend the cause of human freedom.^3

Douglass took the opportunity at this point to illustrate the lack of logic in the answer attributed to Ward when he

sought to justify his reason for proceeding with his address even though he was knowledgeable beforehand of the segre­ gated provisions:

What if Mr. Ward should throw off all responsibility in the matter of Slavery, and give up the contest, under the ridiculous pretext "that if there be any wrong in it, white men have committed the wrong, and white men must mend it." Would any man regard him in any other light than as an apostate?^

There is justification for anger on the part of a communicator so long as he carries the audience with him in his anger against something or somebody for it should be his aim to get the psychological processes of the audience moving

63Ibid., 124.

64Ibid. 188 along with him.6^ It appears to have been the intent of

Douglass to actuate resentment from his readers against Ward by picturing him on this occasion as a traitor to the cause of human equality. Following is, in part, what Douglass told his readers:

Now this leaves Mr. Ward without excuse. His silence at such a time was a sanction of the whole proceedings. He is responsible for the insult and degradation of­ fered to the colored citizens of Philadelphia. He might have cleared himself of all blame in the matter, by disclaiming the contents of that handbill, in the presence of the "white committee," who are supposed to have framed it. This it seems he lacked the man­ liness to do. He could not so far test the sincerity of his new converts, and risk their applause, as to tell them that they were yet in the darkness of Slav­ ery, and under the influence of prejudice; but glazed the whole matter over in silence. Now if this be fidelity, what is treachery? It is now no time to mince matters— no time to "run with the hare, and hold with the hound." The colored people of this city and country, have had enough of this playing fast and loose, and the time has come . . . when they will demand of those who stand forth as their advocates, an inflexible adhesion to the principle of equal and impartial freedom.^

Also representative of Douglass' use of pathos was his practice of appealing to pity— an emotion which Aris­ totle described as evoking pain within a person when he

6^H. a . Overstreet, Influencing Human Behavior (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1925), p. 79

^Editorial, North Star Extra, May 30, 1850. Quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 125. 189 feels that another has been the victim of undeserved suf­ fering. Whatever causes pain and anguish sufficient to be destructive, continues Aristotle, is piteous. ^ Observe how Douglass, after experiencing verbal and physical abuse in New York, makes his appeal to pity and invites sympathy for himself:

Never since the day I entered the field of public effort in the cause of my enslaved brethren, have I been called to endure persecution more bitter, in­ sults more brutal, violence more fierce, scorn and contempt more malicious . . . than that heaped upon me in the city of New York. . . . I have been made to feel keenly that I am in an enemy1s land— sur­ rounded on all sides by hardships, difficulties and dangers— that on the side of the oppressor there is power, and that there are few to take up the cause of my deeply injured and downtrodden people. These things grieve, but do not appal m e . ^

Judging from the results of an investigation of the means of proof as they appear in the communications of Doug­ lass, the writer of this paper feels that on each occasion the orator used whatever rhetorical proof he thought would move his audience in the direction that he would have them go. Sometimes each type of proof might be used independently

^ Rhetoric of Aristotle, 2.8, 120-21.

^Douglass, "At Home Again," North Star, May 30, 1850, quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 126. 190 but often his communications were characterized by combina­ tions of proof joined together in a single paragraph to em­ phasize an idea. Note in the following example his use of identification, his support of a generalization and his inclusion of irony. Likewise, observe his use of the plight of members of his immediate family in appealing to the sym­ pathetic nature of his audience:

I now turn from the contemplation of men and movements in Europe, to our own great country. Great we are, in many and very important respects. As a nation, we are great in numbers and geographical extent— great in wealth— great in internal resources— great in the proclamations of great truths. . . . Truly we are a great nationJ At this moment, three million slaves clank their galling fetters and drag their heavy chains on American soil. Three million from whom all rights are robbed. Three million, a population equal to that of all Scotland, who in this land of liberty and light, are denied the right to learn to read the name of God.— They toil under a broiling sun. . . . While I am addressing you four of my own dear sisters and one brother are enduring the fright­ ful horrors of American slavery.

In 1849, following dissemination of the contents of a letter written by Henry Clay in which he allegedly spelled out his plan for gradual emancipation of the slaves of Ken­ tucky, Douglass felt an urgency to expose the plan suggested by Clay as nothing more than a wicked and shrewd colonization

^Douglass, "The Revolution of 1848," quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 327-28. 191

effort designed to increase the wealth and well-being of

the slaveholders at the expense of the slaves and their

offsprings. In a speech in Faneuil Hall, June 8, 1849,

when Douglass decided to interpret for his hearers what he

deemed to be the true thrust of the Clay plan, he yielded

to the advice of Hugh Blair and George Campbell who admon­

ished an orator to reach the audience through its under­

standing and judgment first if durability of emotional ap­

peal was a goal. Immediately following a short exordium in which he prepared his audience for what was to be discussed

in the speech, Douglass began his appeal to the understand­

ing of his audience as he unfolded the circumstances which

gave rise to the occasion:

Mr. Clay has recently given to the world a letter purporting to advocate the emancipation of the slaves of Kentucky. The letter has been exten­ sively published in New England as well as other parts of the United States; and in almost every instance where a Whig paper has spoken of the letter it has done so in terms of high approval. The plan which Mr. Clay proposes is one which seems to meet almost the universal assent of the Whig party at the North; and many religious papers have copied the article, and spoken in terms of high commendation of the humanity, of the clear­ sightedness and philanthropy of Henry C l a y . 70

70oouglass, "The American Colonization Society, 11 quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 388. 192

Fully cognizant that he was speaking to a predominantly partisan audience that greatly esteemed Clay, Douglass felt the need to request that his remarks be listened to with open minds devoid of prejudice: "I beg of you, then, to hear me calmly— without prejudice or opposition. "71 Within the same paragraph one notes Douglass attempting to accom­ plish two objectives: (1) to arouse sympathy toward the

Negro for ill-treatment he is forced to endure, and (2) to plant shame in the conscience of those who would foster and condone ill-treatment toward the Negro.

You, it must be remembered, have in your hands all power in this land. I stand here not only in a minority, but identified with a class whom every­ body can insult with impunity. Surely the ambition for superiority must be great indeed in honorable men to induce them to insult a poor black man, whom the basest fellow in the street can insult with im­ punity. Keep this in mind, and hear what I have to say with regard to Mr. Clay's letter, and his posi­ tion as a slaveholder.72

Engaging pathetic appeal frequently in oratory and writing, Douglass became adept in its use. He was particu­ larly effective in carrying out the following recommendation of Blair: must describe the kindness and tenderheartedness of my friend; he must set before me the

71Ibid.

72jbid. 193

distress suffered by the person for whom he would interest me; then, and not till then, my heart begins to be touched.

. . . with restraint Douglass appealed to his audience

to consider justice and fair play as he continued to de­ nounce the colonization plan in his speech on the American

Colonization Society:

. . . I am especially disposed to speak out my opposi­ tion to this colonization scheme to-night, because not only of . . . the efforts of Henry Clay and others, but because there is a lecturer . . . now in England, soliciting funds for our expatriation from this coun­ try. . . . I would ask you, my friends, if this is not mean and impudent in the extreme, for one class of Americans to ask for the removal of another class? I feel, sir, I have as much right in this country as any other man. I feel that the black man in this land has as much right to stay in this land as the white man. Consider the matter in the light of possession in this country. Our connection with this country is contemporaneous with your own.^

It is likewise important to note that Douglass often relied on passages from the Bible and references to God to reinforce an idea with emotional proof. The following ex­ cerpt drawn from his Narrative typifies this partiality

for Biblical references:

"^^Hugh Blair, "Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres," in The Rhetoric of Blair, Campbell and Whately, by Golden and Corbett, p. 124.

^Douglass, "The American Colonization Society," quoted in Poner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 394. 194

But woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites I for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven against men; for ye neither go in yourselves, neither suffer ye them that are entering to go in. Ye devour widow's houses, and for a pretense make long prayers; there­ fore ye shall receive the greater damnation.75

Nor was Douglass reluctant to identify his cause with the will of God as a means of heightening his emotional

appeal. In February, following the January 19, 1850, com­

promise measures offered by Clay, Douglass attacked the plan

and referred to it as being beneficial to liberty in words

only, not in deeds. In prefacing his refutation, he gave

generous praise to God and alluded to the idea that the

cause of the oppressed was a righteous cause; therefore God was on its side.

. . . the judgment-day of slavery is dawning— the devices of the oppressor, thanks to God of the oppressed, have most signally failed— the "wisdom of the crafty" has been confounded, and the "coun­ sels of the ungodly" have been brought to nought; the great movement for freedom has rolled onward with a speed accelerated. . . . This should be a time of rejoicing with the humble laborers in the cause. We speak advisedly, and in no canting spirit when we term this cause holy; for if to have triumphed over foes mighty and multitudinous . . . if to have, with one, "chased a thousand," . . . be any evidence of the guardianship of

75Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, p. 122. 195

Heaven, we can say, with one of old, "Truly the Lord is with us."76

Summary

Douglass, it seems clear, accepted the prevailing traditional rhetorical view that a speaker's message not only must contain significant ideas but also a strong ethical and pathetic thrust. Thus, he freely drew upon his character, intellect, and moving life experiences for the purpose of stimulating both the cognitive and affec­ tive nature of his listeners.

76Douglass, "Henry Clay and Slavery," North Star, Feb. 8, 1850. Quoted in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 105. CHAPTER VI

DISPOSITIO

The organization of ideas in the speech message

serves both the speaker and the audience advantageously.

It permits the speaker to arrange his materials in such a manner that they can be better adjusted to the audience, and it helps the audience to understand and better appre­

ciate the message being presented.^ Communicators have realized, at least since the time of Aristotle, that both oral and written communication must possess a beginning, a middle and an end. This division is not meant to be thought p of as a starting, a stopping, and something in between.

Each part, if properly prepared, leads smoothly into the

part that follows.

1-A. Craig Baird, Franklin H. Knower and Samuel L. Becker, General Speech Communication (New York: McGraw- Hill Book Company, 1971), p. 127.

^Arthur B. Miller, Modes of Public Speaking (Bel­ mont, Calif.: Wadsworth Publishing Company, Inc., 1971), p . 34.

196 197

Before observing the method Douglass used in arrang­ ing his messages, it might be interesting to view the parts of a discourse as determined by some early and contemporary rhetoricians.

Parts of a Speech^

A. Aristotle 1. Proem 3. Argument 2. Statement 4. Epilogue

B . Roman Rhetoricians 1. Exordium 4. Refutation 2. Narration 5. Peroration 3. Proof

C. Blair (Conduct of the Discourse) 1. Introduction 5. Argumentative Part 2. Division 6. Pathetic Part 3. Narration 7. Conclusion 4. Explication

D. Briqance 1. Introduction 2. Body or Discussion 3. Conclusion

E. Monroe (Motivated Sequence) 1. Attention 4. Visualization 2. Need 5. Action 3. Satisfaction

This brief outline overview reveals that ancient and contemporary rhetoricians were not unanimous in their

^The outline of "Parts of a Speech" was taken from a class handout. The course, "Theories of Rhetoric," was taught by Dr. James L. Golden, Ohio State University. 198 opinion on the number of parts into which a message should be divided. Notwithstanding these differences, each could be used as criteria to examine Douglass' thought pattern.

Monroe's motivated sequence, however, appears to be the most productive for this present study. This method, which is based on "the normal process of human thinking,"4 was developed as a plan intended to serve as a guide for the development of all types of speeches.

Two addresses by Douglass have been chosen for in­ vestigation of his procedures in managing dispositio. The first speech, "The Church and Prejudice" was delivered at the Plymouth Church Anti-Slavery Society in 1841, early in the career of the orator as an antislavery lecturer. The second speech, "The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro" delivered in 1852 is, perhaps, the most popular and oft- quoted speech that Douglass made.

"The Church and Prejudice

The early messages by Douglass were made up almost exclusively of accounts of his personal experiences as a

^Alan H. Monroe, Principles and Types of Speech, 3rd. ed. (Chicago: Scott Foresman and Company, 1949), pp. 252-57, 286-303, 319-30.

^Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 103-5. 199 slave and examples pointing to the lack of true dedication of the church and clergy. Typical of those early messages is "The Church and Prejudice" which consists, primarily, of a series of personal narratives designed to point out the prejudice that existed even in the North. An overview of the organization of this speech reveals the following:

1. The speech is quite brief, consisting of only seven paragraphs, five of which are very short.

2. The total number of words is approximately 968.

3. The attention step consists of three narra­ tives one of which could also be classi- ■ fied as an anecdote.

4. The need step is implied rather than stated and seems to merge into the satisfaction step.

5. The satisfaction step consists of four para­ graphs of which the last one is an illustra­ tion.

Douglass opened his address with an incident so vividly described that the speaking success which was to be his in later years and the degrading practices which he was to reject became immediately apparent:

At the South I was a member of the Methodist Church. When I came North, I thought one Sunday I would at­ tend communion, at one of the churches of my denomi­ nation, in the town I was staying. The white people gathered round the altar, the blacks clustered by 200

the door. After the good minister had served out the bread and wine to one portion of those near him, he said, "These may withdraw, and others come forward;" thus he proceeded till all the white mem­ bers had been served. Then he drew a long breath, and looking out towards the door, exclaimed, "Come up colored friends, come upJ for you know God is no respecter of persons I" I haven't been there to see the sacraments taken since.

