Unlocking the Potential of the EU Treaties: an Article
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A Success Story Or a Failure? : Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries
I Inari Sakki A Success Story or a Failure? Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries II Social psychological studies 25 Publisher: Social Psychology, Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki Editorial Board: Klaus Helkama, Chair Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti, Editor Karmela Liebkind Anna-Maija Pirttilä-Backman Kari Mikko Vesala Maaret Wager Jukka Lipponen Copyright: Inari Sakki and Unit of Social Psychology University of Helsinki P.O. Box 4 FIN-00014 University of Helsinki I wish to thank the many publishers who have kindly given the permission to use visual material from their textbooks as illustrations of the analysis. All efforts were made to find the copyright holders, but sometimes without success. Thus, I want to apologise for any omissions. ISBN 978-952-10-6423-4 (Print) ISBN 978-952-10-6424-1 (PDF) ISSN 1457-0475 Cover design: Mari Soini Yliopistopaino, Helsinki, 2010 III ABSTRAKTI Euroopan yhdentymisprosessin edetessä ja syventyessä kasvavat myös vaatimukset sen oikeutuksesta. Tästä osoituksena ovat muun muassa viimeaikaiset mediassa käydyt keskustelut EU:n perustuslakiäänestysten seurauksista, kansalaisten EU:ta ja euroa kohtaan osoittamasta ja tuntemasta epäluottamuksesta ja Turkin EU-jäsenyydestä. Taloudelliset ja poliittiset argumentit tiiviimmän yhteistyön puolesta eivät aina riitä kansalaisten tuen saamiseen ja yhdeksi ratkaisuksi on esitetty yhteisen identiteetin etsimistä. Eurooppalaisen identiteetin sanotaan voivan parhaiten muodostua silloin, kun perheen, koulutuksen -
The Development of International Police Cooperation Within the EU
American University International Law Review Volume 14 | Issue 3 Article 1 1999 The evelopmeD nt of International Police Cooperation within the EU and Between the EU and Third Party States: A Discussion of the Legal Bases of Such Cooperation and the Problems and Promises Resulting Thereof Jacqueline Klosek Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Klosek, Jacqueline. "The eD velopment of International Police Cooperation within the EU and Between the EU and Third Party States: A Discussion of the Legal Bases of Such Cooperation and the Problems and Promises Resulting Thereof." American University International Law Review 14, no. 3 (1999): 599-656. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL POLICE COOPERATION WITHIN THE EU AND BETWEEN THE EU AND THIRD PARTY STATES: A DISCUSSION OF THE LEGAL BASES OF SUCH COOPERATION AND THE PROBLEMS AND PROMISES RESULTING THEREOF JACQUELINE KLOSEK* INTRODUCTION .............................................. 600 I. TRADITIONAL BILATERAL, REGIONAL, AND MULTILATERAL BASES OF TRANSNATIONAL POLICE COOPERATION ................................... 603 A. THE UNITED STATES ....................................... 603 B. THE M IDDLE EAST ........................................ 606 C. CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE ........................... 609 D. INTERNATIONAL AND MULTILATERAL EFFORTS ............ 610 II. EUROPEAN EFFORTS AT TRANSNATIONAL POLICE COOPERATION ............................................ 611 A . T REvI .................................................... -
EU Leaders Sign the “Reform Treaty” in Lisbon
EU LAW UPDATE EU leaders sign the “Reform Treaty” in Lisbon Brussels December 19, 2007 I. INTRODUCTION On December 13, 2007, the EU leaders gathered in Lisbon to sign the new Reform Treaty, to be known as the Treaty of Lisbon. This Treaty is intended to replace the defunct European Constitution, which was signed by the EU Member States in 2004 but was rejected by French and Dutch voters in national referenda in 2005. If successfully ratified by all Member States, the Treaty of Lisbon will enter into force on January 1, 2009 ahead of the next elections for the European Parliament. Unlike the draft European Constitution -- which was meant to replace the existing treaties and start afresh --, the Lisbon Treaty is designed to amend the Treaty on the European Union (TEU) and the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC). It also drops the term "constitution" and any other reference to EU symbols - the flag, the anthem and the motto – though these will continue to exist. Any mention of European “laws” and “framework laws” is also removed, referring instead to the existing denominations : “directives”, “regulations” and “decisions”. II. KEY FEATURES Although EU leaders insist that the two texts are in no way equivalent, the Lisbon Treaty incorporates most of the European Constitution’s key reforms, such as a permanent EU president, a European foreign minister (renamed “High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy”), a new distribution of parliamentary seats, a reduced number of commissioners, a clause on withdrawal from the EU and full legal personality for the Union (currently held only by the European Community) allowing the Union to sign international agreements. -
Perspectives for Reform in the European Union Nicolai Von Ondarza
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Blocked for Good by the Threat of Treaty Change? WP S Perspectives for Reform in the European Union Nicolai von Ondarza The European Union faces a fundamental dilemma. On the one hand, pressure to reform its structures is growing. The hard negotiations with Greece in summer 2015 have revived the debate on deepening the Eurozone, while at the same time London is pushing to roll back integration, at least for itself. On the other hand, national governments reject any moves that would require a treaty change (such as transfer of powers) as politically impossible. Legal options for evading the dilemma and developing the Union by “covert integration” do exist, but these require unanimous political agreement among all the national governments – and would in the medium term require treaty changes to restore transparency and democratic legitimacy. The traumatic process of negotiating and bought itself some time for reform, the vola- ratifying the EU Constitutional Treaty and tile negotiations with Greece in summer the Treaty of Lisbon has left deep marks. 2015 again spotlighted the persistence of Ever since, national governments have con- grave deficits in its economic and political sistently avoided initiating significant treaty structures. In response, France in summer amendments, including at the height of 2015 proposed strengthening the Eurozone the euro crisis. Even in projects such as the with a finance minister with a budget and banking union, they have instead turned a parliament of its own. Concurrently, in to treaties outside the EU framework. June 2015 the presidents of five European Despite this reservation – or perhaps institutions (Commission, Council, ECB, precisely because of it – pressure to tackle Eurogroup and European Parliament) pub- reform of primary law is growing. -
