Permanent Structured Cooperation: National Perspectives and State of Play
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Research Paper No. 52
7 March 2018 RESEARCH PAPER A EUROPEAN DRONE SPACE Chantal LAVALLÉE Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow at the Institute for European Studies of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel Océane ZUBELDIA Research Fellow in Armament and Defence Economics at IRSEM ABSTRACT The massive military potential offered by drones has placed them at the heart of modern militaries. Their incontrovertible strategic benefits have prompted several European states to pursue the joint development of a Medium-Altitude Long-Endurance (MALE) drone. It is an ambitious challenge, thus cooperative development is necessary to share the substantial investment costs and compete with the United States and Israel. Although military drone cooperation has progressed slowly in Europe, recent civilian drone initiatives may spark new momentum and stimulate civilian-military synergy. In order to manage the risks and take advantage of potential opportunities, there is a new political impulse in Europe to regulate the use and development of – No. 52 civilian drones. The goal is to integrate them into European airspace, with adapted regulations, research funding and a common market that will place Europe in strong position in this highly competitive sector. This research paper seeks to evaluate the nature and scope of current discussions and initiatives concerning the use of civilian and military drones in the European Union. CONTENT Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 2 The development -
Commentary European Army
Commentary European army: a problematic dream? *This Commentary is written by Elisa Telesca and Sergio Caliva Rue de la Science 14, 1040 Brussels [email protected] + 32 02 588 00 14 European army: a problematic dream? Outline Historical background ....................................................................................................................... 2 The Pleven Plan and the European Defense Community ........................................................................ 2 Renewed efforts towards cooperation in European defence .................................................................... 2 Current debates ................................................................................................................................. 3 Juncker’s statements in 2015 ...................................................................................................................... 3 Macron vs. Trump ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Merkel as gamechanger ............................................................................................................................... 4 Parallel EU military initiatives: EI2 and PESCO ........................................................................... 5 Advantages and disadvantages of a European army ..................................................................... 6 Cons, obstacles and criticism of military integration: is a European army a needed -
Death of an Institution: the End for Western European Union, a Future
DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? EGMONT PAPER 46 DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? ALYSON JK BAILES AND GRAHAM MESSERVY-WHITING May 2011 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1785 7 D/2011/4804/136 U 1612 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. -
The European Army and the PESCO: NATO Or Nothing Visit Web Receive Newsletter
Opinion Paper 97/2019 28 October 2019 Edgar Jiménez García* The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Visit Web Receive Newsletter The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Abstract: The long-lasting question of the European Union’s integration in security and defence is reappearing now due to the multiple external threats and internal tensions that the Union is facing. On this context, the recent creation of PESCO has been a significant effort at providing the EU with the strategic autonomy it needs to tackle these challenges. The implementation of the cooperative PESCO framework, along with the already functioning EU Battlegroups, might set the basis for another long-lasting project: the European Army. However, any endeavour towards the creation of this hypothetical army must be carefully framed because of its geopolitical consequences. Its foundation, while theoretically possible, might not be convenient due to the potential conflicts that may arise with NATO and with the United States of America. Keywords: Common Foreign and Security Policy, European Army, EU Battlegroups, European Union, NATO, PESCO, strategic autonomy, USA. How to quote: JIMÉNEZ GARCÍA, Edgar. The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing. Documento de Opinión IEEE 97/2019. enlace web IEEE y/o enlace bie3 (consultado día/mes/año) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense . Opinion Paper 97/2019 1 The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Edgar Jiménez García Introduction: Does the European Union need an army? The European Union has constituted itself as an international player with global interests1, excelling in the fields of economy, trade and cooperation, yet, it has always shown weakness when facing menaces concerning its own security and defense. -
The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge Jeremy Stöhs