That incident was followed by two others, one of which illustrated the ability of Douglass to inject humor into a speech while advancing the theme embodied in it.

The anecdote centered upon a young lady who after awaking from a trance in church told her friends that she had been to heaven. When one inquisitive old lady inquired of her whether or not she saw black folks in heaven the young lady replied, "OhJ I didn't go into the kitchen!" Douglass used the anecdote to illustrate his argument that some whites believed heaven to be segregated, and if it were not, they would be reluctant to go there.

Extending over two paragraphs was the need-satis- faction step. The need step and satisfaction step were so closely entwined that difficulty was encountered in trying to separate them. In the first of the two paragraphs,

Douglass projected the following ideas to his audience: 201

Thus you see, my hearers, the prejudice goes even into the church of God. And there are those who carry it so far that it is disagreeable to them even to think of going to heaven, if colored peo­ ple are going there too. And whence comes it? The grand cause is slavery; but there are others less prominent; one of them is the way in which children in this part of the country are instructed to regard the blacks.

In that statement Douglass seemed to have felt the need for his audience to know the extent of the existence of preju­ dice in the United States and to understand that while slav­ ery was a major cause of prejudice, it was not the only cause.

The second of the two paragraphs was used to point out the need for understanding that the Negro was a man, not a beast; and as such he was fully capable of soaring to heights— intellectual and otherwise— reached by any other race; and he was impeded in his prgress only by forced en­ vironment, not heredity. Thus, early indications became apparent of the vigor which Douglass would use to refute the proslavery claim of the alleged innate inferiority of the

Negro. Observe how Douglass implied the need for enlighten­ ment about this problem:

Yet people in general will say they like colored men as well as any other, but in their proper placeI They assign us that place; they don't let us do it for ourselves, nor will they allow us a voice in the decision. They will not allow that we have a head to think, and a heart to feel, and a soul to aspire. They treat us not as men, but as dogs— 202

they cry "Stu-boyi" and expect us to run and do their bidding. That's the way we are liked. You degrade us, and then ask why we are degraded— you shut our mouths, and then ask why we don't speak— you close your colleges and seminaries against us, and then ask why we don't know more.

Logic and common sense combined in the foregoing statement to make it a compelling indictment against those who would oppress the Negro.

Douglass made a final point in the combined step by referring to the hypocrisy of the slavemaster who could speak so piously of God yet lash fellow human beings unmer­ cifully while, at the same time, quoting scripture and inter­ preting it in such a way as to justify his behavior toward the slave.

This speech represents an early attempt on the part of Douglass to address an audience; consequently it lacks the order and polish that remains to be observed in his later address. Considering his background and limited ad­ vantages it seems safe to conclude that the message deserves praise rather than censure.

If one were compelled to suggest typical character­ istics existing between this speech and speeches by the ora- torically-matured Douglass, he could only specify: (1) the consistently stressed topics— the evils of slavery, the 203

hypocrisy of the church, the prejudice in the North and the

unsubstantiated conclusions drawn by phrenologists who were

sympathetic to slavery— ; and (2) the widespread use of il­

lustrations and examples to promote clarity, vividness and

interest.

"The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro"

Looking at dispositio in a speech which is typical of the messages delivered by a more intellectually and skill­

fully developed Douglass, this writer turns to an analysis of the famous antebellum address which the orator delivered on July 5, 1852, the title of which was "The Meaning of

July Fourth for the Negro." This address, illustrative of great passion, logic, insight and eloquence of the man, is probably rated as one of the great orations in American history. It appears to be the product of the superior

speaker that Baird describes— one who is not satisfied with

superficial treatment of ideas.^ An analysis of the address reveals the ability of Douglass to effect stimulation and persuasion.

The nature of the occasion probably led many people

6a . Craig Baird, "The Study of Speeches" in Speech Criticism; Methods and Materials, ed. William' A. Linsley (Dubuque, Iowa: Wm. C. Brown Company, 1968), p. 49. 204 in the audience to believe that the Douglass address would be an eloquent, stimulating and ideal commemoration of the sentiment which they attached to a Fourth of July celebra­ tion. Perhaps the speech was eloquent and stimulating.

Ironically, it was also ideal and commemorative; that is, from the standpoint of the speaker. An ideally commemora­ tive speech includes an accounting of a glorious past and deeds effected therein. Such a speech also includes praise for those responsible for accomplishing the deeds.

Attention Step

As one begins to examine the attention step in .the speech under consideration, he finds a great deal of infor­ mation which satisfies the above stated definition of an ideally commemorative speech; but reading further, one is able to understand that the occasion and the speech are ideally commemorative for the reason that they present a timely moment for Douglass to remind the audience of the blatant injustices which he feels have been heaped upon

Negroes and to deliver a blistering attack on the hypocrisy of those who professed Christianity but, at the same time, did nothing to rectify conditions that were wrong.

The address, a relatively long one containing over 205 ten thousand words and divided into well over sixty-five paragraphs, is characterized by an enormous amount of con­ demnation and blame.

Like an ideal orator Douglass in his introduction set about establishing goodwill toward his audience and enlisting its attention, evidence of which will be forth­ coming. Upon further study of the attention step, one senses that Douglass gave considerable thought to its plan­ ning and development; for in the over thirty paragraphs devoted to this part of the address, evidence reveals that he managed to weave artfully in so many attention-getting devices. The use of the terms friends and fellow citizens enabled him to identify with his audience, thus placing them in a positive frame of mind to receive an expected warm message from an ally. As the development proceeded

Douglass revealed his knowledge of the close kinship that exists between the introduction of a speech and ethical appeal, for at this point he referred to himself with what appeared to be sincere modesty. Sometimes when Douglass has used this strategy one could possibly be led to believe he was committing the error of being overly apologetic to his audience; however on close examination of the artistry with which he develops a message, one is relieved to note 206

that what appeared to be an apology for shortcomings turned out to be, instead, a strategy taught by some of the an­ cients to be used in ingratiating oneself before an audi­ ence; that is, the speaker would be wise not to appear too

learned. Observe how Douglass utilized this strategy.^

He who could address this audience without a quailing sensation, has stronger nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker be­ fore an assembly more shrinkingly, nor with greater distrust of my ability, than I do this day. A feel­ ing has crept over me quite unfavorable to the exer­ cise of my limited powers of speech. The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. I know that apolo­ gies of this sort are generally considered flat and unmeaning. I trust, however, that mine will not be so considered. Should I seem at ease, my appearance would much misrepresent me. The little experience I have had in addressing public meetings, in country school houses, avails me nothing on the present oc­ casion.

On almost any speaking occasion, regardless of the nature,

Douglass managed to enhance his own ethos as he reminded the audience of his background as a slave. The Fourth of

July celebration was no exception:

. . . the distance between this platform and the slave plantation, from which I escaped, is consid­ erable— and the difficulties to be overcome in getting from the latter to the former are by no

'All quotes referring to the July 4th Address have been taken from the complete text as it appears in James L. Golden and Richard D. Rieke, The Rhetoric of Black Americans, pp. 176-194. 207

means slight. That I am here to day is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. You will not, therefore, be surprised, if in what I have to say I evince no elaborate preparation, nor grace my speech with any high sounding exor­ dium. With little experience and with less learn­ ing, I have been able to throw my thoughts hastily and imperfectly together, and trusting to your pa­ tient and generous indulgence, I will proceed to lay them before you.

In referring to the occasion his remarks began to take on the nature of contemptuousness. As he bade further for the audience attention, one notes the particular empha­ sis given to the word your rather than our; and lest he would appear antagonistic and caustic too soon, he seems to make an attempt at softening the appeal by again addressing his hearers as fellow citizens:

This, for the purpose of this celebration is the Fourth of July. It is the birthday of your8 National Independence, and of your political free­ dom. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and to the act of your great deliverance; and to the signs, and to the wonders, associated with that act, and that day. The celebration also marks the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. I am glad fellow-citizens, that your nation is so young.

8The possessive pronoun, "your, 11 in this quote was not italicized in the text of the speech. The author of this study supplied the underlining to call attention to the use of the word. 208

Douglass was not to disappoint completely that seg­

ment of his audience who listened to hear a revelation of

the glorious and praiseworthy deeds of the founding fathers.

Employing a chronological order of development at this point

in the introduction, Douglass methodically traced the his­

torical background which surrounded the celebration. He began at the time when the people of this country were under

British rule, subject to the dictates of the English. He

reminded his hearers of how their fathers protested those

dictates as being unjust and oppressive and, as such, de­

serving of counteractive measures. He spoke of how protes­

tors of British treatment toward the American Colonies were labeled agitators, rebels and dangerous men. During

the course of this revelation, Douglass, in his mind, must have been comparing this situation with that of the aboli­ tionists who because they protested the bondage of the

slaves were, too, objects of vilification. The cause of the defenders of the colonies and the cause of the defen­ ders of the antislavery movement do parallel. The follow­ ing attitude attributed to the founding fathers reflects the same attitude to which the abolitionists subscribed:

Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated, by the home government, your fathers, like men of hon­ esty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. 209

They petitioned and remonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner. Their con­ duct was wholly unexceptionable. This, however, did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness and scorn. Yet they persevered. They were not the men to look back.

Evidently, Douglass knew the importance of the use of the familiar in commanding the attention of an audience.

He must have been aware that his audience was familiar with, at least, some of the memoirs of its fathers that were re­ corded in history; for he devoted over twelve paragraphs of the attention step in addressing himself to the noble and courageous deeds of these men, and in so doing he naturally pleased his audience as it listened to the ethos of its heroes being extolled. Following is a typical account of a Douglass commentary about the father of the republic:

Fully appreciating the hardships to be encountered, firmly believing in the right of their cause, hon­ orably inviting the scrutiny of an on-looking world, reverently appealing to heaven to attest their sin­ cerity, soundly comprehending the solemn responsi­ bility they were about to assume, wisely measuring the terrible odds against them, your fathers, the fathers of this republic, did, most deliberately, under the inspiration of a glorious patriotism, and with a sublime faith in the great principles of justice and freedom, lay deep, the corner-stone of the national superstructure, which has risen and still rises in grandeur around you. 210

Speakers sometimes create interest in their subjects by introducing an idea by means of a question rather than by use of a declarative sentence. When phrasing such a ques­

tion, the speaker does so with the idea of stimulating

thought. As Douglass neared the close of the attention

step, he devoted a full paragraph to thought provokers:

Fellow citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national inde­ pendence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the bless­ ings resulting from your independence to us?

Drawing again upon the factors of attention, Doug­ lass combines the startling statement with a verbal attack to state forcefully his disenchantment and disgust with the occasion:

. . . I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversaryI Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common.— The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sun­ light that brought light and healing to you has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to 211

mock me, by asking me to speak today? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct.

The influence of picturesque language resulting from a crystallization of ideas obtained by Douglass from his early study of the Bible and his deep respect and regard for religion was reflected in his introductory remarks as he quoted from the Bible and led the audience to an understand­ ing of his reasons for having chosen on this occasion the subject of "American Slavery" rather than, perhaps, "Ameri­ can Independence. "

Need Step

Douglass applied serious effort to pointing out the existing conditions confronting not only the slave but also

America in her reaction to the slave. He thought that his audience would gain a new perspective of the entire festive ties on this occasion and begin to join his fight for the abolition of slavery if the commemoration could be viewed from the vantage point of the slave. It was for this rea­ son, presumably, that Douglass used his own experience as a slave to lend authority *to his message prepared for this audience. As was a frequent habit, he endeavored to make known the hypocrisy and inconsistency of America. With what appeared to be adequate explanation, he pointed to the need 212 to realize the folly of arguing the obvious:

The slave is a man. The slave is entitled to lib­ erty. Slavery is not divine; God did not establish it.

In his own inventive manner of expressing ideas,

Douglass summed up in scathing language the need for dis­ semination of a strong message indicting American slavery, if this country were ever going to prove that it is a nation sincerely committed to liberty and justice for all:

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument is needed. 0! had I the ability, and could reach the nation's ear, I would, today, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirl­ wind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be ex­ posed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

When the arrangement of the material Douglass used in the development of the need step is examined, it seems safe to conclude that he knew the difficulty an audience would encounter in retaining for a long period of time iso­ lated, unattached and disorganized ideas. For this reason, the body of the speech under consideration is satisfactorily organized in an attempt to effect persuasion by fact and ex­ planation. Beginning with the need step in which he called 213 upon his audience to recognize the Negro as a man and not a brute, he continued to give instances and illustrations pointing to the unfair and inhuman treatment which America sanctions for the Negro. Employing a topical organizational structure, Douglass continued his discussion with what must have been one of the most acrid statements Fourth of July celebrants had ever heard. Prefacing the statement with a rhetorical question and then in most moving eloquence an­ swering it himself, Douglass declared his thoughts about the July Fourth celebration:

What, to the American Slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heart­ less; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, de­ ception, impiety, and hypocrisy— a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, this very hour.

It is common practice for some skilled orators to place strong main ideas at the beginning or end of an ad­ dress and weak points in the middle; however this method of arrangement does not seem to have much appeal for Douglass, 214

for to him when any facet of slavery was being discussed

there were no weak points. In the July Fourth address

Douglass felt so sufficiently strong about each topic that

he allotted copious remarks to the development of each one.

