The Government of London
owen hatherley THE GOVERNMENT OF LONDON ondon is probably the most dominant capital city, relative to the country it governs, of any major state. In one sense, this has always been so: the seat of political power at Westminster and the financial centre in the City of London have been fixed Lthere since the Middle Ages. This was challenged to some degree by the emergence of huge factory conurbations in the English Midlands and North, in Central Scotland and South Wales, from the early-nineteenth century; but the eclipse of British industrial power since the Second World War has reinforced London’s dominance. The city limits house nearly 9 million, a historic high, which doesn’t count an enormous travel-to-work zone that gives it a metropolitan area encompassing some 14 million people—around five times the size of its nearestuk rivals, Greater Manchester, Birmingham and Glasgow. In terms of regional divergence, the results have been stark. As Tom Hazeldine points out, the vast gulfs in wealth, living standards and productivity between the London area and the North, Wales and Midlands make Britain by far the most regionally unequal country in Europe.1 In terms of scale, Greater Paris and the Île de France may be a match for London, but Parisian dominance is softened by the strength of genuine regional power centres in Lille, Nantes, Lyon, Bordeaux and Marseille. Somewhere like Le Havre, home to 170,000, enjoys a far more devel- oped cultural and public-transport infrastructure than, say, Leeds, with a population of 790,000. Berlin and Madrid, the first and second larg- est cities proper in the European Union, each have less than half the population of London; along with Rome, Warsaw and Bucharest, they face much stronger regional rivals.
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