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The Operator's Story Appendix
Railway and Transport Strategy Centre The Operator’s Story Appendix: London’s Story © World Bank / Imperial College London Property of the World Bank and the RTSC at Imperial College London Community of Metros CoMET The Operator’s Story: Notes from London Case Study Interviews February 2017 Purpose The purpose of this document is to provide a permanent record for the researchers of what was said by people interviewed for ‘The Operator’s Story’ in London. These notes are based upon 14 meetings between 6th-9th October 2015, plus one further meeting in January 2016. This document will ultimately form an appendix to the final report for ‘The Operator’s Story’ piece Although the findings have been arranged and structured by Imperial College London, they remain a collation of thoughts and statements from interviewees, and continue to be the opinions of those interviewed, rather than of Imperial College London. Prefacing the notes is a summary of Imperial College’s key findings based on comments made, which will be drawn out further in the final report for ‘The Operator’s Story’. Method This content is a collation in note form of views expressed in the interviews that were conducted for this study. Comments are not attributed to specific individuals, as agreed with the interviewees and TfL. However, in some cases it is noted that a comment was made by an individual external not employed by TfL (‘external commentator’), where it is appropriate to draw a distinction between views expressed by TfL themselves and those expressed about their organisation. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XV-4 | 2010 All ‘Kens’ to All Men
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XV-4 | 2010 Présentations, re-présentations, représentations All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, from the GLC to the GLA À chacun son « Ken ». Ken le caméléon: réinvention et représentation, du Greater London Council à la Greater London Authority Timothy Whitton Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/6151 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2010 ISSN: 0248-9015 Electronic reference Timothy Whitton, “All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, from the GLC to the GLA”, Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XV-4 | 2010, Online since 01 June 2010, connection on 07 January 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/6151 This text was automatically generated on 7 January 2021. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, fro... 1 All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, from the GLC to the GLA À chacun son « Ken ». Ken le caméléon: réinvention et représentation, du Greater London Council à la Greater London Authority Timothy Whitton 1 Ken Livingstone’s last two official biographies speak volumes about the sort of politician he comes across as being. John Carvel’s title1 is slightly ambiguous and can be interpreted in a variety of ways: Turn Again Livingstone suggests that the one time leader of the Greater London Council (GLC) and twice elected mayor of London shows great skill in steering himself out of any tight corners he gets trapped in. -
Local Government in London Had Always Been More Overtly Partisan Than in Other Parts of the Country but Now Things Became Much Worse
Part 2 The evolution of London Local Government For more than two centuries the practicalities of making effective governance arrangements for London have challenged Government and Parliament because of both the scale of the metropolis and the distinctive character, history and interests of the communities that make up the capital city. From its origins in the middle ages, the City of London enjoyed effective local government arrangements based on the Lord Mayor and Corporation of London and the famous livery companies and guilds of London’s merchants. The essential problem was that these capable governance arrangements were limited to the boundaries of the City of London – the historic square mile. Outside the City, local government was based on the Justices of the Peace and local vestries, analogous to parish or church boundaries. While some of these vestries in what had become central London carried out extensive local authority functions, the framework was not capable of governing a large city facing huge transport, housing and social challenges. The City accounted for less than a sixth of the total population of London in 1801 and less than a twentieth in 1851. The Corporation of London was adamant that it neither wanted to widen its boundaries to include the growing communities created by London’s expansion nor allow itself to be subsumed into a London-wide local authority created by an Act of Parliament. This, in many respects, is the heart of London’s governance challenge. The metropolis is too big to be managed by one authority, and local communities are adamant that they want their own local government arrangements for their part of London. -