He followed his prefaced statement with a discussion of the

American slave trade, and in so doing he went on to substan­

tiate his contention that "for revolting barbarity and shame­

less hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival." Lending

authority to this accusation he alluded to remarks made by

Ex-Senator Benton, a pro-slavery sympathizer, who boasted

of the high financial returns available to those dealing in

the sale of human beings. He expressed with doubtless clar­

ity the attitude of America toward the foreign slave trade

as contrasted with her attitude toward the slave trade be­

tween the states:

Everywhere, in this country, it is safe to speak of this foreign slave-trade as a most inhuman traffic, opposed alike to the laws of God and of man. The duty to extirpate and destroy it, is admitted even by our doctors of divinity. In order to put an end to it, some of these have consented that their col­ ored brethren (nominally free) should leave this country, and establish themselves on the western coast of Africai It is however a notable fact that while so much execration is poured out by Americans upon all those engaged in the foreign slave-trade between the states pass without condemnation, and their business is deemed honorable. 215

Using a transition sentence as a signpost of intent,

Douglass readied the hearer for the next topic and smoothly led him into it. Expressing the view that the fugitive slave law was more inhuman than even the American slave trade, Douglass indicted the American Congress, the Presi­ dent, and other elevated political figures, accusing them of being guilty parties in condoning the "hellish sport" of hunting down men, chaining them and consigning them to slav­ ery. Douglass drew upon choice words and imagery in clari­ fying the details of the Fugitive Slave Law. Appealing to the religious nature of his audience as well as to fair play he spoke of the right given the hunter to snatch his human prey as being recognized superior to all other rights includ­ ing the rights of God. Douglass appeared eager to explain in detail any statement that might appear too generalized.

For example, in augmenting the pronouncement that there is no law or justice for the Negro, that the Fugitive Slave Law forbade mercy to him and with financial gains provided for bribing judges who convicted him, Douglass speaking of the plight of the Negro explained thusly:

An American judge gets ten dollars for every victim he consigns to slavery, and five, when he fails to do so. The oath of any two villains is sufficient, under this hell-black enactment, to send the most pious and exemplary black man into the remorseless 216

jaws of slavery! His own testimony is nothing. He can bring no witnesses for himself. The minister of American justice is bound by the law to hear but one side; and that side is the side of the oppressor.

Two bodies of no little annoyance to Douglass were those of American politics and the American church and clergy whose duty, Douglass believed, was to denounce the

American slave trade and the Fugitive Slave Law and demand the eradication of each. The orator was most vehement in his attack against the two great American bodies for he believed they sanctioned both of the aforementioned dastard­ ly laws. The Fugitive Slave Law, probably, ignited the spark of militance in Douglass which led him to declare on some occasions that the means to nullify the despicable law was to resist, with arms, if necessary, any person who would deprive another of his liberty. To this Fourth of July au­ dience Douglass in commenting on the slave trade and Fugi­ tive Slave Law had this to say:

By an act of the American Congress, not yet two years old, slavery has been nationalized in its most horri­ ble and revolting form. . . . New York has become as Virginia; and the power to hold, hunt, and sell men, women and children, as slaves, remains no longer a mere state institution, but is now an institution of the whole United States. . . . The power is co­ extensive with the star-spangled banner, and American Christianity. Where these go, also go the merciless slave hunter. Where these are, man is not sacred. He is a bird for the sportsman gun. . . . 217

In developing the need step, Douglass heaped his wrath against the church in large measure. As in so many of his other speeches he gave special attention to that part of his address that dealt with his reaction to the

American church. In the speech under consideration, there are no less than ten paragraphs in which the church and/or her auxiliaries are discussed. Using a simple parts-related construction as the thought pattern of development of the topic, Douglass unfolded his ideas in such a manner as to facilitate ease in following his line of thought. Beginning his attack with a statement of affirmation declaring the church and her ministers guilty of several wrongs, he relied upon expository details to amplify the charge that the church had failed in its duty to provide the leadership its existence should have required. A sketch of the indictments which Douglass lodged against the church revealed that a collusion existed between it and the slaveholders. The min­ isters were accused of being champion oppressors and of giv­ ing support to the proslavery argument that the master-slave relationship was ordained by God. Indicative of the small regard he had for the teachings of the ministers of this country, Douglass exclaimed, "Welcome infidelityl welcome atheismi welcome anything I in preference to the gospel, as 218 preached by those Divines." Using details and negation to

describe how ministers had tarnished the beauty of the true

love of God and perverted the sanctity of religion, Douglass

said:

These ministers make religion a cold and flinty- hearted thing, having neither principles of right action nor bowels of compassion. They strip the love of God of its beauty and leave the throne of religion a huge, horrible, repulsive form. It is a religion for oppressors, tyrants, man-stealers, and thugs. It is not that "pure and undefiled re­ ligion" which is from above, and which is "first pure, then peaceable . . ., full of mercy . . . without partiality, and without hypocrisy.

Appealing to the common sense of the audience and hoping to reinforce the idea that the Church was a presti­ gious institution and one that could wield immense influence in striking down slavery, Douglass used testimony from Albert

Barnes, a powerful foe of slavery, to support further his contention about the Church. Barnes declared that nothing could perpetuate slavery if the Church put power behind its destruction. Although Douglass lashed out in condemnation of the American Church, he was quick to point out that there were exceptions to what appeared to be a blanket denuncia­ tion of churches and ministers:

In speaking of the American church, however, let it be distinctly understood that I mean the great mass of the religious organizations of our land. There are exceptions, and I thank God that there are. 219 Noble men may be found, scattered all over these Northern States, of whom Henry Ward Beecher, of Brooklyn, Samuel J. May, of Syracuse, and my esteemed friend (Rev. R. R. Raymond) on the plat­ form are shining examples. . . .

The speaker continued to make use of the factors of attention in developing the need step as he appealed to the conscience of the audience through illustrations of the dis­ similar attitudes of the British and American churches to­ ward liberation movements for oppressed human beings. Con­ trasting the attitude of the American Church toward the antislavery movement with that of the churches of England toward a similar movement, he credited the British Church with having taken a leading role in emancipating the West

Indian slave, and he denounced the American Church whose re­ ligion and gospel, he felt, were the dread of the oppressed and the delight of the oppressor. He continued to rely on contrast for vividness as he presented a number of examples pointing up the inconsistency of America and the disregard for the American Negro. No clearer examples of his can be acknowledged than was included in the following statement:

You invite to your shores fugitives of oppression from abroad, honor them with banquets, greet them with ovations, cheer them, toast them, salute them, protect them, and pour out your money to them like water; but the fugitives from your own land you advertise, hunt, arrest, shoot and kill. 220

Reiterating the hypocrisy that existed in his coun­

try, Douglass told of the tears that America shed over fall­

en Hungary and of the revelation to the world of her story

as contrasted with the treatment of the American slave whose

oppression was not so widely denounced by the same America

that manifested so much emotion for the downtrodden of

Hungary.

In further support of his declaration of the deplor­

able effects of slavery, Douglass called on the prestige of

one whom his audience respected— Thomas Jefferson— to punc­

tuate the outrage endured by the slave. Jefferson in allud­

ing to the severity of the bondage in which the slave was held described it as being worse than ages of that which the

forefathers of the audience fought successfully to oppose.

Employing a series of balanced sentences, staccato in tone and parallel in structure all of which gave force and vigor to his expressions, Douglass summarized the re­

sult of the existence of slavery in the United States.

Some of what he said follows:

The existence of slavery in this country brands your republicanism as a sham, your humanity as a base pretense, and your Christianity as a lie. It des­ troys your moral power abroad: it corrupts your politicians at home. It saps the foundation of re­ ligion. . . . It fetters your progress; it is the enemy of improvement; the deadly foe of education; 221

it fosters pride; it breeds insolence; it promotes vice; it shelters crime.

Nearing the close of the address, Douglass chose to reinforce his need arguments by refuting the proslavery in­ terpretation of the Constitution. Basing his conclusions on logic and appealing to the reasoning powers of the audi­ ence he proceeded to demonstrate that the Document was in­ tended to be a moral, antislavery force and not a proslavery one.

Satisfaction Step

Douglass leads one to believe that he was aware of the requirement that in order to effect persuasion an orator is obligated in a given speech not only to recite or narrate problems but to offer solutions to those problems as well.

This claim on behalf of Douglass is based on his development of the satisfaction step in which he obliged his audience with both implied and expressed solutions to the problems.

He believed that if all people could experience, vicariously, the routine life as it was experienced by a slave, they would begin to support actively the overthrow of slavery.

Persistent as always in denouncing the claims by some ethnologists regarding the innate inferiority of the

Negro, he called upon the audience to treat the Negro as he 222 is entitled to be treated, that is, as a man; for, he con­ tinued, it is inconceivable to expect the black man to join in righteous praise of a nation that questions his manhood and enslaves him.

He suggested strongly that America had much to gain by refraining from being the false nation that she has re­ vealed herself to be. In this connection he suggested that

America condemn the American slave trade that existed be­ tween the states just as so many Americans condemned the foreign slave trade.

In offering further solutions to the problems that had been stated, Douglass challenged the channels of reli­ gion to marshal their forces against slavery. Including a part of the visualization step within the satisfaction step and using the combined positive and negative approach to visualization as explained by Monroe, Douglass projected his audience into the future thus aiding them to visualize the positive results to be gained by the destruction of slavery by the church and her subsidiaries. At the same time, he sought to have his listeners see the same channels incriminated if they neglected to combine forces to battle slave oppression. He implied that churches and ministers should refrain from being indifferent to the Fugitive Slave 223

Law but should regard it as one of the glaring violations

of Christian liberty and seek its repeal.

In enlisting further the support of the religious channels in the fight against slavery, Douglass suggested that they had a moral obligation to discontinue silence with regard to the wickedness in America. He acknowledged the language of Isaiah in making vivid what he meant:

Bring no more vain obligations; incense is an abomi­ nation unto me. . . . Your hands are full of blood; cease to do evil, learn to do well; seek judgment; relieve the oppressed; judge the fatherless; plead for the widow.

Metaphorically speaking, Douglass likened slavery to a monster nursing at the breast of a young nation, and he implored this nation to take the necessary steps to eliminate the perpetuation of slavery. One way of doing this, according to Douglass, would be to expose the horrors of American bondage to the world, for he believed that world­ wide exposure would be one method of killing the monster.

This is the reason, perhaps, that he urged endless dissemi­ nation of the message about American injustice to the Negro.

Finally, Douglass called upon the audience to inter­ pret the Constitution as he believed it was intended to be interpreted— an antislavery document whose tenets are en­ tirely opposed to the existence of slavery. 224

Visualization Step

The fact that Douglass had set forth a gloomy por­ trait of America throughout a major portion of his address did not deter him from confidence in his country. Proof of this opinion lies in his own words of optimism about the future:

Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented, of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation which must inevitably work the downfall of slavery. "The arm of the Lord is not shortened, 11 and the doom of slavery is cer­ tain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope.

As he continued to transpose the thinking of his audience into the future, he did so in phrases resplendent with im­ agery, a literary tool which he handled with obvious dex­ terity:

The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved. The fiat of the Almighty, "Let there be Light," has not yet spent its force. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all- pervading light. The iron shoe, and crippled foot of China must be seen in contrast with nature. Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven gar­ ment. Ethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God. "

Action Step

When one reads the July 4th address, he becomes 225

aware that Douglass was desirous of positive action to be

taken in defense of the American slave. Since his primary

concern in the speech was that of stimulating thought and

emotion about the predicament of the slave, no formal re­

quest for actuation was included; however, in a closing

poem which summed up his earnest wishes he appealed to his

audience to join in the hope for the eventual and complete

freedom of all oppressed people.

Summary

These two addresses— one delivered early in his ca­ reer and the other representing one of Douglass' later, more mature efforts— reveal an effective use of a motivated se­ quential pattern. Anticipating Alan Monroe, Douglass came

to believe that action can only take place after an atten­

tive audience recognizes and appreciates the relevance of a strong need and the potentiality of the satisfaction step described by the speaker. CHAPTER VII

DOUGLASS' USE OF LANGUAGE

Style: Historical Character

The Classical Period

The canon of style has been given a prominent place among the means that effect persuasion and rhetoricians throughout the ages have recognized it as an integral part of the message. In the first twelve chapters of Book III of Rhetoric, Aristotle devotes considerable space to style, believing that to know what to say and the correct way of saying it aids immensely in presenting the right impression of the speech.-*- For Aristotle, style, to be good, had to be clear and appropriate. Faults of style stemmed from the misuse of compound words, the use of strong words, mistakes in the use of epithets and bad figures of speech.^

Cicero and other Roman rhetoricians gave much atten­ tion to the business of style in his major works. Included

^Aristotle, Rhetoric, 3.3.1.

^Ibid., 3.3.3.

226 227

in Ad Herennium was the following statement relative to

kinds of style:

There are three kinds of style, called types, to which discourse, if faultless, confines itself: the first we call the Grand; the second the Middle; the third, the Simple. The Grand type consists of a smooth and ornate arrangement of impressive words. The Middle type consists of words of a lower, yet not of the lowest and most colloquial class of words. The Simple type is brought down even to the most current idiom of standard speech.^

Cicero cautioned those who would strive to attain those

styles, warning them against falling into styles that are

unsatisfactory. Faulty styles to which Cicero alluded were

(1) Swollen— new or archaic words, clumsy metaphors or in diction more impressive than the theme demands. (2) Slack or drifting— drifts to and fro and cannot get underway with resolution. (3) The meagre— dry and bloodless. This language . . . is mean and trifling.4

Quintilian, the classicist regarded by George

Kennedy as the best known educator of that day and one who possessed a rather candid style,5 believed clearness to be the first essential of good style. He advocated pro­ priety in words and straightforwardness in their

^Cicero, Ad Herennium, 4.viii.-ll.

