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SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina. -
Hyman Weintraub and William Goldberg Collection of Socialist Party Material, Ca
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt92902225 No online items Hyman Weintraub and William Goldberg Collection of Socialist Party Material, ca. 1924-1946 Processed by Manuscripts Division staff; machine-readable finding aid created by Caroline Cubé and edited by Josh Fiala. UCLA Library Special Collections Room A1713, Charles E. Young Research Library Box 951575 Los Angeles, CA 90095-1575 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.library.ucla.edu/libraries/special/scweb/ © 2003 The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Hyman Weintraub and William 831 1 Goldberg Collection of Socialist Party Material, ca. 1924-1946 Descriptive Summary Title: Hyman Weintraub and William Goldberg Collection of Socialist Party Material, Date (inclusive): ca. 1924-1946 Collection number: 831 Creator: Weintraub, Hyman Extent: 26 boxes (13 linear ft.) Repository: University of California, Los Angeles. Library Special Collections. Los Angeles, California 90095-1575 Physical location: Stored off-site at SRLF. Advance notice is required for access to the collection. Please contact the UCLA Library Special Collections Reference Desk for paging information. Restrictions on Access COLLECTION STORED OFF-SITE AT SRLF: Advance notice required for access. Restrictions on Use and Reproduction Property rights to the physical object belong to the UCLA Library Special Collections. Literary rights, including copyright, are retained by the creators and their heirs. It is the responsibility of the researcher to determine who holds the copyright and pursue the copyright owner or his or her heir for permission to publish where The UC Regents do not hold the copyright. Provenance/Source of Acquisition Collection was originally assembled by Hyman Weintraub and William Goldberg. -
The Politics of Feasible Socialism
ENDORSEMENT n. the occarion of the first nmtingr of the gov at the time of the April 2000 meetings of the erning bodier of the International Monetary World Bank and the International Moneta11 Fund 0 Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in the 21 rt (IMF) 10 Washington, DC. DSA/YDS will par century, we callfor the immediate stupension of the poli ticipate in the Mobilizatton for Global Jusucc, a cies and practices that have ca1md widerpread pover!J week of educational events and nonviolent p:o and mfftring among the worlds peoples, and damage to tests in Washington, which aim to promote m ·c the global environment. IJ:7e hold these inrlit11tionr respon equitable and democratically operated glom rible, along with the IVorldTrade Organization (WfO), stitutions in this time of sharp incguahty. I..ar~ for an unjurt global economic rystem. transnational corporations have gotten together: We issue this call in the name of global jus It's time for the rest of us. DSA believes Uu" tice, in solidarity with the peoples of the Global this is the appropriate follow-up to the protes o: South struggling for survival and dignity in the that derailed the \VfO meetings in Seattle face of unjust economic policies. Only when the fall. coercive powers of international financial insti DSA 1s joined in this mobilizanon b m tutions are rescinded shall governments be ac other organizations, such as Jubilee 2 • r countable first and foremost to the will of their Years is Enough, Global Exchange., and Pu people for equitable economJc development. Citizens's Global Trade Watch. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Third parties in twentieth century American politics Sumner, C. K. How to cite: Sumner, C. K. (1969) Third parties in twentieth century American politics, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9989/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk "THIRD PARTIES IN TWENTIETH CENTURY AMERICAN POLITICS" THESIS PGR AS M. A. DEGREE PRESENTED EOT CK. SOMBER (ST.CUTHBERT«S) • JTJLT, 1969. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. INTRODUCTION. PART 1 - THE PROGRESSIVE PARTIES. 1. THE "BOLL MOOSE" PROQRESSIVES. 2. THE CANDIDACY CP ROBERT M. L& FQLLETTE. * 3. THE PEOPLE'S PROGRESSIVE PARTI. PART 2 - THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF AMERICA* PART 3 * PARTIES OF LIMITED GEOGRAPHICAL APPEAL. -
Resolution on Party Controversy: Adopted by the State Convention Of
