Colin Markey Tenor

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Colin Markey Tenor Mr. Colin Markey graduated from the prestigious New England Conservatory of music in 2010 where he studied Vocal Performance with Mr. William Cotten. Since 2004, Mr. Markey has been affiliated with Delaware Valley Opera Company (Philadelphia) where he portrayed Don Ottavio in Don Giovanni (2011), covered the role Il Duca in Rigoletto (2012), and sung in multiple productions as a chorus member. Other opera chorus work includes two productions with Boheme Opera Company of New Jersey. More recently, Mr. Markey was invited twice to sing with Amherst Early Music Festival's Baroque Academy Opera as Melito in Telemann's Der geduldige Socrates (2012) and Puck in Purcell's The Fairy Queen (2013). In the summer of 2014, Mr. Markey tackled his first Nemorino in Donizetti's comic masterpiece L'Elisir d'amore with Amici Opera Company with great success. Some of Mr Markey's former non-operatic work included being a core member with Princeton Pro Musica (2011- 2014) under the direction of Maestro Ryan James Brandau. Mr. Markey is the tenor section leader for Morristown United Methodist Church in Morrisville, PA under the direction of George Gray, Mr. Markey's voice instructor. Due to his unique vocal range, spot- on sense of pitch, powerful yet lyrical vocal qualities, and a well-developed technique, Mr. Markey's repertoire varies from early Baroque to such contemporary composers as Anton Webern and Benjamin Britten. Some of his current repertoire includes selections from La Fanciulla del West, Turandot, Tosca, La Traviata, Rigoletto, Aïda, La Giocconda, L'Elisir d'amore, Norma, Die Walküre, Die Entfürung auf dem Sareil, Fidelio, and Eugene Onegin. Mr. Markey is a first year Master of Music degree student at Temple University's Boyer College of Music and Dance, where he currently studies Opera with professor George Gray, adjunct professor of voice at Temple University's Boyer College of Music and Dance. .

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Plato's "Euthyphro"
24.231 Ethics – Handout 1 Plato, “The Euthyphro” I. Plato’s Dialogue Plato’s Question: What is it to be pious? - He is not looking for a list of things that are pious - He is not looking for a property that (even all) pious things have. Euthyphro’s (best?) answer: To be pious is to be loved by all the gods. Plato’s Argument against Euthyphro’s answer: Perhaps all and only those things/actions that are loved by the gods are pious. But why is that? Are pious things loved by the gods because they are pious, or are they pious because they are loved by the gods? Socrates and Euthyphro agree that they must be loved by the gods because they are pious. But, says Socrates, in that case, being pious cannot be the same thing as being god-beloved. Because something that is god-beloved is so because it is loved by the gods. But something that is pious isn’t so because it is loved by the gods; rather, it is loved by the gods because it is pious. Being loved by the gods causes god-belovedness, but being loved by the gods does not cause piety. So god-belovedness and piety cannot be the same thing. (This kind of argument will be relevant again in the selection from Moore that we’re reading for Wednesday.) II. The “Euthyphro Problem” Socrates’ question about whether what’s loved by the gods is pious because it is loved by them, or loved by them because it is pious, forms the lynchpin of an important contemporary debate about what moral philosophers call “Divine Command Theory.” According to DCT, morally good actions are good because they are commanded by God.
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Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I.