^Ibid., 4.x.l5-xi.l6.

^George Kennedy, "An Estimate of Quintilian, 11 Ameri­ can Journal of Philology, LXXXIII (April, 1962), 138, 13. 228 order.^ Like Cicero, Quintilian saw style as being divided into the Grand, Middle and Plain classifications.

The British Period

Blair, Campbell and Whately, the dominant rhetori­ cians of the British period, agreed that perspicuity and vividness were vital qualities of style. Blair believed that clearness was such an essential element in discourse that no other quality could make up for it. He stressed the importance of making meaning clear without difficulty in understanding. In defining style, Blair explained that it is difficult to be exact about this; however, he sug­ gested that style is "the peculiar manner in which a man expresses his conceptions, by means of language.""'7 Advis­ ing that perspicuity as it relates to words and phrases requires purity, propriety and precision, Blair explained what he meant;

Purity is the use of such words, and such construc­ tions, as belong to the idiom of the language which we speak; in opposition to words and phrases that are imported from other languages, or that are

^Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 8. 11.19-23.

^Hugh Blair, "Style— Perspicuity and Precision," in Rhetoric of Blair, Campbell, and Whately, ed. by James L. Golden and Edward P. J. Corbett (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968), p. 66. 229

obsolete, or new coined, or used without proper authority.®

In his discussion of propriety, Blair reminds us that if words are not carefully chosen or sufficiently adapted to the subject and if they do not express the intended sense of the author propriety suffers. Propriety, according to

Blair, is

The selection of such words in the language, as the best and most established usage has appropriated to those ideas which we intend to express by them. It implies the correct and happy application of them, according to that usage, in opposition to vulgarism or low expressions; and to words and phrases, which would be less significant of the ideas that we mean to convey.9

Blair regards the merger of purity and propriety as the req­ uisite for a perspicuous and graceful style. At the same time he calls for the inclusion of precision, naming it

"the highest part of the quality denoted by perspicuity."10

To avoid what he terms a loose style, Blair advises against wordiness and suggests that a speaker or writer strive for precision by making the ideas projected clear and distinct and by providing an explicit and full understanding of the

8Ibid., p. 68.

9lbid.

lOibid. 230

force of those words which he uses.

The appreciation Blair has for ornament of language is liberal so long as it results from "a graceful, strong, and melodious construction of words.He credits figura­ tive language with being an aid to the beauty of composi­ tion; however, he advises that one should not delude him­ self with the thought that beauty of expression can be achieved only through such language. An overabundance of figurative language, that is, language without thought and substance seems to result in stiffness and affectation, characteristics which are not contributory to beauty.

George Campbell in Philosophy of Rhetoric devoted almost all of Books Two and Three to style. He wrote at length about usage and word choice, explaining the impor­ tance of having words conform to reputable, national and present use. Stressing the idea that purity of diction is a requisite of style, he proposed several canons of usage intended to aid one seeking to realize purity. Besides purity, which is to Campbell strictly a grammatical quality, the five simple and original qualities of style that are conducive to the understanding, the imagination, the

^ Ibid. , p. 73. 231 passions, and the ear are perspicuity, vivacity, elegance, animation, and music. 1 2 Of these, perspicuity seems to be the most essential for no matter what purpose the orator decides upon he must be understood to be successful in ac­ complishing his purpose. On the other hand, the remaining four qualities may or may not be essential to the success of an orator, for their necessity depends upon the occasion and the specific aim of the speech. Both Campbell and

Whately joined Blair in characterizing perspicuity as one of the greatest qualities of style.

Modern Period

Modern rhetoricians and semanticists have leaned heavily toward perspicuity. While some recognize that figu­ rative language can be useful, they condemn the kind that misleads, asserting that it retards clarity. I. A. Richards,

Wendell Johnson and Irving Lee were among those semanticists who were strong proponents of clarity.

Brigance stressed the need for unity, coherence and vividness in speech composition. Lew Sarrett advocated ease, force and vividness of expression. Among other

l^Qeorge Campbell, Philosophy of Rhetoric (11th ed.; London: Printed for Thomas Tegg, 1841), p. 216. 232 rhetoricians who defended vividness of expression was

Richard Weaver who clearly objected to the semanticists whom he has accused of robbing rhetoric of tropes and figures. Golden who also subscribes to vividness has sug­ gested several means by which vividness of style is ob­ structed. These will be alluded to later in the paper.

It would seem that down through the centuries the most important quality of style has been clarity. Accura­ cy, appropriateness and vividness follow clarity in impor­ tance but are, nonetheless, vital to any speaker.

The Nature of Oral and Written Style

Douglass excelled in both oral and written discourse, and for this reason it seems that in order to analyze prop­ erly characteristics of his style, attention should be given to discourse as evinced through both his speaking and his writing. Chosen for analysis because of the typicality of expression of the Douglass message inherent in them are

"The Dred Scott Decision," a speech delivered before the

Anti-Slavery Society in New York, May 11, 1857, and "What

Are the Colored People Doing for Themselves," an editorial 233 that appeared in the North Star, July 14, 1848.^^ Brief attention will also be given to style as it is observed in the autobiography, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass.

Summation of the qualities of style recommended by rhetoricians through the ages reveals that the speaker who hopes to stimulate the desired response in the mind of his receivers should strive to use language that is clear, cor­ rect, concrete, appropriate and vivid. As inquiry proceeds into the style manifested in some of the works by Douglass, these qualities will be used as standards of judgments. Be­ fore delving into these, however, a few ideas relative to purported differences in oral and written style are in order.

To pinpoint the exact differences in usage between oral and written language is impossible, for up to this point it ap­ pears that research has failed to reveal clearly the exact nature of these differences. Notwithstanding, it seems safe to state that on the basis of results from some studies in the area, some differences do exist between written and spoken style, though of degree rather than kind. McCroskey has summarized the major differences as follows:

l^The complete text of this editorial appears also in Golden and Rieke, Rhetoric of Black Americans, pp. 99-103. 234

Oral language includes fewer different words. Oral language includes words with fewer sylla­ bles. Oral language includes shorter sentences. Oral language includes more self-reference words. Oral language includes less quantifying terms, precise numerical words. Oral language includes more pseudo-quantifying terms. Oral language includes more extreme and superla­ tive words, such as none, all, every, always, never. Oral language includes more qualifying statements. Oral language includes more repetition of words and syllables. Oral language includes more interjections. Oral language includes more colloquial and nonstan­ dard words.

As one examines the list above he can see that most of the differences lead to greater effect of clarity in the oral form. In no situation is the need for clarity greater than in an oral presentation. A skillful speaker will be respon­ sive to his listeners by trying to give something of himself through words and action. Usually he will be subjective in arranging his ideas in order to meet the expectations of those who will be listening to him. It is the opinion of some critics that oral style cannot give as much intellectu­ al content as written discourse primarily "because a speaker has to deal with many distractions and inattentions in an

l^McCroskey, Introduction to Rhetorical Communica­ tion, p. 192. 235 audience setting.”15 Furthermore, the idea has been ad­ vanced that writing allows for more intellectual refinement, subtlety, and delicacy than does speaking.16 Despite dif­ ferences ascribed to the two methods of communication, a little insight reveals that both channels require the cor­ rective power of each other for the purpose of attaining maximum excellence. Writing is to be applauded when it ap­ proaches the lively flow of thought which is characteristic of good speaking. Likewise good speaking is to be applauded when it is governed by some of the principles set forth for good writing:

(1) When the speaker has so developed his usable vocabulary that the most accurate and appropriate language which the audience will respond to springs readily to his tongue; (2) When something of shape­ liness and grace appears in the speaker’s normal mode of talk. (3) When sentences take on without rigidity or complexity some semblance of structure, or subordination and coordination, clear evidence that some things come before or after others by design rather than by chance.1^

Whether oral or written, style is more than a me­ chanical skill. It is as Buffon defines it "simply the

16Thonssen, Baird and Braden, Speech Criticism, p. 511.

16Ibid.

^Bryant and Wallace, Fundamentals of Public Speak­ ing, p. 221. 236 order and movement one gives to one's thoughts." Style is the man himself.-'-®

Analysis of Douglass1 Speech Style

When one examines the speech under consideration—

"The Dred Scott Decision"— he finds no reflection of the impoverished academic background of Douglass. Instead one finds the ex-slave promulgating his views on the struggle between slavery and freedom with the verbal skill of a well- educated academician. If he had become such a popular and able speaker shortly after his escape from slavery, it is no wonder that by 1857, the year he addressed the American

Anti-Slavery Society in New York, his reputation as a speaker had soared to the degree that he had emerged as one of the most powerful political speakers prior to the election of Lincoln as president of the United States.

Nichols stated, referring to the definition of style advanced by Buffon, that "if style is the man him­ self, then a close scrutiny of the details of style should

l^Donald C. Bryant, "Of Style: Buffon and Rhetori­ cal Criticism," in Essays on Rhetorical Criticism, ed. by Thomas R. Nilsen (New York: Random House, 1968), p. 57. tell us what manner of man is doing the speaking.With this challenge as the motivating factor in the investiga­ tion of his style, hopefully, a deeper insight into Douglas the man, will be effected.

Clarity

As we have seen the first requisite of any speaker who expects to be successful with his audience is that he make himself clear. Douglass seemed to have believed this if the opening paragraph of the address can be used as a sign. In it he intimated clearly the direction of his dis­ course, a factor vital also to proper arrangement of ideas.

Employing plain, standard English, Douglass said:

. . . it is natural on occasions like this, to sur­ vey the position of the great struggle which is going on between slavery and freedom, and to dwell upon such signs of encouragement as may have been lately developed, and the state of feeling these signs or events have occasioned in us and among the people generally. It is a fitting time to take an observation to ascertain where we are, and what our prospects are.^O

19jy[arie Hochmuth Nichols, Rhetoric and Criticism (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press, 1963) p. 14.

2°A11 quotes from "The Dred Scott Decision," speech have been taken from the complete text as it appears in Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 407-24. 238

It was not difficult for Douglass to achieve clarity in this speech, one reason being that his audience was al- readv familiar with the nature of the events surrounding the subject. Douglass himself was in command of his own thinking on the subject; therefore it was easy for him to be understood by his particular audience. The fact that

Douglass believed firmly that Dred Scott had been wronged in being denied his freedom after having been a resident of

Minnesota, a state covered by the Missouri Compromise, made straight thinking on the subject easy for the agitator who verbalized these thoughts in clear language.

One of the aids to clarity is the use of specific, concrete and familiar words, although there is, too, a place for general and abstract expressions in oral dis­ course. Douglass in commenting on attitudes toward the system of slavery became specific in identifying those who seemed to be guilty of discouraging others who would dare continue the fight against slavery. The following para­ graph illustrates that in addition to specificity in the identification of these people, he delineated clearly the ideas they projected which contributed to pessimism among many of those opposed to slavery. 239

Eminent men, North and South, in Church and State, tell us that the omens are all against us. Emanci­ pation, they tell us, is a wild, delusive idea; the price of human flesh was never higher than now; slavery was never more closely entwined about the hearts and affections of the southern people than now; that whatever of conscientious scruple, reli­ gious conviction, or public policy, which opposed the system of slavery forty or fifty years ago, has subsided; and that slavery never reposed upon a firmer basis than n o w . 21

Douglass was noted for his deliberative speeches and

his vivid style in their composition; however, in the at­

tempt to heighten and sustain interest in what he was saying,

sometimes he permitted vividness to interfere with clarity.

In his favor, he leaned mainly toward declarative sentences in the active voice; but on occasion these sentences were too long, too ornamental and too involved to facilitate clarity in an oral presentation. In the sentence that fol­ lows, observe how complicated Douglass becomes when telling his audience that he has tried to pinpoint the end of slav­ ery:

Standing as it were, barefoot, and treading upon the sharp and flinty rocks of the present, and looking out upon the boundless sea of the future, I have sought, in my humble way, to penetrate the intervening mists and clouds, and, perchance, to descry, in the dim and shadowy distance, the white flag of freedom, the precise speck of time at which

21ibid., 407. 240

the cruel bondage of my people should end, and the long entombed millions rise from the foul grave of slavery and death.^2

Uncertain reference in pronouns and relatives con­

stitutes a violation of clearness according to grammarians.

Campbell, too, frowned upon such a violation. As the Doug­

lass address is examined further, there seem to be instances of vague reference. One such instance occurred when within

the same paragraph, Douglass while referring to two separate

ideas— the abolition movement and American slavery— used the pronoun it in speaking of one or the other in such an uncer­

tain manner that the antecedent remained hidden. [409 J

In spite of some barriers to clearness that were re­ vealed in the speech, Douglass did strive for the vital quality of clarity as can be seen further by noting his liberal use of simple language, short words and his avoid­ ance of words and expressions that lend themselves to am­ biguity.

Correctness

To speak of the major qualities of style indepen­ dently of each other becomes difficult because they are so interrelated and dependent one upon the other; therefore

22Ibid., 408. 241 one can expect overlapping to occur in any discussion of them. It seems that a requisite for clarity would be cor­ rect use of language, a demand incumbent upon any speaker who desires to be effective. Correctness necessitates the speaker not only using grammatically correct language but also choosing the right words for expressing ideas. An incorrect choice of words may result not only in misleading or misinforming the hearers but it may lead to confusing an audience. Further, incorrect language seems to distract the attention of an audience, and it could promote a loss of audience respect for the speaker whereas correct language tends to heighten the ethos of a speaker, thereby insuring attention.