Resolution on Party Controversy Adopted by the State Convention of the Socialist Party of Ohio, Cincinnati, June 28, 1919 Per minutes published in The Ohio Socialist, whole no. 76 (July 19, 1919), pg. 2. Morning Session, June 28. L.A. Zitt elected chairman for the day. The Credentials Committee reported H.M. Hohr, Uhrichsville, entitled to a seat. Delegate seated by motion. Motion carried that the reading of the minutes of June 27th be dispensed with. Continued report of Committee on Program and Municipal Plat- form. Resolution on Party Controversy. The National Executive Committee of the party has expelled from the party the Socialist Party of Michigan and suspended the Russian, Lithuanian, Hungarian, South Slavic, and Polish Fed- erations and is threatening with expulsion the Socialist Party of Massachusetts, and the Socialist Party of New York has expelled or “reorganized” many of the branches of the locals of greater New York as well as Locals Buffalo, Rochester, and other locals. All these expulsions or suspensions have taken place because the party units in question have endorsed the Revolutionary So- cialism of the Left Wing. They represent a desperate effort on the part of the repudiated national officers of the party and their sat- ellites in similar positions in state and local organizations, to maintain their control of the party in spite of the will of the rank and file, expressed in party referendum. In order to excuse their expulsion of nearly half the member- ship of the party and their effort to sabotage the membership by 1 refusing to tabulate the vote in the national party referendums, which expressed the will of the rank and file, these discredited and repudiated leaders are carrying on a campaign of vilification against the Left Wing, even stooping so low as to act as agent provocateurs for the capitalist class by making insinuations that the Left Wing Socialists might be guilty of individual acts of ter- rorism, and have trumped up charges, which have no basis in fact, about irregularities in the conduct of the national referen- dums. -
What -Is Fusion? by JAM ES CASEY
CAPiTALIS ' . What -Is Fusion? By JAM ES CASEY 11 -d t Price IIc S. Radical Pampblet Colletion Coutesy Bloomsburg State CoUege Library TRIUMPH AND DISASTER: THE READING SOCIALISTS IN POWER AND DECLINE, 1932-1939-PART II BY KrNNErm E. HENDmcKsoN, JR.' D EFEAT by the fusionists in 1931 did little internal damage to the structure of the Reading socialist movement. As a matter of fact, just the reverse was true. Enthusiasm seemed to intensify and the organization grew.' The party maintained a high profile during this period and was very active in the political and economic affairs of the community, all the while looking forward to the election of 1935 when they would have an op- portunity to regain control of city hall. An examination of these activities, which were conducted for the most part at the branch level, will reveal clearly how the Socialists maintained their organization while they were out of power. In the early 1930s the Reading local was divided into five branches within the city. In the county there were additional branches as well, the number of which increased from four in 1931 to nineteen in 1934. All of these groups brought the rank and file together each week. Party business was conducted, of_ course, but the branch meetings served a broader purpose. Fre- quently, there were lectures and discussions on topics of current interest, along with card parties, dinners, and dances. The basic party unit, therefore, served a very significant social function in the lives of its members, especially important during a period of economic decline when few could afford more than the basic es- sentials of daily life. -
Trotskyism** Union Splitting Moves of Stalinists All the Attacks Made on the Ty of the S.P
SOCIALISTPublished Weekly as the Organ of the Socialist Party of APPEALNew York, Left Wing Branches. Vol. 1. No. 6. -«*3^ 401 Saturday, September 18, 1937 5 Cents per Copy Nyon Meet Aids British War Plans Japan Admits Long Fight C I O Tested Trade Union Leaders Ahead To Conquer China In A k ro n ’s Repeat 1914 Betrayal of British Imperialism. The policy of the British Gov By James Burnham ernment is based upon the eon- But Rivals are Preoccupied G um M ines tral aim of preserving for ex Events of the past ten days ploitation by British capital the In West, Soviet Stands Off again serve to b rin g out> shar Empire's colonial possessions and By Jack Wilson ply the unprecedented depth of dominions, as against threats the developing world crisis. Out from rival imperialist powers or By Li Fu-jen ) AKRON, Ohio. — The recent standing in their symptomatic from colonial revolt. The British U. S. Marines Smash importance were the hastily sum Japan’s latest empire crusade success of the United Rubber statesmen are well aware that moned Nyon Conference and the in China is now well in its third Strike Demonstration .Yorkers of America, CIO affiliate, success in this aim rests in the British Trades Union Congress. month. Confounding all the op in winning decisively the sole last analysis on armed force. Of Chinese Workers Both represent substantial vic timistic expectations of the collective bargaining NLRB vote Such force has been liberally tories for the delicate strategy Tokyo m ilitary specialists, the American intervention in the at Goodyear and Goodrich, and used during the past twenty Chinese armies in North China Sino-Japanese war at Shang the huge primary vote that years in the suppression of and at Shanghai have' resisted hai has already become a grim Labor’s Non-Partisan League colonial uprisings; but the ex the imperialist invader with re reality according to a United candidates for mayor on the haustion of the rival powers fol markable tenacity and bravery. -