Jeremy Stöhs ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Jeremy Stöhs is the Deputy Director of the Austrian Center for Intelligence, Propaganda and Security Studies (ACIPSS) and a Non-Resident Fellow at the Institute for Security Policy, HOW HIGH? Kiel University. His research focuses on U.S. and European defence policy, maritime strategy and security, as well as public THE FUTURE OF security and safety. EUROPEAN NAVAL POWER AND THE HIGH-END CHALLENGE ISBN 978875745035-4 DJØF PUBLISHING IN COOPERATION WITH 9 788757 450354 CENTRE FOR MILITARY STUDIES How High? The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge Jeremy Stöhs How High? The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge Djøf Publishing In cooperation with Centre for Military Studies 2021 Jeremy Stöhs How High? The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge © 2021 by Djøf Publishing All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior written permission of the Publisher. This publication is peer reviewed according to the standards set by the Danish Ministry of Higher Education and Science. Cover: Morten Lehmkuhl Print: Ecograf Printed in Denmark 2021 ISBN 978-87-574-5035-4 Djøf Publishing Gothersgade 137 1123 København K Telefon: 39 13 55 00 e-mail: [email protected] www. djoef-forlag.dk Editors’ preface The publications of this series present new research on defence and se- curity policy of relevance to Danish and international decision-makers. -
The European Union Challenge As an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management
AIR & SPACE POWER JOURNAL en Español 4th Trimester 2018 The European Union Challenge as an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management MAJOR MANUEL LOPEZ-LAGO, SPANISH AIR FORCE fter an apparently easy victory in the Afghan war by American troops in October 2001, Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) had reached a crossroad by the time Obama en- tered office. In his campaign for the presidency during 2008, he had claimed that Ame- rican Armed Forces were losing the war in Afghanistan. Regretfully, the International ASecurity Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) mission, led by NATO, had failed to fulfill the political goal of stabilizing the country, “the graveyard of the empires,” and the European Union (EU) itself did not actively fight. To make things worse, NATO troops had to work within a lot of caveats, which kept them from implementing many military operations. Consequently, nations less burdened with caveats like theUnited States, the United Kingdom and Australia, had to take most of the burden of the military operations. On December 1, 2009, President Barack Obama announced in a national televised address at the Military Academy in West Point that he was ordering a surge of 30,000 troops in Afghanistan. Despite Obama’s decision, the process to approve the surge required a great deal of “pulling and hauling” by the major actors who had access to and influence on the president.1 Consequently, the plan for the surge included a date of withdrawal, which gave a clear message to military com- manders that the time to achieve political ends had a deadline. -
(Pesco) AS a STEP TOWARDS the EUROPEAN DEFENSE UNION
THE PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION INITIATIVE (PeSCo) AS A STEP TOWARDS THE EUROPEAN DEFENSE UNION Boštjan Peternelj Independent consultant on defence matters [email protected] Petar Kurečić University North, Department of Journalism, Koprivnica, Trg Žarka Dolinara 1, Croatia [email protected] Goran Kozina University North, Department of Business Economics, Varaždin, Trg 104. brigade 3, Croatia [email protected] ABSTRACT More than six and a half decades after the Pleven Plan, which aimed to create the European Defense Community (EDU), the EU member states still need to formulate and elaborate a bold vision for the EU’s defense integration consistent with current concerns about the security environment and austerity. Political talk about the “EU army” is a double-edged sword. There is no unifying vision for a leap towards a greater EU role in security and defense. The political debate flared up among by EU member states when the topic is the development of military programme under the EU security community. Security changes and challenges for the European security could force states to rethink about restructuring of national armies that might be transformed and interrelated into European army and put under the unified EU’s command. Out of 28 EU member states, with one supposed to leave the EU rather soon (the United Kingdom), 23 member states have signed the Permanent Structured Cooperation Agreement (PeSCo), thereby fulfilling the respective provisions of the Lisbon Treaty. PeSCo might be the right step in that direction. Keywords: The European Union (the EU), Permanent Structured Cooperation (PeSCo), the European Defense Union (EDU), NATO, Russian Federation. -
Position of the Hungarian Government and of the Hungarian Parties in the EP on Symbolic European Issues
Position of the Hungarian Government and of the Hungarian parties in the EP on symbolic European issues 2 Executive Summary The purpose of this joint study of VoteWatch and Policy Solutions is to examine the voting patterns of Hungarian Members of the European Parliament in order to figure out whether Hungarian political parties have the same positions on key issues in both Brussels and Budapest. For this reason, we explored how Hungarian MEPs voted in the European Parliament using VoteWatch.eu and compared it to their respective national party’s position by using Policy Solutions. On the website Képviselőfigyelő you can check the votes by the Members of the Hungarian Parliament as well as the speeches delivered by leaders of the Hungarian parties in question. We narrowed down our scope of analysis to a number of symbolic and politically relevant topics, which included foreign policy, the refugee crisis, as well as the rule of law and human rights. Not only does this methodology allow us to explore various voting patterns, but also to observe if these patterns are valid indicators of certain descriptions of Hungarian political parties or not. With respect to Hungary’s governing Fidesz, in the majority of cases its MEPs voted in line with the European People’s Party. However, by doing so, in some cases this led to discrepancies with Fidesz’s official position in Hungary. Interesting cases included Russia, in which despite the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán urged to end the sanctions regime, Fidesz MEPs endorsed a tougher European stance against Putin. Similarly, while government officials have continuously expressed their support for Turkey’s accession, Fidesz MEPs voted for obstructing the country’s path to the EU. -
A European Army Within What Framework?