Perhaps one reason that Douglass enjoyed widespread admiration and respect from most audiences was that he had command of the English language and in most instances he used it correctly. Credit for this ability is due, un­ doubtedly, to his perseverance in emulating great speakers after having read and studied their works in the Columbian

Orator . Douglass was lavish in his praise for this book, calling it a "gem of a book" and remarking that "its nobly expressed sentiments whirled into the ranks of my speech with the aptitude of well-trained soldiers going through 242

O O drill. I here began my public speaking.

Jeffrey and Peterson have stated that sometimes a speaker uses words incorrectly because he does not fully understand his subject and when he is not sufficiently clear in his own mind about the information he intends to impart to his listeners, "he experiences difficulty in finding the correct words to communicate these imprecise ideas."24 Having lived through the dark period of slavery,

Douglass had no difficulty in finding the right words to explain,ctescribe or denounce any aspect of slavery. He was an authority on the subject; therefore accuracy, clari­ ty and correctness of details posed no problem for him.

Leading up to the Taney decree against Dred Scott, Douglass, because he was so knowledgeable about the slavery question, was able to specify accurately in descending order the pro­ gression of confusing statements regarding the supposed settling of the slavery question:

Loud and exultingly have we been told that the slav­ ery question is settled, and settled forever. You remember it was settled thirty-seven years ago, when Missouri was admitted into the Union with a slave-

23Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 157.

24Jeffrey and Peterson, Speech, p. 468. 243

holding constitution, and slavery prohibited in all territory north of thirty-six degrees of north lati­ tude. Just fifteen years afterwards, it was settled again by voting down the right of petition, and gag­ ging down free discussion in Congress. Ten years after this it was settled again by the annexation of Texas, and with it the war with Mexico. In 1850 it was again settled. This was called a final set­ tlement. By it slavery was virtually declared to be the equal of Liberty, and should come into the Union on its own terms. By it the right and the power to hunt down men, women and children . . . was conceded to our southern brethren. . . . Four years after this settlement, the whole question was once more settled. . . .^5

Douglass clearly and correctly summed up the message he in­

tended for his listeners, that being the fact that in each

instance the apparent settlement of the slavery question,

indeed, had not been completed. Later, the orator concluded

that the Taney settlement was doomed because it could never

stay the progress toward emancipation that was being made by the antislavery movement.

It seems certain that any attempt to speak without giving thought to correct grammar will result in costly mis­

takes. Fortunately, Douglass was aware of this, for the

speech is, remarkably, free of glaring errors in grammar.

It appears that he had no trouble with subject-verb agree­ ment, even when the subject and verb were far apart as is

25poner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 410. 244

illustrated in the following sentence:

The most devoted advocates of slavery, those who make the interests of slavery their constant study seek a dissolution of the Union as their final plan for preserving slavery from Abolition, and. . . .

Sometimes his attempt at correctness and clarity re­

sulted in awkward expression of ideas:

Mr. Garrison and his friends have been telling us that, while in the Union, we are responsible for slavery; and in so telling us, he and they have told us the truth. But in telling us that, we shall cease to be responsible for slavery by dis­ solving the Union, he and they have not told us the truth.

Testimony from some Douglass biographers revealed that the orator never wrote an article or gave a speech without careful preparation, and examination of some of his manuscripts indicated that he would rewrite a passage continuously until he was satisfied with word choice.

Among others who recognized and admired the ability

Douglass displayed in the use of proper language were re­ porters such as the one from an upstate New York newspaper who upon hearing Douglass speak praised him as an orator and declared that the ex-slave was careful to see that every word was appropriate and correctly chosen. The

26Ibid., 416. 245

reporter continued:

. . „ his language is classically chaste, not groan­ ing under the flowery ornaments of school boy decla­ mation, but terse yet eloquent, like a fine piece of furnished sculpture beautiful in every outline of its symmetrical and unadorned simplicity.^7

In order to insure accuracy in words and expressions,

Douglass was careful to eliminate vague and catch-all words

from his speeches. He was usually precise in expressing a point of view. In almost every instance when he general-

zed, he followed with specifics, thus eliminating wonder or

confusion in the minds of his audience. In relating the abortive attempts of some pro-slavery sympathizers to im­ pede the progress of the antislavery movement, Douglass

illustrated this point:

Those who have undertaken to suppress and crush out this agitation for Liberty and humanity, have been most woefully disappointed. Many who have enaged to put it down, have found themselves put down. The agitation has pursued them in all their mean­ der ings, broken in upon their seclusion, and, at the very moment of fancied security, it has settled down upon them like a mantle of unquenchable fire. Clay, Calhoun, and Webster each tried his hand at suppressing the agitation; and they went to their graves disappointed and defeated.^8

2 7 The name of the author did not appear with the article which originated in the Cayuga Chief (Auburn, N.Y.) and later appeared in the Liberator (Boston), April 20, 184-9, p . 62. 28 Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 410. 246

While Douglass was mindful of these qualities of clarity and correctness, he seemed to recognize also the need to employ language suitable to the speaker, the sub­ ject and the audience. This, then, would indicate that he did give thought to the next quality of style under consid­ eration— appropriateness.

Appropriateness

Standard English, a mixture of formal and informal, was the type of language vehicle Douglass chose to convey his messages. Although appropriateness is considered a quality of style within itself, it is closely related to clearness and correctness. Thus to discuss it in isolation becomes almost impossible; hence much of what has been said about clearness and correctness is applicable to propriety.

Mention has been made previously regarding the levels of appropriate usage prescribed by Campbell. Appro­ priately, his language was representative of the current standard usage of his day. His speeches were heard not only in America but also in other nations; therefore he knew the importance of having his language conform to na­ tional usage. Moreover, his speeches were generally free from extraneous words and expressions characteristic of 247 other languages and foreign nations. His language was praised often. Typical comments dealt with reference to it as being fluent, refined and appropriate.

In order to achieve appropriateness, Douglass geared his language to the tone of his speeches. Since his themes were always of a serious nature, the tone of his addresses was serious. Thus, his messages conformed to the advice of

Aristotle who believed language to be appropriate if it corresponded with the subject. It is conceded that Douglass sometimes injected humor into his speeches, but when this happened, it was for the purpose of transferring the inter­ est of the audience to the ideas that he wished remembered.

There is another reason for the serious tone of the

Douglass messages and that is the occasions on which he spoke were sober and important to both his audience and him.

The Dred Scott decision by the Supreme Court in 1857, which declared that Negroes were not United States citizens and which made slavery legal in every territory of the United

States, was a serious verdict to Douglass, and he described it as an infamous and cold-blooded act. Speaking before a partisan audience on the occasion of the anniversary of the

American Abolition Society, Douglass, in sharp language tempered with dignity, expressed his opinions about the 248 decision, the Supreme Court and Taney:

Such a decision cannot stand. God will be true though every man be a liar. We can appeal from this hell-black judgment of the Supreme Court, to the court of common sense and common humanity. We can appeal from man to God. If there is no justice on earth, there is yet justice in heaven. You may close your Supreme Court against the black man's cry for justice, but you cannot, thank God, close against him the ear of a sympa­ thising world, nor shut up the Court of Heaven. All that is merciful and just, on earth and in Heaven, will execrate and despise this edict of Taney.29

No matter how angry Douglass became, either with men or issues, he never resorted to profanity. He had no need for such because his vocabulary was sufficiently exten­ sive to express whatever he wished in language becoming to a "good man."

Variety in sentence structure is another contributor to appropriateness. Douglass, being basically an extempora­ neous speaker, had a challenge before him in trying to vary the construction of his sentences; for to do so in extempo­ raneous oral discourse does not seem too easy; nevertheless, the speech being analyzed indicates that Douglass did at­ tempt to avoid monotony in sentence composition by utilizing the different types of sentences in the development of the

29Ibid., 411-12. 249

speech. He relied mostly on the simple and declarative

sentences; however, he included a sufficient quantity of

compound, complex and compound-complex sentences to in­

sure variety. The simple sentences were often short but not choppy. There was also variety in their composition.

Some followed the usual subject-verb-object order while others began with colorful introductory phrases such as:

Goaded by cruelty, stung by a burning sense of wrong, in an awful moment of depression and des­ peration, the bondman and bondwoman at the south may rush to one wild and deadly struggle for free­ dom.30

Other simple sentences were made up with intervening phrases separating the subject from the verb followed by additional words and phrases necessary for the completion of the thought of the sentence. 31

Balanced and unbalanced describe the structure of compound sentences noted in the speech. Examples of each follow:

JjBalancedj This is Judge Taney's argument, and it is Mr. Garrison's argument, but it is not the argument of the Constitution.33

30Ibid., 413.

31Ibid., 415.

32ibid., 424. 250

^UnbalancedJ These insurrectionary movements have been put down, but they may break out at any time, under the guidance of higher intelligence, and with a more invincible spirit.33

Ever mindful of maintaining the interest of his au­

dience, Douglass sometimes phrased his ideas in the form of

rhetorical questions. In one instance he used the stylistic device of repeating five consecutive rhetorical questions which might have heightened the interest of his audience.

While too much repetition can lead to monotony, skillful use of it can effectively emphasize and stress important ideas. Observe the following paragraph:

Where will he find a guarantee for slavery? Will he find it in the declaration that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law? Will he find it in the declara­ tion that the Constitution was established to se­ cure the blessing of liberty? Will he find it in the right of the people to be secure in their per­ sons and papers, and houses and effects? Will he find it in the clause prohibiting the enactment by any State of a bill of attainder?34

Sentences that could be identified as imperative and exclamatory appeared only once in the speech. Loose and periodic sentences, on the other hand, were sufficiently

33ibid., 413.

34Ibid., 419. 251 mixed in the speech and added immeasurably to variety.

Typical illustrations of each follow:

[Loose] I might quote, at length, from the sayings of the Baptist Church and the sayings of eminent divines at this early period, showing that Judge Taney has grossly fal­ sified history, but will not detain you with these quotations.33

[Periodic] To fling away these advantages because James Buchanan is President, or Judge Taney gives a lying decision in favor of slavery, does not enter into my notion of common sense.33

Similarly serving as a forceful rhetorical device was the use of simple sentences that resembled fragments.

Missing from these sentences, that is, missing in print, were the subjects. The subject of the sentence in each case, however, was you understood. Douglass used these sentences in such a way that they would certainly command interest and attention inasmuch as they were phrased so as to provoke anticipation and curiosity about what was to follow. Douglass was beginning a commentary on the anti­ slavery position which major religious denominations em­ braced at the time of the adoption of the Constitution.

35Ibid., 422.

36Ibid., 416. 252

After making a general statement about all the denominations, he prepared to discuss each in detail. Beginning with the

Methodists, he began his discussion thusly:

Take the Methodists. In 1780, that denomination. . . .37

Insuring further against monotony, Douglass used a variety of sentence lengths, indicating in this particular speech a preference for sentences that seemed in the opinion of this writer to be somewhat longer than average for oral presentation; however because he alternated short and long sentences, it is probably fair to state that his listeners did not become bored as they probably would have, had there been an extended use of either length. Instances of ex­ tremely long sentences were few, and when they were spoken the possibility arises that if Douglass exercised skill in pausing, inflection and rate variation, the length did not adversely affect audience interest. Following is a typical example of a lengthy sentence which included one hundred thirty-three words;

The infamous decision of the slaveholding wing of the Supreme Court maintains that slaves are within the contemplation of the Constitution of the United States, property; that slaves are property in the

37Ibid., 421. 253

same sense that horses, sheep, and swine are prop­ erty; that the old doctrine that slavery is a creature of local law is false; that the right of the slaveholder to his slave does not depend upon the local law, but is secured wherever the Consti­ tution of the United States extends; that Congress has no right to prohibit slavery anywhere; that slavery may go in safety anywhere under the star- spangled banner; that colored persons of African descent have no rights that white men are bound to respect; that colored men of African descent are OO not and cannot be citizens of the United States.

A few very short sentences were observed, and when one reads them aloud, they seemed to lend emphasis to whatever idea they referred. Observe two examples: "The answer is ready."Such a decision cannot stand.

Conversational interruptions employed by Douglass such as "I, for one, will . . . , and "But you cannot, thank God, close . . ."^2 also added to his lively oral style. Likewise, the personal quality of the style used by Douglass was enhanced by the use of the pronouncs I, you, we and us.

38Ibid., 410-11.

39Ibid., 423.

40ibid., 411.

41ibid., 409.

42jbid., 412. 254-

The religious nature of Douglass comes through in the speech when one notices the frequent references by the orator to the Almighty, the Most High, Savior, God, God's

law and Heaven. The name God was used over fifteen times.

The emphatic parts of most sentences are the begin­ nings and endings, an idea with which Douglass must have agreed inasmuch as few of his sentences began or ended weak­ ly. Whether by accident or intent very few sentences began with such expressions as "it is," "there is" or "there were. 11

Vividness

One of the most useful means of stimulating and holding the attention and interest of an audience is the skillful use of figurative language. Appropriate figures of speech are almost indispensable to a speaker if he wants to avoid a dull and unlively presentation. Schemes and tropes abound in Douglass messages and this present one is no exception. Some of the figurative stylistic devices which Douglass weaved into his speech will now be related.