Franklin Roosevelt, Thomas Dewey and the Wartime Presidential Campaign of 1944
POLITICS AS USUAL: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT, THOMAS DEWEY, AND THE WARTIME PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1944 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. POLITICS AS USUAL: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT, THOMAS DEWEY AND THE WARTIME PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1944 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Michael A. Davis, B.A., M.A. University of Central Arkansas, 1993 University of Central Arkansas, 1994 December 2005 University of Arkansas Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the U.S. wartime presidential campaign of 1944. In 1944, the United States was at war with the Axis Powers of World War II, and Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt, already serving an unprecedented third term as President of the United States, was seeking a fourth. Roosevelt was a very able politician and-combined with his successful performance as wartime commander-in-chief-- waged an effective, and ultimately successful, reelection campaign. Republicans, meanwhile, rallied behind New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey. Dewey emerged as leader of the GOP at a critical time. Since the coming of the Great Depression -for which Republicans were blamed-the party had suffered a series of political setbacks. Republicans were demoralized, and by the early 1940s, divided into two general national factions: Robert Taft conservatives and Wendell WiIlkie "liberals." Believing his party's chances of victory over the skilled and wily commander-in-chiefto be slim, Dewey nevertheless committed himself to wage a competent and centrist campaign, to hold the Republican Party together, and to transform it into a relevant alternative within the postwar New Deal political order. -
Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956
Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956 , '" Pro uesf ---- Start here. ---- This volume is a fmding aid to a ProQuest Research Collection in Microform. To learn more visit: www.proquest.com or call (800) 521-0600 About ProQuest: ProQuest connects people with vetted, reliable information. Key to serious research. the company has forged a 70-year reputation as a gateway to the world's knowledge - from dissertations to governmental and cultural archives to news, in all its forms. Its role is essential to libraries and other organizations whose missions depend on the delivery of complete, trustworthy information. 789 E. E1se~howcr Paik1·1ay • P 0 Box 1346 • Ann Arbor, r.1148106-1346 • USA •Tel: 734.461 4700 • Toll-free 800-521-0600 • wvNJ.proquest.com Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956 A Guide To The Microfilm Edition Edited by Thomas C. Pardo !NIYfn Microfilming Corporation of America 1.J.J.J A New York Times Company This guide accesses the 68 reels that comprise the microfilm edition of the Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library, 1872-1956. Information on the availability of this collection and the guide may be obtained by writing: Microfilming Corporation of America 1620 Hawkins Avenue/P.O. Box 10 Sanford, North Carolina 27330 Copyright © 1979, Microfilming Corporation of America ISBN 0-667-00572-2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE v NOTE TO THE RESEARCHER . vii INTRODUCTION . • 1 BRIEF REEL LIST 3 COLLECTION I. SOCIALIST MINUTEBOOKS, 1872-1907 • 5 COLLECTION II. SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY PAPERS, 1900-1905 . • • . • . • • • . 9 COLLECTION III. SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY PAPERS, 1879-1900 13 COLLECTION IV. -
S5327s7 1921.Pdf