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1 Foreigners As Liberators: Education and Cultural Diversity in Plato's
1 Foreigners as Liberators: Education and Cultural Diversity in Plato’s Menexenus Rebecca LeMoine Assistant Professor of Political Science Florida Atlantic University NOTE: Use of this document is for private research and study only; the document may not be distributed further. The final manuscript has been accepted for publication and will appear in a revised form in The American Political Science Review 111.3 (August 2017). It is available for a FirstView online here: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000016 Abstract: Though recent scholarship challenges the traditional interpretation of Plato as anti- democratic, his antipathy to cultural diversity is still generally assumed. The Menexenus appears to offer some of the most striking evidence of Platonic xenophobia, as it features Socrates delivering a mock funeral oration that glorifies Athens’ exclusion of foreigners. Yet when readers play along with Socrates’ exhortation to imagine the oration through the voice of its alleged author Aspasia, Pericles’ foreign mistress, the oration becomes ironic or dissonant. Through this, Plato shows that foreigners can act as gadflies, liberating citizens from the intellectual hubris that occasions democracy’s fall into tyranny. In reminding readers of Socrates’ death, the dialogue warns, however, that fear of education may prevent democratic citizens from appreciating the role of cultural diversity in cultivating the virtue of Socratic wisdom. Keywords: Menexenus; Aspasia; cultural diversity; Socratic wisdom; Platonic irony Acknowledgments: An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2012 annual meeting of the Association for Political Theory, where it benefitted greatly from Susan Bickford’s insightful commentary. Thanks to Ethan Alexander-Davey, Andreas Avgousti, Richard Avramenko, Brendan Irons, Daniel Kapust, Michelle Schwarze, the APSR editorial team (both present and former), and four anonymous referees for their invaluable feedback on earlier drafts.
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Anmerkungen Einleitung
),- 7dc[hakd][d ;_db[_jkd] 1 Erdmann Neumeister hatte in Leipzig Poetik-Vorlesungen gehalten, die er Hu- nold zur Verfügung stellte, da er sie als Pfarrer nicht selbst publizieren wollte. Hunold bringt diese Poetik unter seinem Pseudonym Menantes 1707 erstmals heraus. Menan- tes: Die Allerneueste Art, zur Reinen und Galanten Poesie zu gelangen. Allen Edlen und die- ser Wissenschafft geneigten Gemühtern, zum vollkommenen Unterricht, mit überaus deutlichen Regeln und angenehmen Exempeln ans Licht gestellet. Hamburg 1728/1707. Siehe das ge- samte Kapitel XIX. Von der Opera. S. 394–414, hier S. 412. Zur Würdigung und Analy- se dieser Poetik siehe Viswanathan, Ute-Maria Suessmuth: Die Poetik Erdmann Neu- meisters und ihre Beziehung zur barocken und galanten Dichtungslehre. University of Pittsburgh 1989, S. 86f. Im Folgenden werden die Quellentexte bei der Erstzitation aus- führlich mit bibliographischen Angaben versehen, danach gibt es Kurztitel. 2 Neumeister hat das Libretto von Thomas Corneille zur Oper Bellerophon Paris 1679 übersetzt. Diese Übersetzung haben Hunold und Barthold Feind rezipiert, die beide zwischen 1702 und 1706 in Hamburg in derselben Wohnung lebten. Zu dieser Zeit war Hunold im Besitz von Neumeisters Manuskript. Vgl. Viswanathan, 1989, S. 92f und FN 108, S. 144. Feind arbeitete Bellerophon um zu einer Huldigungsoper an- lässlich der Hochzeit des preußischen Königs Friedrichs I. mit der Mecklenburgischen Prinzessin Sophie Louise. D-Hs 124 in MS 639/3:7. Vgl. Marx, Hans Joachim; Schrö- der, Dorothea: Die Hamburger Gänsemarkt-Oper. Katalog der Textbücher (1678– 1748). Laaber 1995, S. 80. 3 Vgl. Martens, Wolfgang: Die Botschaft der Tugend. Die Aufklärung im Spiegel der deutschen Moralischen Wochenschriften.