The figures of comparison and contrast such as anal­ ogy, metaphor, and antithesis appeared to be the ones most often used. Relying on analogy to make vivid his explana­ tion as to why he finally realized the impracticality of 255 holding on to the idea of "no union with the slaveholders,"

Douglass explained thusly:

If I were on board of a pirate ship, with a company of men and women whose lives and liberties I had put in jeopardy, I would not clear my soul of their blood by jumping in the long boat, and singing out no union with pirates. My business would be to re­ main on board, and while I never would perform a single act of piracy again, I should exhaust every means given me by my position, to save the lives and liberties of those against whom I had committed piracy. In like manner, I hold it is our duty to remain inside this Union, and use all the power to restore to enslaved millions their precious and God-given rights.43

Speeches by Douglass almost always seemed to bear out the theory advanced by I. A. Richards, who contends that language is naturally metaphoric44 for this figure is very much in evidence in the present speech. Consider the following sentence which attempts to pinpoint the date of emancipation:

I have sought, in my humble way, to penetrate the intervening mists and clouds, and, perchance, to descry, in the dim and shadowy distance, the white flag of freedom. . . .43

Antithesis, like the metaphor, was a favorite

43Ibid., 416-17.

44I. A. Richards, The Philosophy of Rhetoric (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 92. A C Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, II, 408. 256

figure of Douglass. The following statment is representa­

tive of his reliance on structural contrasts: "If there is

no justice on earth, there is yet justice in heaven."46

Other figures of speech and thought, such as simile and

personification, occurred with less frequency in Douglass'

speeches.

Analysis of Douglass1 Written Style

Let us turn now to style as it is observed in some

of the writings by Douglass. The earliest attempt at writ­

ing by the author began with open letters, the first public

one having been written to Garrison and published in the

A 7 Liberator on November 18, 1842. As he continued to prac­

tice, his ability to write and his style in writing improved.

The progression of improvement is quite evident in two pieces

of correspondence: First, Douglass concludes his initial

letter to Garrison in 1842. Observe the dull, awkward

phraseology:

I can't write to much advantage, having never had a day's schooling in my life, nor have I ever ventured to give publicity to any of my scribbling before,-

46Ibid., 412.

47poner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, I, 54. 257

A Q nor would I now, but for my peculiar circumstances.

Secondly, the expression Douglass used in writing to Horace

Greeley in 1846 had definitely become more polished. This is what he wrote:

I never wrote nor attempted to write for any other than a strictly anti-slavery press; but being en­ couraged by your magnanimity, as shown in copying my letter written from Belfast, Ireland, to the Liberator at Boston, I venture to send you a few lines, direct from my pen.^

When Douglass decided to expand his writing activi­ ties by publishing a newspaper, he was discouraged in his effort by some people who believed that he would be unsuc­ cessful as a journalist. Typical of some unenthusiastic comments is one that appeared in the Liberty Advocate in

1847.

Even if there were not so many papers already esta­ blished by colored men, we are apprehensive that his [Douglass' ] public usefulness would be abridged rather than extended, by an attempt to carry on a mechanical business with which he has no practical acquaintance, . . .^0

In spite of discouragement, the dream Douglass had of becom­ ing a journalist did become a reality late in 1847.

48woodson, The Mind of the Negro, p. 389. ^ Ibid. t p. 423 .

^ Liberty Advocate, cited in Anti-Slavery Bugle, July 9, 1847, p. 1. 258

Since Douglass was a firm believer in self-reliance,

self-respect, perseverance and education, it is not surpris­

ing that by 1848, he was operating his paper not only as a

source for news but also as a channel to stimulate the thinking of members of his own race in regard to those qual­ ities and needs that he regarded as being vital to a success­ ful life. "What Are the Colored People Doing for Themselves," the editorial whose style will be analyzed, is just such a thought inducer as was previously mentioned. Following is the analysis: If one measured the length of this editorial and compared it with that of the length, generally speaking, of present-day editorials, he would conclude that newspaper editorials today are much shorter. Douglass used over three thousand words in his commentary, whereas present-day edi­ torials rarely exceed four or five hundred words. Perhaps, out of a strong and sincere desire to prove that the colored man was intellectually capable of performing more than me­ nial tasks, and for the sake of emphasizing those qualities that he considered requisites to success for the colored man, Douglass used words profusely, both in writing and speaking. Perhaps, too, it was impossible for one who was so knowledgeable to relate matters of importance in few words. Douglass had read, experienced, and witnessed so 259 much. There is also the possibility that writers whom he considered reputable did not use words sparingly, and in an attempt to perfect his writing, he tried to emulate their styles.

An analysis of the paragraphs and sentences revealed wide variations in structuring, and the use of a large num­ ber of lengthy paragraphs and lengthy sentences was consis­ tent with the overall length of the editorial. ^Approxi- mately 3,000 words] The editorial was divided into eleven paragraphs, of which the second and the ninth were longest.51

Throughout the entire editorial, Douglass indicated a preference for the simple sentence £formJ and the declara­ tive sentence (use). Although he did make use of all the other sentences according to form, he used the simple sen­ tence thirty-four times. Many of these contained numerous phrases which but for close scrutiny would lead a reader to believe them to be either complex or compound-complex. The declarative sentence was used one hundred and one times.

The interrogative and imperative sentences were used spar­ ingly, and there was no use of the exclamatory sentence.

5^a statistical analysis of five paragraphs is in­ cluded in this paper. See page 267. 260

In some instances, sentences contained clauses which com­ bined declarative and imperative usages. Note the follow­ ing:

We have the power of making our enemies slanderers and this we must do by showing ourselves worthy and respectable m e n . 52

Some hortatory statements were used in emphasizing the theme of self-reliance.

. . . we must be faithful to ourselves. . . .33

We must labor for it. (character) . . . but we must attain it, (character) and attain it each for himself.

Let us educate our children, even though it should subject us to a coarser and scantier diet, and dis- robe us of our few fine garments.

Through observation of the following paragraphs, one becomes conscious of the skill with which Douglass uses the rhetorical questions to clinch a previously stated idea.

We deserve no earthly or heavenly blessing, for which we are unwilling to labor. For our part, we despise a freedom and equality obtained for us by others, and for which we have been unwilling to labor. A

52Golden and Rieke, p. 103. All quotes from the editorial have been taken from Golden and Rieke.

53Ibid., 100.

54Ibid., 102.

33Ibid., 103. 261 man who will not labor to gain his rights is a man who would not, if he had them, prize and defend them. What is the use of standing a man on his feet, if, when we let him go, his head is again brought to the pavement.5°

What we, the colored people want, is character, and this nobody can give us. It is a thing we must get for ourselves. We must labor for it. It is gained by toil— hard toil. Neither the sympathy nor the generosity of our friends can give it to us. It is attainable— yes, thank God, it is attainable. "There is gold in the earth, but we must dig it"— so with character. It is attainable? but we must attain it, and attain it each for himself. I cannot for you, and you cannot for me.— What matters it to the mass of colored people of this country that they are able to point to their Peninqtons, Garnets, Remonds, Wards, Purvises, Smiths, Whippers, Sander­ sons, and a respectable list of other men of char­ acter which we might name, while our general i ranee makes these men exceptions to our race?5

Typical examples of lengthy sentences include:

If we put forth a call for a national convention, for the purpose of considering our wrongs, and asserting our rights, and adopting measures for our mutual elevation and the emancipation of our enslaved fellow-countrymen, we shall bring to­ gether about fifty; but if we call a grand cele­ bration of odd-fellowship or free-masonry, we shall assemble, as was the case a few days ago in New York, from four to five thousand— the expense of which alone would be from seventeen to twenty thousand dollars, a sum sufficient to maintain four or five efficient presses devoted to our ele­ vation and improvement. ^*3

56ibid., p. 101.

57lbid., p. 102.

58jbid., p. 100. 262

But a few days ago, one of our best and most tal­ ented men— and he a lame man, having lost an impor­ tant limb— was furiously hurled from a car on the Niagara and Buffalo Railroad, by a band of white ruffians, who claim impunity for their atrocious outrage on the plea that New York law does not protect the rights of colored against a company of white men, and the sequel has proved them right; for the case, it appears, was brought before the grand jury, but that jury found no bill.59

A useful rhetorical classification divides sentences into those which make a major point near or at the beginning of the sentence and then add to that point— the loose sen­

tences— and those which delay, by interruption and qualifi­ cations, the major point until the end of the sentence— the periodic sentences. The loose sentence usually begins with a complete simple sentence and adds phrases, clauses or more sentences. On the other hand, the periodic sen­ tence will not complete the central grammatical structure until the end of the sentence.^ Douglass made use of both structures of sentences in his editorial as can be observed in the following:

59ibid., 103.

^Richard Weaver, A Rhetoric and Handbook (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967), p. 182. 263

(Loose) Our white friends can and are rapidly re­

moving the barriers to our improvement,

which themselves have set up; but. . . .

(Loose) We have dedicated ourself, heart and soul,

without reserve, to the elevation and im­

provements of our race, and have resolved

to sink or swim with them. 61

(Periodic) Industry, sobriety, honesty, combined with

intelligence and a due self-respect, find

them where you will, among black or white,

must be looked up to— can never be looked

down upon.

(Periodic) The means of education, though not so free

and open to us as to white persons, are

nevertheless at our command to such an ex­

tent as to make education possible; and

these, thank God, are increasing.^2

Although Douglass included both the loose and peri­ odic sentences in his editorial, as was previously stated, he showed a preference for the periodic type inasmuch as

^Golden and Rieke, pp. 99, 100.

62Ibid., 102, 103. 264 the periodic sentence was utilized with greater frequency than the loose sentence.

Another characteristic of Douglass' writing style was his use of the fragmentary sentence. Observe the fol­ lowing statement in paragraph three:

To be faithful to our oppressors, we must be faith­ ful to ourselves? and shame on any colored man who would have us do otherwise. For this very purpose the North Star was established— that it might be as faithful to ourselves as to our oppressors. In this respect, we intend that it shall be different from most of its predecessors, and if it cannot be sus­ tained in its high position, its death will be wel­ comed by us. But to return.^3

Douglass placed the fragment clearly (at the end of the paragraph) so that the reader does not expect a full sentence, but, rather, he understands that "But to return" indicates awareness on the writer1s part that he had di­ gressed from his original point for a moment, and was now ready to continue the original idea. Thus, Douglass made legitimate use of a conversational stylistic device.

Familiarity with acceptable usage of that typograph­ ical device which does more than any other to provide mean­ ing— punctuation— was evidenced throughout the editorial, notwithstanding the use, though infrequently, of combining

63Ibid., 100-101. 265 a period and a dash to end a sentence.

They are too frequently disposed to follow the beaten paths of their fathers.—

Here is concentrated the talent of the church, and here is the central and ruling power.— 64

In most instances contemporary writers use the colon to introduce an enumeration or a list of particulars or a long and formal quotation or a formal explanation, but

Douglass, in one instance, used the period instead of the colon to introduce an enumeration of churches.

We have in our minds three pulpits among the colored people in the North, which have the power to produce a revolution in the condition of the colored people in this country in three years. First among these, we may mention the great Bethel Church in Philadel­ phia. That church. . . . Similarly situated is the Zion Church in New York. That church. . . . The next church in importance is St. Phillip's in New York. This church. . . .65

It was noted in one instance that Douglass used the dash rather than the comma to separate dependent clauses in a series and in another instance he preferred to use the dash instead of the semicolon to link independent clauses in a series. Examples of each usage follow:

For a man to say that sweet is bitter— that right is wrong— that light, is darkness— is not to injure

64Ibid., 101.

65Ibid., 101-2. 266

the truth but to stamp himself a l i a r . 66

We may read and understand— we may speak and write— we may expose our wrongs— we may appeal to the sense of justice yet alive in the public mind, and by.

• • • 67

Ordinarily, many writers refrain from using a coor­ dinating conjunction to begin a sentence; however, doing so can be a very emphatic device. Douglass made use of this device. Previously, he had made a very strong statement expressing the wish that he could speak to "every colored man, woman and child in the land" so that he could force them to understand their duties and responsibilities.

Realizing that his paper was not being bought by as many people as he wished, he followed his strong statement thusly: "But here we are mortified to think that we are now speaking to tens where we ought to speak to thousands."

This idea became more emphatic when it was separated from, rather than joined to the previous sentence.

In his editorials, as in his speeches, Douglass, consciously or unconsciously, added liveliness and vigor to his style by the use of figures of speech and thought.

66ibid., 103.

67ibid. 267

All of the familiar figures and concepts— metaphor, simile, antithesis, hyperbole, personification, parallelism, and alliteration— are present in "What Are the Colored People

Doing for Themselves?" The form of these stylistic devices was strikingly similar to that of the speeches.