Implementing the Protocol 36 Opt
September 2012 Opting out of EU Criminal law: What is actually involved? Alicia Hinarejos, J.R. Spencer and Steve Peers CELS Working Paper, New Series, No.1 http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk/publications/working_papers.php Centre for European Legal Studies • 10 West Road • Cambridge CB3 9DZ Telephone: 01223 330093 • Fax: 01223 330055 • http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Protocol 36 to the Lisbon Treaty gives the UK the right to opt out en bloc of all the police and criminal justice measures adopted under the Treaty of Maastricht ahead of the date when the Court of Justice of the EU at Luxembourg will acquire jurisdiction in relation to them. The government is under pressure to use this opt-out in order to “repatriate criminal justice”. It is rumoured that this opt-out might be offered as a less troublesome alternative to those are calling for a referendum on “pulling out of Europe”. Those who advocate the Protocol 36 opt-out appear to assume that it would completely remove the UK from the sphere of EU influence in matters of criminal justice and that the opt-out could be exercised cost-free. In this Report, both of these assumptions are challenged. It concludes that if the opt-out were exercised the UK would still be bound by a range of new police and criminal justice measures which the UK has opted into after Lisbon. And it also concludes that the measures opted out of would include some – notably the European Arrest Warrant – the loss of which could pose a risk to law and order. -
Introduction Euroscepticism and Multiculturalism
Introduction Euroscepticism and multiculturalism Frank van Schendel Irene Aronstein* 1. Conference on Euroscepticism and multiculturalism This issue of the Utrecht Law Review is based on the second Utrecht University International Legal Research Conference on Euroscepticism and Multiculturalism, which was held on 7 December 2009. The aim of this conference was to shed some light on the ongoing discussion on the relation between Euroscepticism, multiculturalism or pluralism in the EU, and the influence of the European Union. This yearly conference is organised by students of the Utrecht University Legal Research Master’s course. This two-year international honours Master’s programme gives selected students the opportunity to participate in research projects, to set up their own research network and to prepare for both Ph.D. research and legal practice. In contemporary Europe many discussions are concentrated on the question of to what extent Europe should interfere with national policies, decisions or legislation. The European Union as a political entity struggles to achieve a common identity for its citizens. The balance between the development of a European identity and national identities and cultures has not yet been crystallised. The difficulty of the further enhancement of a European identity reflects upon questions on the future of the EU. After the rejection of the European Constitution the position and status of the European Union have been subject to continuing debate by politicians, scholars as well as by the European citizens. Both Europhilia and Euroscepticism seem to have increased over the last few years and, at a political level, the two camps have become even more polarised. -
The Historical Development of European Integration
FACT SHEETS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION The historical development of European integration PE 618.969 1. The First Treaties.....................................................................................................3 2. Developments up to the Single European Act.........................................................6 3. The Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties...............................................................10 4. The Treaty of Nice and the Convention on the Future of Europe..........................14 5. The Treaty of Lisbon..............................................................................................18 EN - 18/06/2018 ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This leaflet contains a compilation of Fact Sheets provided by Parliament’s Policy Departments and Economic Governance Support Unit on the relevant policy area. The Fact Sheets are updated regularly and published on the website of the European Parliament: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets ABOUT THE PUBLISHER Author of the publication: European Parliament Department responsible: Unit for Coordination of Editorial and Communication Activities E-mail: [email protected] Manuscript completed in June, 2018 © European Union, 2018 DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice -
Police Cooperation
POLICE COOPERATION The main instrument for police cooperation is the European Police Office (Europol), which is a central plank of the broader European internal security architecture. Cooperation and policies are still developing, with attention focused on countering pan-EU threats and crime more effectively and, particularly for the European Parliament, doing so in compliance with fundamental rights and data protection rules. LEGAL BASIS Articles 33 (customs cooperation), 87, 88 and 89 TFEU. OBJECTIVES Effective police cooperation is a key plank in making the Union an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice based on respect for fundamental rights. Cross-border law enforcement cooperation — involving the police, customs and other law enforcement services — is designed to prevent, detect and investigate criminal offences across the European Union. In practice, this cooperation mainly concerns serious crime (organised crime, drug trafficking, trafficking in human beings, cybercrime) and terrorism. ACHIEVEMENTS A. Beginnings Police cooperation among the Member States began in 1976 through what was known as the ‘Trevi Group’, an intergovernmental network of representatives of justice and home affairs ministries. The Treaty of Maastricht then set out matters of common interest which gave legitimate grounds for police cooperation (terrorism, drugs and other forms of international crime). It also established the principle of creating a ‘European police office’ (Europol), which initially took shape as the Europol Drugs Unit. The Europol Convention was signed on 26 July 1995, though the office did not officially begin its work until 1 July 1999, on the basis of the enhanced powers granted by the Treaty of Amsterdam (signed on 2 October 1997). -