EUROPE, STRATEGY, SECURITY PROGRAMME A EUROPEAN ARMY WITHIN WHAT FRAMEWORK? (3/5) BY FRÉDÉRIC MAURO LAWYER AT THE PARIS AND BRUSSELS BARS, ASSOCIATE RESEARCHER AT IRIS & OLIVIER JEHIN INDEPENDENT JOURNALIST, CONTRIBUTOR TO THE BRUXELLES 2 (B2) BLOG APRIL 2019 Series of five insights published by IRIS and GRIP on the concept of European army. ANALYS IS #3 ANALYSIS #3 –EUROPE, STRATEGY, SECURITY PROGRAMME / April 2019 s envisaged in the Treaty on European Union (TEU), European defence is afflicted by many limitations that are designed to ensure that it cannot encroach on the collective defence set in place within the NATO framework A and that it remains in the inter-governmental domain, so as to preserve the decision-making powers of the member states. The chief limitations are: the fact that this European defence, the “common security and defence policy” (CSDP), is subordinate to foreign policy, the “common foreign and security policy” (CFSP); the fact that there is no institution able to take on the front-of-house role, such as a High Representative for Defence; the fact that its scope is limited to the management of external crises by means of the military missions and operations set out in advance by the Treaty; the unanimity rule and the fact that military operations cannot be paid for out of the European budget. Given these conditions, the creation of a “European army” at the service of “common defence” would require treaty change or, if that should prove impossible, getting round this by means of separate agreements. Depending on what the state parties may want, we feel that there are three possible alternatives. -
Defence and Security After Brexit Understanding the Possible Implications of the UK’S Decision to Leave the EU Compendium Report
Defence and security after Brexit Understanding the possible implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU Compendium report James Black, Alex Hall, Kate Cox, Marta Kepe, Erik Silfversten For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1786 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: HMS Vanguard (MoD/Crown copyright 2014); Royal Air Force Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4, A Chinook Helicopter of 18 Squadron, HMS Defender (MoD/Crown copyright 2016); Cyber Security at MoD (Crown copyright); Brexit (donfiore/fotolia); Heavily armed Police in London (davidf/iStock) RAND Europe is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.rand.org/randeurope Defence and security after Brexit Preface This RAND study examines the potential defence and security implications of the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’). -
Written Evidence Submitted by the Global Britain Programme, Henry Jackson Society (FRE0064)
Written evidence submitted by the Global Britain Programme, Henry Jackson Society (FRE0064) About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society (HJS) is a think-tank and policy-shaping force that fights for the principles and alliances which keep societies free, working across borders and party lines to combat extremism, advance democracy and real human rights, and make a stand in an increasingly uncertain world. About the Author James Rogers is Director of the Global Britain Programme at the Henry Jackson Society, of which he is also a founding member. Formerly, he held a number of positions at the Baltic Defence College in Tartu, Estonia and the European Union Institute for Security Studies in Paris. Mr Rogers has also worked on research projects for several other institutions, including the Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre at the Ministry of Defence and RAND Europe. He has been called to give oral evidence to the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Defence Committee, and the International Development Committee in the Houses of Parliament. He holds a BSc Econ with First Class honours in International Politics and Strategic Studies from Aberystwyth University and an MPhil in Contemporary European Studies from the University of Cambridge. This evidence is submitted in accordance with the request of Mr Hilary Benn MP, Chair of the Committee on the Future Relationship with the European Union, on 4th June 2020. This submission focuses more on the strategic and operational aspects of EU foreign and defence policy than the defence-industrial issues. My responses follow each of the questions asked: ● What are the major EU defence missions, structures, programmes or projects, as well as EU foreign policy instruments, that the UK is currently participating in during the Transition Period? What will happen to this participation at the end of the Transition Period? ○ The answer to this question is best provided by Section ‘5.1 Status of defence cooperation during the transition period’ in Claire Mills’ House of Commons Library Briefing Paper N. -
STRATEGIC TRENDS 2017 Key Developments in Global Affairs
Center for Security Studies STRATEGIC TRENDS 2017 Key Developments in Global Affairs Editors: Oliver Thränert, Martin Zapfe Series Editor: Andreas Wenger Authors: Daniel Keohane, Christian Nünlist, Jack Thompson, Martin Zapfe CSS ETH Zurich STRATEGIC TRENDS 2017 is also electronically available at: www.css.ethz.ch/publications/strategic-trends Editors STRATEGIC TRENDS 2017: Oliver Thränert, Martin Zapfe Series Editor STRATEGIC TRENDS: Andreas Wenger Contact: Center for Security Studies ETH Zurich Haldeneggsteig 4, IFW CH-8092 Zurich Switzerland This publication covers events up to 3 March 2017. © 2017, Center for Security Studies, ETH Zurich Images © by Reuters ISSN 1664-0667 ISBN 978-3-905696-58-5 CHAPTER 3 Brexit and European Insecurity Daniel Keohane The British exit from the EU is feeding into a general sense of uncertainty about the EU’s future. This uncertainty may be further exacerbated by US President Donald Trump, who has called into question both NATO’s and the EU’s viability. But irrespective of Brexit or the Trump administration’s ac- tions, it is vital that France, Germany, and the UK continue to work closely together on European defense post-Brexit. British Prime Minister Theresa May passes tanks at Bulford Camp on 29 September 2016 near Salisbury, England. 55 STRATEGIC TRENDS 2017 The British exit from theEU – “Brex- remain in the EU in the June 2016 it” – is occurring while European gov- referendum: Northern Ireland and ernments face an unprecedented con- Scotland. Depending on the econom- fluence of security crises. These range ic consequences of the UK’s Brexit from an unpredictable Russia to con- deal with the EU, instability could flicts across the Middle East, which are easily return to Northern Ireland, generating internal security tests such while Scotland (where UK nuclear as terrorist attacks and refugee flows.