A composite view of Douglass' writing style as seen in the editorial under scrutiny here may be summarized as follows

Number of Sentences Number of Words Paragraphs In The Paragraph In The Paragraph

1. No. 2 14 509

2. No. 9 27 490

3 . No. 7 5 80

4. No . 4 1 72

5 . No . 8 3 59

Number of the Number of Words Paragraphs Longest Sentence In The Sentence

1. No. 2 No. 6 100

2. No. 9 No. 10 52

3 . No. 7 No. 5 26

4. No. 4 Only one sentence 72 in the paragraph

5 . No . 8 No. 3 29 268

Number of the Number of Words Paragraphs Shortest Sentence In The Sentence

1 . No. 2 No. 4 8

2. No. 9 No. 3 5

3. No. 7 No. 1 9

4. No. 4 Only one sentence 72 in the paragraph

5. No. 8 No. 1 11

Summary

That the effective use of language was important to

Douglass can be attested to, not only through observing his own handling of language in his speeches and writings but also by observing his comments about the oratorial perfor­ mances of other speakers. For example, on one occasion following speaking performances by several well-known con­ temporaries, Douglass singled out Samuel Ringold Ward for special praise:

As an orator and thinker he was vastly superior, I thought, to any of us. . . . In . . . fluency of speech, readiness of wit, logical exactness . . . Samuel R, Ward has left no successor amongst us. . . .68

Douglass was especially attracted to verbal perfor-

68Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 277. 269

mances by other speakers such as Wendell Phillips. His des­

criptions of the oratorical performances of some British de­

baters include such expressions as "fervid, fluent, rapid,

ready in thought or word, possessed amazing power of expres-

In both his speeches and writings, the quality of

clarity was almost always present. Ambiguity was seldom a

problem for Douglass, although his liking for vividness

sometimes resulted in lengthy sentences too complicated for

succinctness which would have been more desirable in the case.

Because of his authoritative knowledge of subjects on which he spoke, his ideas were clear in his mind, thereby making it possible for him to clarify them to his audience while at the same time employing accurate, correct and appro­ priate language in doing so.

Except for an occasional error in grammatical usage

such as ponoun— antecedent disagreement, Douglass was able

to master grammatical principles very well. Fragments were

sometimes noted in Douglass messages but because his works were so free, generally, of grammatical errors, it seems

logical to conclude that these fragments were used for

69Ibid., p. 235. 270 stylistic purposes such as emphasis rather than having been used as a result of ignorance of good grammar.

Measured by McCroskey's summary of major differences between spoken and written style, the Douglass messages, oral and written, evinced no significant differences. When one reads editorials and books that have been written by

Douglass, he senses that an oral quality pervades.

Although Douglass did sometimes inject humor in his remarks, the general tone of his discourses was serious, an appropriate tone for him to have acquired inasmuch as it matched the pulse of his no-nonsense messages.

On most occasions Douglass commanded the respect of his audiences because of his ability to have something to say and the skill with which to say it well. Much credit for this achievement is due, probably, to Douglass1 chance introduction to and possession of the Columbian Orator.

When one remembers that Douglass was self-educated, the fact is all the more amazing that he spoke and wrote so well.

The style of Douglass' messages revealed him to be a man of Christian principles, intelligence and determina­ tion. CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSIONS

The Man and His Message

It appears that the philosophy expressed in the fol­ lowing lines was the governing principle throughout the life of Douglass, and even today that same philosophy appears to be a legacy for the present generation as well as for those to come:

Greatness does not come on flowery beds of ease to any people. We must fight to win the prize. No people to whom liberty is given can hold it as firmly and wear it as grandly as those who wrench their liberty from the iron hand of the tyrant. The hardships and dangers involved in the struggle give strength and toughness to the character, and enable it to stand firm in storm as well as in sunshine.

The life of Frederick Douglass was one of struggle from birth to death. Shaped and fashioned by forces both voluntary and involuntary, he raised himself to a level that never ceases to puzzle the imagination of his people

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 505.

271 272 as well as that of others when they stop to reflect upon the conditions he surmounted in order to arrive at the place of distinction in history that he holds today. The ex-slave emerges as a champion and spokesman for the o p ­ pressed because he could never forget them nor the condi­ tions which characterized his twenty years as a slave. All his life Douglass retained the indelible traces of the dis­ tressing and painful years of his youth. Therefore, in al­ most all instances and on practically all occasions the

Douglass message was colored by his early experiences.

Douglass was both a critic and an activist, and his speeches attested to this fact, for he did not fail to vent his sting­ ing rebuke to any policy or any practice which was not in harmony with what he believed to be the true principles on which the American Republic was founded.

Taking advantage of any available means to acquire knowledge, drawing upon the teachings of Christ as a source for moral development and attempting to ingratiate himself with any who would intelligently listen to views he felt obligated to espouse, Douglass fulfilled the requisites of a trustworthy speaker— a man of intelligence, character and goodwill. 273

Now that an inquiry into the rhetorical practice of

Frederick Douglass on the issue of human rights, 1840-1860, has been concluded, there remains to be answered certain research questions that were generated in the first chapter of this study.

1. What were the rhetorical strategies utilized by Douglass in constructing, developing and adapt­ ing his message?

In constructing, developing and adapting his message,

Douglass utilized rhetorical strategies that, to him, were identified with a rhetoric of assimilation. As an assimi- lationist Douglass believed in Christianity, self-reliance and principles of democracy. Persuasion was the principal means which he hoped would change the white man's viewpoint toward the Negro.

A number of myths have surrounded the Negro and his role in antebellum history; however, the one that seemed most to perpetuate and justify slavery was the one based on the alleged inferiority of the Negro, an argument which is dated before the founding of the United States under the

Constitution. Often the argument was based on Biblical in­ terpretations of pro-slavery advocates who declared that both the Old and the New Testament spoke of slavery and did not overtly condemn it. Scriptural references were inter­ 274

preted as concurring with the rights of white men to buy,

sell and mete out harsh punishment to slaves as well as to

separate families in the United States.

Just as the pro-slavery advocates cited Scriptural passages to justify their claims, so did Douglass and other anti-slavery advocates point to the Scriptures as authorita­

tive sources for arguments in favor of the equality of all men. Douglass messages almost always contained references to God, religion and the church. Douglass himself was strongly influenced by a religious nature. In spite of the continuous denunciation of the church, there remained with

Douglass an unshakeable faith in the true religion which he felt was sanctioned by God. There seems to be no doubt that the opportunity for the practice of oratory began even be­ fore Douglass became acquainted with the Garrisonians. This conclusion is drawn from the fact that shortly after Doug­ lass arrived in New Bedford, he felt the need to unite with the church; and after joining and rejecting the practices of several, he settled with a small group identified as

Zion Methodists, a group so impressed with him that it gave him the opportunity to express himself by appointing him as a class leader and local preacher. The speaking ability that Douglass was developing as a lay minister aided him in 275 finding the available means with which he could engage in verbal and physical opposition to the practices by the church. He could not appreciate the church as he had come to know it, a place sympathetic to slavery and one engaging in an overabundance of emotionalism. While his apprecia­ tion for emotional appeal was acknowledged earlier, it must be emphasized that he believed Negroes were moved too often and too much by emotionalism rather than by logic. When one reads his autobiographies and some of his speeches in which he bitterly assails the church and the clergy, the reader may be subject, at first reading, to believe that

Douglass was anti-church and anti-religion? but his reli­ gious nature comes through when one examines those same sources, particularly the speeches, and finds these numer­ ous references to God, and observes the ex-slave indicating that God is for right and, therefore, will someday redeem the slave.

Often Douglass admonished church congregations to bring the influence of organized religion to bear against slavery. Douglass believed that although the nation was guilty of condoning slavery, the church was more guilty in­ asmuch as it wore a mask of hypocrisy, professing to love

God and yet hating man. 276

Douglass was not satisfied to condemn the actions of the church only at home, but he took his message against the hypocrisy of the church abroad. He spoke of slavery existing in the United States because bondage of the Negro was respectable there and no warfare went on between the church and slavery.

Believing that the church should represent the moral and the spiritual authority on earth, Douglass appealed to the consciences of professed Christians in the name of God to practice Christianity by using its influence to help abolish the evil of slavery. Douglass was not content to rest his case only on argument based on God and the Bible, but attempted to appeal to the reasoning powers of rational men in the attempt to refute the idea of Negro ethnological inferiority. Douglass was a lover of logic and truth. To him, there seemed little logic in fire and brimstone mes­ sages aimed at Negroes. The responsible speaker, Douglass believed, would direct his main appeals to the minds of his audience. Narration, cause and effect reasoning, refuta­ tion and testimony were some of the means of persuasion

Douglass used in his arguments. He sought to prove that if any lack of talent, intellectual or otherwise was observed in the Negro, the effect of a degraded environment was to 277

blame rather than any ethnological difference. The environ­

mentalist argument had great merit, and Douglass went to

great lengths in support of it. Because he believed that

Negroes were ethnologically equal to whites, his messages

were saturated with the idea that they had the right to be

full integrated in mainstream America.

Almost always, the Douglass messages attacked the

system of slavery as well as the inconsistent and contra­

dictory attitudes that were prevalent among white people in

general. Douglass declared that whites treated Negroes as

dogs rather than as men. He argued that whites set up in­

surmountable barriers for Negroes and then wonder at their

lack of progress.

Messages by Douglass often included denunciations

of America, her government and her Constitution for being

derelict in their duty to the slave.

Douglass was an advocate of self-reliance and

character development. He believed that these were prac­

tical weapons with which to fight slavery. According to him, Negroes deserved only those blessings for which they were willing to work.

Ever mindful of the importance and power of knowl­

edge, Douglass admonished Negroes to educate their children, 278 believing that a knowledge of a vast number of things was a necessity. In addition to calling attention to the value of education and good character, he encouraged Negroes to invite success by engaging themselves in trades and other

callings previously dominated by whites.

When Douglass returned to America in 1847, he was a free man, a man fearlessly determined to continue his battle against slavery. No doubt exists that the visit abroad exerted some influence over the rhetorical practice that Douglass developed. Having developed friendships with intellectuals and great orators, he became somewhat of a rhetorical critic, an achievement that helped to provide him with guidelines that he could use in developing his messages and standards by which he could criticize them.

Further, listening to debates in Parliament furnished a rhetorical setting whereby he had the opportunity to com­ pare and contrast strengths and weaknesses of the orators to whom he listened.

With the generous help of his English friends, Doug­ lass was able to purchase both hardware and software for the venture of establishing an anti-slavery newspaper. The pur­ poses of the paper, the North Star, were to advocate the interests of the enslaved and oppressed Negroes and to make 279 use of it as refutation to the Negro inferiority myth.

Douglass explained thusly:

In my judgment, a tolerably well-conducted press in the hands of persons of the despised race would, by calling out and making them acquainted with their own latent powers, by enkindling their hope of a future and developing their moral force, prove a most powerful means of removing prejudice and awakening an interest in them.^

When the first issue of the North Star came off the press in 1847, it became evident that Douglass would use power of the press to further the cause of freedom. Unfortunately, the establishment of the North Star contributed to a Gar­ risonian breach; and it was also indirectly responsible for the creation of a rhetorical situation not unlike some ex­ amples discussed in Lloyd F. Bitzer1 s "The Rhetorical Situa­ tion. if it is true, as alleged by Bitzer, that rhetori­ cal discourse comes into existence as a response to a situ­ ation in the same sense that an answer comes into existence in response to a question, then the desire on the part of

Douglass for a printing press and materials to begin opera­ ting a paper that advocated the interests of Negroes defi­ nitely set the stage for the situation. The establishment

^Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, p. 257. ^Lloyd F. Bitzer, "The Rhetorical Situation," Phi­ losophy and Rhetoric, I (January, 1968), 1-14. 280

of a printing press was proof that Douglass not only

preached a theory of self-reliance, but he himself prac­

ticed self-reliance. Being the assimilationist that he was, Douglass acknowledged and appreciated the aid which

some whites gave Negro causes but it was his belief that,

primarily, the responsibility for the elevation of Negroes

belonged to Negroes themselves.

For years Douglass accepted the ideology of Gar­

risonian abolitionists that the sole means to freedom for

the slaves was through moral suasion; however, Douglass being the pragmatist that he was came to the conclusion,

eventually, that necessity demanded more than moral suasion

to secure freedom and full equality for his race. Thus, he broke with the Garrisonian tradition and directed his ef­

forts toward additional measures in the attempt to secure

the blessings of liberty and equality for his people.

Becoming more closely associated with a rhetoric of

assimilation based on democratic processes, Douglass turned

his attention to politics as another strategy to help end

slavery. By 1851 he had come to believe in the Constitu­

tion being an anti-slavery document, not a pro-slavery one.

He began to try to change unjust opinions toward the Negro

through the process of political action, and he sought to 281 recruit abolitionists to join in the political struggle.

Douglass utilized his paper to emphasize constantly the ad­ vantage of political action. In 1853 when he associated himself with the Liberty Party, he did so because its candi­ dates were men in favor of emancipation. In the meantime,

Douglass noted that the Republican Party was growing in numbers and in strength. It was successfully drawing mem­ bers to it that Douglass had hoped would join the Liberty

Party. Giving these trends some thought, he became con­ vinced that the Republican Party rather than the Liberty

Party offered a greater wield of political power and would be the most practical one to support,which he did by using his paper to endorse the candidacies of Republican office seekers.

Although Douglass was criticized for his political activity, he was persuaded that the course he had taken was a wise one.

2. What are the dimensions of antecedent, derived and terminal ethos as seen in Douglass and in his communication career?

Douglass, as a speaker, was successful in establish­ ing his credibility by so constructing and presenting his messages that they evinced intelligence, character and goodwill, the constituents of ethical proof as prescribed 282 by Aristotle.^ No evidence of questionable character has been attributed to Douglass. In numerous instances, his character suggested that he was a virtuous man. If one looks at the virtue of justice, Douglass was of the opinion that all men were created of one blood by God and, there­ fore, entitled to the same rights, privileges and immuni­ ties. The fact that Douglass became a constitutionalist made the idea more imperative that the Negro receive those benefits which rightfully belonged to him under the Consti­ tution.