Commentary European Army
Commentary European army: a problematic dream? *This Commentary is written by Elisa Telesca and Sergio Caliva Rue de la Science 14, 1040 Brussels [email protected] + 32 02 588 00 14 European army: a problematic dream? Outline Historical background ....................................................................................................................... 2 The Pleven Plan and the European Defense Community ........................................................................ 2 Renewed efforts towards cooperation in European defence .................................................................... 2 Current debates ................................................................................................................................. 3 Juncker’s statements in 2015 ...................................................................................................................... 3 Macron vs. Trump ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Merkel as gamechanger ............................................................................................................................... 4 Parallel EU military initiatives: EI2 and PESCO ........................................................................... 5 Advantages and disadvantages of a European army ..................................................................... 6 Cons, obstacles and criticism of military integration: is a European army a needed -
Death of an Institution: the End for Western European Union, a Future
DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? EGMONT PAPER 46 DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? ALYSON JK BAILES AND GRAHAM MESSERVY-WHITING May 2011 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1785 7 D/2011/4804/136 U 1612 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. -
The European Army and the PESCO: NATO Or Nothing Visit Web Receive Newsletter
Opinion Paper 97/2019 28 October 2019 Edgar Jiménez García* The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Visit Web Receive Newsletter The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Abstract: The long-lasting question of the European Union’s integration in security and defence is reappearing now due to the multiple external threats and internal tensions that the Union is facing. On this context, the recent creation of PESCO has been a significant effort at providing the EU with the strategic autonomy it needs to tackle these challenges. The implementation of the cooperative PESCO framework, along with the already functioning EU Battlegroups, might set the basis for another long-lasting project: the European Army. However, any endeavour towards the creation of this hypothetical army must be carefully framed because of its geopolitical consequences. Its foundation, while theoretically possible, might not be convenient due to the potential conflicts that may arise with NATO and with the United States of America. Keywords: Common Foreign and Security Policy, European Army, EU Battlegroups, European Union, NATO, PESCO, strategic autonomy, USA. How to quote: JIMÉNEZ GARCÍA, Edgar. The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing. Documento de Opinión IEEE 97/2019. enlace web IEEE y/o enlace bie3 (consultado día/mes/año) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense . Opinion Paper 97/2019 1 The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Edgar Jiménez García Introduction: Does the European Union need an army? The European Union has constituted itself as an international player with global interests1, excelling in the fields of economy, trade and cooperation, yet, it has always shown weakness when facing menaces concerning its own security and defense. -
The European Union Challenge As an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management
AIR & SPACE POWER JOURNAL en Español 4th Trimester 2018 The European Union Challenge as an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management MAJOR MANUEL LOPEZ-LAGO, SPANISH AIR FORCE fter an apparently easy victory in the Afghan war by American troops in October 2001, Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) had reached a crossroad by the time Obama en- tered office. In his campaign for the presidency during 2008, he had claimed that Ame- rican Armed Forces were losing the war in Afghanistan. Regretfully, the International ASecurity Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) mission, led by NATO, had failed to fulfill the political goal of stabilizing the country, “the graveyard of the empires,” and the European Union (EU) itself did not actively fight. To make things worse, NATO troops had to work within a lot of caveats, which kept them from implementing many military operations. Consequently, nations less burdened with caveats like theUnited States, the United Kingdom and Australia, had to take most of the burden of the military operations. On December 1, 2009, President Barack Obama announced in a national televised address at the Military Academy in West Point that he was ordering a surge of 30,000 troops in Afghanistan. Despite Obama’s decision, the process to approve the surge required a great deal of “pulling and hauling” by the major actors who had access to and influence on the president.1 Consequently, the plan for the surge included a date of withdrawal, which gave a clear message to military com- manders that the time to achieve political ends had a deadline.