1 Rebels As Local Leaders?
Rebels as local leaders? The Mayoralties of Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson Compared Ben Worthy Mark Bennister The Mayoralty of London offers a powerful electoral platform but weak powers to lead a city regarded as ‘ungovernable’ (Travers 2004). This paper adapts the criteria of Hambleton and Sweeting (2004) to look at the first two Mayors’ mandate and vision, style of leadership and policies. Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson were both party rebels, mavericks and skilled media operators. However, their differences are key. As mayor, Livingstone had a powerful vision that translated into a set of clear policy aims while Johnson had a weaker more cautious approach shaped by his desire for higher office. Livingstone built coalitions but proved divisive whereas Johnson was remarkably popular. While Livingstone bought experience and skill, Johnson delegated detail to others. Both their mayoralties courted controversy and faced charges of corruption and cronyism. Both mayors used publicity to make up for weak powers. They also found themselves pushed by their powers towards transport and planning while struggling with deeper issues such as housing. In policy terms Livingstone pushed ahead with the radical congestion charge and a series of symbolic policies. Johnson was far more modest, championing cycling and revelling in the 2012 Olympics while avoiding difficult decisions. The two mayors used their office to negotiate but also challenge central government. Livingstone’s Mayoralty was a platform for personalised change-Johnson’s one for personal ambition. Directly Elected Mayors were introduced to provide local leadership, accountability and vision to UK local government. Beginning under New Labour and continued under the Coalition and Conservatives, directly elected mayors were offered initially by referendum, and later imposed, up and down the country beginning with London 2000 and then in 16 cities and towns including Bristol and Liverpool. -
A Brief History of London Transport V1
London Transport A brief history London Transport A brief history Sim Harris First published 2011 by Railhub Publications Dunstable, Bedfordshire www.railhub2.co.uk © Sim Harris 2011 The moral right of Sim Harris to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, circulated or exploited in any way whatsoever without the written permission of the copyright holder, with the exception of excerpts published for the purposes of review or brief quotations, in connection with which this work shall be cited unambiguously as the true source. ISBN awaited This digital edition designed and created by the Railhub studio Contents 1 ‘Sensational plan’ 11 2 ‘Serious doubts’ 23 3 ‘Fares fair’ 31 Chronology 40 Notes on sources 41 8 9 LONDON TRANSPORT Daily Express 3 December 1929, reporting the announcement of a new Passenger Board for London, and the new LPTB logo, which was soon replaced by the classic ‘bullseye’ 10 Chapter One ‘Sensational plan’ T caused by unrestricted competition by bus operators on the streets of London had become extreme by the early 1920s, when ‘pirate’ buses concentrated on peak hour flows, causing traffic disruption and neglecting passengers at quieter times. Their presence led to calls for controls, which were largely achieved by the London Traffic Act in 1924. This allowed the authorities to ‘designate’ streets and so restrict the routes available to the pirates. But further reforms were urged, particularly by Labour politi- cians, and in December 1929 the Minister of Transport Herbert Morrison published the Labour government’s proposed London Pas- senger Transport Bill. -
Over to You Mr Johnson Timothy Whitton
Over to you Mr Johnson Timothy Whitton To cite this version: Timothy Whitton. Over to you Mr Johnson. Observatoire de la société britannique, La Garde : UFR Lettres et sciences humaines, Université du Sud Toulon Var, 2011, Londres : capitale internationale, multiculturelle et olympique, 11, pp. 123-145. hal-01923775 HAL Id: hal-01923775 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01923775 Submitted on 15 Nov 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Over to you Mr Johnson Timothy WHITTON Résumé In 2008, Alexander Boris de Pfeffel Johnson defeated Ken Livingstone in the third elections to become the executive mayor of London. Livingstone had held this post for the previous eight years during which he had implemented his personal brand of municipal politics and given London back the voice that the city had lost in 1986 when Mrs Thatcher abolished the Greater London Council. It was thought that he would have no credible opponent in 2008 but observers underestimated the potential of “Boris” who was able to oppose “Ken” on his own turf, that of personalising the election almost ad nauseam to the extent that his slogan “Time for a Change” rang particularly true. -
Red London Joshua B. Freeman
emigrate from anywhere. U.S.-born Latinos Red London obviously retain cultural characteristics of Joshua B. Freeman the countries that their parents, grandpar- ents, and great-grandparents left behind. Red Metropolis: Socialism and the Govern- But as Alba highlights, for many of them, ment of London these characteristics do not define their life by Owen Hatherley chances. Political integration accompanies Repeater Books, 2020, 266 pp. integration into other core institutions, like schools, jobs, neighborhoods, and families. Instead of searching for ethnic-specific Few tourists strolling the south bank of explanations for Latino political behavior, the Thames in London realize that they we should probably focus on the key vari- are going through a carefully constructed ables that pattern politics among whites. showcase for what Owen Hatherley If education and geographic location describes in his new book, Red Metropolis: increasingly pattern the white vote, the the structures and programs put in place same goes for many second- and third- when the political left ran Great Britain’s generation nonwhite Americans. Where largest city. On one end of the procession they live and whether they graduated from sits County Hall, the massive, longtime college are likely more important drivers of home of the London city government, until their political decisions than the country the national government eliminated home their grandparents arrived from. rule and sold off the building. At the other The majority-minority hypothesis end is a new City Hall, designed by Norman inspires white backlash, while greater Foster, housing the current incarnation of assimilation diminishes the importance of the London government. -
Egan on GLC Draft1 29-09-05 GLC.Pdf (134.9Kb)