In the face of personal assault, Douglass was not afraid to carry his message to any audience that he ad­ dressed. Despite occasional hostility to his ideas, he continued to stump in behalf of the enslaved. Believing that the cause which he championed was right in the eyes of God and presenting himself as living testimony to the elevation possible for any man given an equal opportunity,

Douglass himself was an indictment against the system of slavery.

Having been a slave, Douglass could speak with un­ questioned authority with regards to the harshness of slave

^Aristotle, Rhetoric, 2.1. 283 life. His knowledge of the system was not a result of having read about it in literary sources but, rather, it came through experiences. Aside from his experiences, he was able to support whatever claims he made by appealing through the process of reasoning. Possessing a bias for logical appeal, Douglass enhanced his ethos by supporting his arguments with elements of persuasion such as instances, cause and effect reasoning, comparisons, induction and de­ duction, statistics and authoritative testimony. Important issues of his day did not escape his notice, and he did not fail to express his ideas on whatever the subject entailed.

In establishing goodwill toward his audience, Doug­ lass seemed always to minimize his importance and to magnify the importance of his audiences. He was careful to set the stage for the receiving of his arguments by first compli­ menting his audience and making reference to someone or some ideology that it held in high esteem.' Sometimes ref­ erences were made to heritage, sometimes to government, some­ times to a principle and sometimes to the quality of earnest­ ness which he conceded to most men until they proved them­ selves otherwise.

Prior to participating in the communicative acts that involved the messages investigated in this study, Douglass was considered a high-ethos source. Although he was self-educated, the extent to which he increased his in­ tellectual level was a source of pride in his own people and a source of admiration from most others. As was men­ tioned earlier, his authoritative experiences lent credi­ bility to all three dimensions of ethos. By the time Doug­ lass was invited to speak on the occasions to which refer­ ences have been made in this study, his reputation as a superb orator had already been established; therefore, he was not entering into the communicative acts as an unknown.

In earlier years before his reputation had been established, sponsorship effect might have been invaluable to Douglass; for he was in need of reputable sources to introduce him to audiences. Later, however, when his reputation had been firmly established both at home and abroad, sponsorship was less a requirement. Not only was his reputation as a speaker well known but also his reputation as a writer.

Being a physically attractive man must have affected the initial ethos of Douglass positively since experiments have shown that physical appearance does affect the initial ethos of a source in oral communication.

Had Douglass relied only on positive initial ethos as a means of persuasion, he would not have become such a 285 respected orator as he was reputed to be. Aristotle reminds us that ethos should not be dependent on what the reputation of the speaker was prior to the communicative situation.^

Although Douglass was a respected communicator, some­ times derived ethos presented a problem for him depending upon the occasion and who was being addressed. In most in­ stances when Douglass spoke to Negroes, abolitionists and foreign audiences, his messages were in accord with views held by these three groups; therefore his ethos was en­ hanced. In other instances, this writer questions the amount of success Douglass was accorded from derived ethos.

Reasons for this conclusion follow: Research has supported the idea that a communicator who expresses views that are similar to those of his audience enhances his ethos immea­ surably. When Douglass expanded his persuasive strategies for ending slavery and discrimination to include politics, the move prompted dissonance and caused unfair verbal at­ tacks on Douglass, thereby decreasing his ethos among many

Garrisonian abolitionists. When Henry Highland Garnet and

Douglass met in a face to face confrontation at a national

Negro convention, each had his own solution for freeing the

^Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.2. slaves. Garnet was in favor of slave insurrections, and

Douglass was in favor of moral suasion. Delegates were al­ most equally divided in their support of each of the two orators. Douglass' ethos with Negroes who leaned toward moral suasion was increased, and although the entire con­ vention respected Douglass, his derived ethos diminished among those who were partisan to Garnet. In the case of the ethnological argument, one can only conclude that the views of Douglass were in conflict with those of the audi­ ence, most of whom supported the idea of Negro ethnological inferiority. Notwithstanding all the persuasive appeals and documented evidence that Douglass was able to garner and present, his views lacked an aspect of first-order data and although he went to great lengths in attempting to explain and plant his ideas in the minds of his audience, the audi­ ence reaction was less than overwhelmingly positive.

If good delivery has a positive effect on derived ethos, then in this respect Douglass raised his derived ethos each time he spoke, for in no instance has this writer re­ membered ever having observed any uncomplimentary remarks about Douglass 1 platform decorum or about his ability to express himself verbally.

Although his messages were generally lengthy as was 287

the trend of discourses during the nineteenth century, re­

ceivers would have had little difficulty following his

trend of thought inasmuch as he structured his messages in recognizable discernible parts— attention, need, satisfac­

tion, visualization and action steps.

Evidently, Douglass was aware that his terminal ethos on one occasion would become his initial ethos on the next occasion, for he was always careful to conclude his messages on a positive note. Although the content of his messages might have been filled with stinging rebuke, he managed always to preserve his ethos by refraining from antagonizing his hearers as he closed his communication.

It appears that the overriding quality Douglass possessed that seemed to enhance his ethos greatly was that of sincerity. Even if audiences disagreed with his views, it appears that they were obliged to admit his sincerity.

3. In what way did Douglass' method of channeling his message through style and delivery contri­ bute to his effectiveness as an agitator?

Douglass was, indeed, effective in the role of an agitator, the purpose of which is to disturb the conscience of an audience by attacking things and values that it holds dear. During the period of increased abolitionism, agita- tive rhetoric was concerned with helping to make slaves free men. Certainly this was Douglass' main goal; and following the tradition of the rhetorical style of previous speakers who were considered agitators, Douglass depended upon lan­ guage that was attention getting. When one investigates the "July 4th Address" that Douglass delivered in 1852, he is impelled to recognize the extreme in expression to which

Douglass resorted in terms of diction and strong ridicule.

Following the method of the typical agitative speaker, Doug­ lass was intent on stirring the emotions of his audiences, as he tried to jar the thinking by enveloping and sharing his thoughts in eloquence characterized by powerful and strong diction and imagery. His most vehement language was reserved for his attacks against American politics and the

American church, two institutions that he regarded as dere­ lict in their duty where slavery was concerned.

Because Douglass was so gifted with the power of eloquence, he was able to maintain the attention of his listeners, to evoke positive, audible responses from them; and, in some cases, he was successful in wooing others to work in behalf of his cherished ideals.

4. What does the story of the early rhetorical career of Douglass reveal about the nature and function of an agitator in a value-ori­ ented social reform movement? 289

There are certain revelations about an agitator that

result from the knowledge of the early rhetorical career of

Douglass. In a value-oriented movement such as abolition,

the agitator must do more than gain the attention of the audience. He must excite them and arouse kindred feelings among them. More than this he must give suggestions, ideas,

criticisms and promises to members of the group. Most im­ portantly, an agitator must possess that cherished quality

that we refer to as charisma. He must be able to employ

successfully the forms of proof. Flexibility is a trait that must be his also. If in dealing with one strategy that is not effective or one that becomes ineffective, the agitator must be courageous enough to discard it and try

something new. Perhaps it is safe to state that the overall

function of the agitator is to keep the issue before the people and hope, eventually, to move them to action in be­ half of that which is advocated.

5. To what extent did Douglass associate himself with causes other than the abolition of slav­ ery?

While Douglass was interested primarily in freeing

the slaves in the South and ridding discrimination in the

North, he was active in other campaigns as well. As a re­ former, he was a man opposed to strong drink and he became 290 a contributor to temperance agitation. He had seen the de­ moralizing effect of excessive alcohol on the behavior and

character of men. Such experiences together with admoni­

tion against strong drink which Douglass read about in the

Columbian Orator probably influenced his thinking greatly on this issue and prompted him to concur with advice to youth discovered in the Columbian Orator:

Let me particularly exhort youth to temperance in pleasure.

Consult your whole nature. Consider yourselves not only as sensitive, but as rational beings; not only as rational, but social; not only social, but immor­ tal. Whatever violates your nature, in any of these respects, cannot afford true pleasure; any more than that which undermines an essential part of the vital system can promote health.^

Douglass was also a staunch supporter of women's rights. Editorializing in his paper the North Star in 1848,

Douglass spoke of women as possessing ability and dignity.

In regards to political rights, Douglass believed that women were entitled to the same claims as men. During the fifties Douglass attended and spoke at almost all the Wom­ en's Rights Conventions, each time echoing the sentiments of the motto of a number of abilitionists as well as those

6"Exhortation on Temperance in Pleasure," in Colum­ bian Orator, ed. by Caleb Bingham (Troy, N.Y.: Parker and Bliss, 1811), p. 38. 291 of his own: "Equality before the law without distinction of sex or color." One of Douglass' last acts before he died was to attend a meeting sponsored by women.

6. To what extent did Douglass regard the building of a movement as being important to the achieve­ ment of his goal which was the abolition of slavery?

When Douglass joined the National Negro Convention

Movement, he did so with the idea that such a Movement would provide the opportunity for Negroes to give direction to their own political future. He believed that if a sense of togetherness could be achieved, there would develop a spirit of solidarity which in turn could develop ways and means of helping to abolish slavery.

7. To what degree has the Douglass approach in the antebellum period served as paradigm both for his contemporaries and for twentieth-century black spokesmen?

Douglass was farsighted sufficiently to observe that the most practical, useful and successful means of having one's views aired and, at least, heard was through the use of the strategy of assimilation. His reactions in the ante­ bellum period tend to substantiate the idea that while it is a blessing to be helped by members of other races, in the final analysis, it must be the Negro himself who must do most to elevate his status. 292

When Douglass refused to bow to discrimination by not relinquishing his seat on a train, he became, perhaps, the first advocate of sit-ins. When he remarked that with­ out struggle there is no progress, he left a legacy for twentieth-century black freedom fighters. When he refused to permit his daughter to be subjected to humiliation and segregation in the classroom, he became a pioneer in the fight for school desegregation. Most of all, when he re­ fused to abandon the idea that the Negro can find, eventu­ ally, his rightful place in American society through the democratic processes, he left his contemporaries as well as twentieth-century black spokesmen with a sense of hope that the American dream is not beyond reality.

Implications of the Study

The rhetorical study of Douglass1 practice on the issue of human rights generates the idea that a man's mes­ sage and the manner in which he diffuses it is colored by the sum total of his experiences prior to his career as a communicator. One cannot possibly understand Douglass' rhetoric until he is entirely familiar with the background of the ex-slave and until he understands that Douglass ’ rhetoric germinated in response to a situation. It is now 293

common knowledge that before his career as a leading orator

of the nineteenth century, Douglass had been born and reared

in a debilitating environment that was known to wound and

crush the spirit of Negroes by stamping them as inferior beings on equal par with lower animals. Refusing to permit his environment to kill him psychologically, Douglass raised himself above it and turned descriptive revelations of its sordid features into themes that violently attacked and verbally damaged the system of slavery in ways that are all too well known.

As was stated earlier, upon examination of the life and speaking career of Douglass, the author is compelled to reason that there must be an interaction of the forms of artistic proof occurring during a speaker's communication act if the speaker is to be effective. Not only must he be concerned about logos and pathos, but he must certainly give attention to ethos. Audiences respond favorably to a speaker when they consider him to be a "good man" and one whose values most nearly correspond with theirs. What the speaker does with himself and his message during the actual process of communication most influences an audience. Sin­ cerity, the ability to support adequately the propositions 294 advanced and orderly arrangement of ideas all add to the credibility of a communicator. In the case of an oral presentation, good delivery must be added to the list.

This study reveals that the greater the number of channels a communicator has at his disposal, the more like­ ly it is that his message will reach a universal audience; however if a communicator is limited to one channel and he has a choice, the oral, face-to-face speaking situation, seems to offer the best potential for success.

The study seems to generate the idea that there are advantages to be gained by the orator who adopts rhetorical principles of reputable scholars. Messages by Douglass seem to reveal the influence of George Campbell's ends of eloquence and his standard of good usage. In speeches at home and abroad, Douglass was an effective communicator because he composed his discourses and presented them in a manner that suggested high regard for his audiences.

There was never a doubt that he sought to employ the per- suasion-conviction dualism approach in the speaking situa­ tion, and he was careful, in so doing, to couch his lan­ guage in expressions governed by reputable, national and current standards. 295

The career of Douglass relates that in spite of the unfavorable criticism that might be attributed to a politi­ cal activist, such a person plays a very important role in the process of effecting change in a democratic society.

As has been alluded to previously, when Douglass became disenchanted with the idea of the abolitionists depending solely on moral suasion as the means to end slavery, he turned to political suffrage, terming it the key to Negro progress.

As this study is brought to a close, the author observes Douglass taking his place in history among the greatest orators of the nineteenth century. Further, the author concludes that as a human being with human frail­ ties, Douglass was liked and disliked. He was criticized by some because of his stinging rebuke of the church and by others he was criticized for choosing as his second wife a woman who happened to have been white. Candor re­ quires this author to admit that while Douglass acted on behalf of his race most of the time, on occasions his ac­ tions were motivated by self-interest. For example, his newspapers became more of a sounding board for his own ideas rather than an outlet for the opinions of others; 296 but in spite of some faults, Douglass remains a hero to his people, a champion of human rights who responded to a rhe­ torical situation that seems never to cease recurring.

In recent years authors have been devoting more attention to biographical and historical studies of Doug­ lass, but too little attention has been given to the study of his rhetoric. Perhaps this is where the present study makes its contribution, and the author hopes that more such research will furnish light on the rhetorical career of

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