STENOGRAPHIC. REPORT OF THE DEBATE . Resolved : - “That the Citizens of Dayton Should Elect Candidates Pledged To International Socialism.” Afirmative : JOSEPH W. SHA RTS, o j Dayton, O., represen ta’ng the Socialist Party Negative: JACK O’BRIEN, of Racine, Wise. Representing the Constitutional Defense League. SUNDAY, APRIL 17, 1921 Memorial Hall, 2:30 p. m. Dayton, - - - - Ohio Chairman - - - - L. E. SPEER Verbatim Report By FRANK I. BROWN aod ISAAC S. DBMENT Official Court Reporters INTRODUCTION When arrangements for the Sharts-O’Brien debate were being discussed between the representatives of the Socialist Party and tho representatives of the Constitutional Defense League, certain stipu- lations were made. The Constitutional Defense League insisted that all money received after paying necessary expenses, should go to- wards printing the debate in pamphlet form. The League employed the court stenographers and had the tickets printed. The Socialists looked after the renting of the hall. Each side was to receive 1,500 tickets for disposal at ten cents each. Each side was to ,pay half the expenses of the meeting, together with half the expense of printing the debate in pamphlet form. This was all formally agreed to by both sides, and a contract signed to that effect. Immediately after the debate, the Constitutional Defense League lost all interest in the further proceedings and decamped, leaving the Socialists to pay the bills. As the Constitutional De- fense League had apparently had the backing of the Dayton Cham- ber of Comlmerce, the Knights of Columbus, and the American Legion. to the extent that these organizations were advertised in the daily papers as distributing agencies for its tickets, we notified each of them that we considered them morally if not legally bound to make good the League’s share of the expense. -
I Like Ike the Presidential Election of 1952 1St Edition Ebook
I LIKE IKE THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1952 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK John Robert Greene | 9780700624058 | | | | | I Like Ike The Presidential Election of 1952 1st edition PDF Book I Like Ike: The Presidential Election of walks the reader carefully and richly back through all of that: Eisenhower versus Stevenson and the downfall of the delegate leaders for their respective nominations in a contest proving that the new Democratic majority was not invincible but one that Republicans would not replicate for a long time to come. Farrell Dobbs. Error rating book. In an election contest that was evidently deviant from, rather than diagnostic of, its predecessors and its successors. Russell, Averell Harriman and Earl Warren. Vincent Hallinan. Friend Reviews. On June 4, Eisenhower made his first political speech in his home town of Abilene, Kansas. Mike Monroney , President Truman and a small group of political insiders chose Sparkman, a conservative and segregationist from Alabama, for the nomination. Stevenson , he came from a distinguished family in Illinois and was well known as a gifted orator, intellectual, and political moderate. Adlai Stevenson for his part would have nothing to do with television at all and condemned Eisenhower's use of the medium, calling it "selling the presidency like cereal". North Dakota. While there are no shortage of books about Eisenhower or his years as president, nearly seven decades after his election there are only two histories about it. Incumbent Democratic President Harry S. Draft Eisenhower movements had emerged ahead of the election , mostly in the Democratic Party ; in July , Truman offered to run as Eisenhower's running mate on the Democratic ticket if Douglas MacArthur won the Republican nomination. -
2013-2014 Wisconsin Blue Book
STATISTICS: HISTORY 677 HIGHLIGHTS OF HISTORY IN WISCONSIN History — On May 29, 1848, Wisconsin became the 30th state in the Union, but the state’s written history dates back more than 300 years to the time when the French first encountered the diverse Native Americans who lived here. In 1634, the French explorer Jean Nicolet landed at Green Bay, reportedly becoming the first European to visit Wisconsin. The French ceded the area to Great Britain in 1763, and it became part of the United States in 1783. First organized under the Northwest Ordinance, the area was part of various territories until creation of the Wisconsin Territory in 1836. Since statehood, Wisconsin has been a wheat farming area, a lumbering frontier, and a preeminent dairy state. Tourism has grown in importance, and industry has concentrated in the eastern and southeastern part of the state. Politically, the state has enjoyed a reputation for honest, efficient government. It is known as the birthplace of the Republican Party and the home of Robert M. La Follette, Sr., founder of the progressive movement. Political Balance — After being primarily a one-party state for most of its existence, with the Republican and Progressive Parties dominating during portions of the state’s first century, Wisconsin has become a politically competitive state in recent decades. The Republicans gained majority control in both houses in the 1995 Legislature, an advantage they last held during the 1969 session. Since then, control of the senate has changed several times. In 2009, the Democrats gained control of both houses for the first time since 1993; both houses returned to Republican control in 2011.