Democratic Socialism and the Local State: the Case of the Greater London Council Daniel Egan Department of Sociology University of Massachusetts-Lowell USA Over the past thirty years, capital has engaged in an increasingly global attack on the state. State responsibilities such as the provision of social welfare policies, environmental regulation, protection of trade union rights, and control over capital movements are today seen as threats to competitiveness. The replacement of nationally-defined social contracts between capital and labor by neo-liberal policies which leave labor at the mercy of the market and the diffusion of state functions to a variety of private and other non-state actors has resulted in “a tendential ‘hollowing out’ of the national state”(Jessop 1994: 251). The restoration of capital’s global hegemony following the successes of the anti-systemic movements of the post-war period (Arrighi, Hopkins and Wallerstein 1989) has been reinforced, post-1989, by the collapse of state socialism. Despite its obvious political and economic deformities, the existence of state socialism forced capital to accept state policies which imposed some limits on capital and provided tangible benefits for segments of the working class. The end of state socialism has freed capital from this burden. At the same time, the defeat of state socialism and the retreat of social democracy have led the left to question the relevance of the state. “[E]veryone is now willing to mumble, as though it were an inconsequential concession in passing to public opinion and current received wisdom...that no society can function efficiently without the market and that planning is obviously impossible”(Jameson 1990: 98). -
Ken Livingstone : the Thorn in (New ) Labour’S Side Timothy Whitton
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by HAL Clermont Université Ken Livingstone : the Thorn in (New ) Labour's Side Timothy Whitton To cite this version: Timothy Whitton. Ken Livingstone : the Thorn in (New ) Labour's Side. Litt´eratures, histoire des id´ees,images, soci´et´esdu monde anglophone , Maison de la Recherche en Sci- ences Humaines, 2014, The UK's Political Landscape in the 21st Century: Players, Strategies, Achievements Panorama du paysage politique britannique au XXIe si`ecle: acteurs, strat´egies, r´ealisations. <hal-01297909> HAL Id: hal-01297909 https://hal-clermont-univ.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01297909 Submitted on 5 Apr 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destin´eeau d´ep^otet `ala diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publi´esou non, lished or not. The documents may come from ´emanant des ´etablissements d'enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche fran¸caisou ´etrangers,des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou priv´es. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial 4.0 International License 2 Ken Livingstone : the thorn in New Labour’s side Abstract Ever since Ken Livingstone became leader of the Greater London Council (GLC) in 1981, he was a constant threat for the political integrity of the Labour Party until Mrs Thatcher decided to do away with this tier of local government in 1986. -
To All Men. Ken the Chameleon: Reinvention and Representation
All “Kens” to all men. Ken the chameleon : reinvention and representation. From the GLC to the GLA Timothy Whitton To cite this version: Timothy Whitton. All “Kens” to all men. Ken the chameleon : reinvention and representation. From the GLC to the GLA. Revue française de civilisation britannique, CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d’études en civilisation britannique, 2010, Présentations et représentations, re-présentations, XV (4), pp.131-147. hal-01923661 HAL Id: hal-01923661 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01923661 Submitted on 5 Dec 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 485 All “Kens” to all men. Ken the chameleon : reinvention and representation. From the GLC to the GLA Timothy WHITTON Université Blaise Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand II Ken Livingstone’s last two official biographies speak volumes about the sort of politician he comes across as being. John Carvel’s title1 is slightly ambiguous and can be interpreted in a variety of ways: Turn Again Livingstone suggests that the one time leader of the Greater London Council (GLC) and twice elected mayor of London shows great skill in steering himself out of any tight corners he gets trapped in. -
The Government of London
owen hatherley THE GOVERNMENT OF LONDON ondon is probably the most dominant capital city, relative to the country it governs, of any major state. In one sense, this has always been so: the seat of political power at Westminster and the financial centre in the City of London have been fixed Lthere since the Middle Ages. This was challenged to some degree by the emergence of huge factory conurbations in the English Midlands and North, in Central Scotland and South Wales, from the early-nineteenth century; but the eclipse of British industrial power since the Second World War has reinforced London’s dominance. The city limits house nearly 9 million, a historic high, which doesn’t count an enormous travel-to-work zone that gives it a metropolitan area encompassing some 14 million people—around five times the size of its nearestuk rivals, Greater Manchester, Birmingham and Glasgow. In terms of regional divergence, the results have been stark. As Tom Hazeldine points out, the vast gulfs in wealth, living standards and productivity between the London area and the North, Wales and Midlands make Britain by far the most regionally unequal country in Europe.1 In terms of scale, Greater Paris and the Île de France may be a match for London, but Parisian dominance is softened by the strength of genuine regional power centres in Lille, Nantes, Lyon, Bordeaux and Marseille. Somewhere like Le Havre, home to 170,000, enjoys a far more devel- oped cultural and public-transport infrastructure than, say, Leeds, with a population of 790,000. Berlin and Madrid, the first and second larg- est cities proper in the European Union, each have less than half the population of London; along with Rome, Warsaw and Bucharest, they face much stronger regional rivals. -
London Government 50 Years of Debate: the Contribution of LSE’S Greater London Group
Kochan, Ben London government 50 years of debate: the contribution of LSE’s Greater London Group Report Original citation: Kochan, Ben (2008) London government 50 years of debate: the contribution of LSE’s Greater London Group. LSE London Development Workshops, Kochan, Ben (ed.) London School of Economics and Political Science, LSE London, London, UK. ISBN 9780853283126 This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/63374/ Available in LSE Research Online: September 2015 © 2008 The Authors LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. London Government 50 Years of Debate The Contribution of LSE’s Greater London Group Edited by Ben Kochan Published by LSE London, London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street, WC2A 2AE November 2008 ISBN 978-0-85328-312-6 Contents 1. Introduction: London Government : 50 years of debate 4 2. London’s evolution - from parochialism to global metropolis 7 John Davis Preface The papers, which form the basis of this booklet, were prepared for a 3. The Greater London Group after 50 years 15 seminar which took place in summer 2008 to mark the 50 years since George Jones the formation of the Greater London Group.