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"Mixed Taste," Cosmopolitanism, and Intertextuality in Georg Philipp
“MIXED TASTE,” COSMOPOLITANISM, AND INTERTEXTUALITY IN GEORG PHILIPP TELEMANN’S OPERA ORPHEUS Robert A. Rue A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF MUSIC May 2017 Committee: Arne Spohr, Advisor Mary Natvig Gregory Decker © 2017 Robert A. Rue All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Arne Spohr, Advisor Musicologists have been debating the concept of European national music styles in the Baroque period for nearly 300 years. But what precisely constitutes these so-called French, Italian, and German “tastes”? Furthermore, how do contemporary sources confront this issue and how do they delineate these musical constructs? In his Music for a Mixed Taste (2008), Steven Zohn achieves success in identifying musical tastes in some of Georg Phillip Telemann’s instrumental music. However, instrumental music comprises only a portion of Telemann’s musical output. My thesis follows Zohn’s work by identifying these same national styles in opera: namely, Telemann’s Orpheus (Hamburg, 1726), in which the composer sets French, Italian, and German texts to music. I argue that though identifying the interrelation between elements of musical style and the use of specific languages, we will have a better understanding of what Telemann and his contemporaries thought of as national tastes. I will begin my examination by identifying some of the issues surrounding a selection of contemporary treatises, in order explicate the problems and benefits of their use. These sources include Johann Joachim Quantz’s Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte zu spielen (1752), two of Telemann’s autobiographies (1718 and 1740), and Johann Adolf Scheibe’s Critischer Musikus (1737).
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Reading Plato Through the Menexenus I Begin with the Current Critical Agreement That Plato Did Indeed Write the Menexenus
Reading Plato Through the Menexenus I begin with the current critical agreement that Plato did indeed write the Menexenus. There was not always such agreement; but it was not the style of the dialogue that called it into question, nor ancient aspersions on its authenticity. This dialogue just did not seem (to many) the sort of thing Plato, our Plato, would write. It is so wildly anachronistic, so full of obvious historical distortion, and so lacking in philosophical meat. Never mind that Aristotle twice refers to it as one of Plato’s works. We are largely past those doubtful days, and there has even arisen something of a communis opinio about a general interpretation of the dialogue (while important details remain critically unsettled): Plato gives us in the Menexenus a parody of contemporary rhetoric, revealing it as facile, shallow, and destructive of the sort of political excellence it aims to celebrate, and even create in its listeners. That parody points, by contrast, the superiority of what Plato/Socrates has to offer over rhetoric: philosophy, dialectic, the truth, etc. – even though this dialogue does not give us much of that superior mode. From that consensus this paper moves forward. Does recognition of the Menexenus as a legitimate entry in Plato’s oeuvre require that we somehow change our view of what Plato does? If we agree that Plato can write a dialogue like this, do we have to reassess what Plato does elsewhere? That question is too large for full treatment in this paper, but I will approach it by refashioning it into a slightly more manageable one: are there aspects of the Platonic corpus that become clear(er) to us when we see them writ large in the Menexenus? I answer in the affirmative, and proceed to examples, hoping to set us on a path toward new ways we might read Plato through the Menexenus.
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SOCRATES in LOVE Passages from Ancient Texts for Consideration
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SOCRATES on the DEFINITION of FIGURE in the MENO Theodor Ebert
SOCRATES ON THE DEFINITION OF FIGURE IN THE MENO Theodor Ebert (Erlangen University) Plato’s Meno is, in its rst part (up to 79e), an attempt to nd a de ni- tion of virtue (`"%). Meno, Socrates’ interlocutor, thinks that this is an easy task and provides Socrates with a list of virtues for several dif- ferent persons, for a man, a woman, a child, an old man, a free man and a slave (71e–72a). When Socrates has made it clear to Meno that such a list does not qualify as a de nition (72c6–d1), since it does not give a single explanation covering all the virtues, Meno comes up with a different proposal: virtue is the ability to rule over other men (73c9). This leads to an even more spectacular failure on Meno’s part: since such an ability can hardly be the virtue of a child or a slave (73d2–5), this de\ nition would be too narrow; yet it is also too broad, since ruling over people without justice would not count as virtue either (73d6–10). Meno accepts his defeat and declares that he is unable to \ nd a common explanation for all the virtues, as he is in other cases (74a11–b1). Socrates then explains to Meno that they are searching for the de\ - nition of a general concept and he proposes to his partner to do rst some preparatory work on an easier example, that of the de nition of a gure (μ) (74e11–75a9). When Meno declines to engage in this sort of inquiry and wants Socrates to do the job for him (75b1), Socrates is willing to do so, provided that afterwards Meno will tell him what he takes the de\ nition of virtue to be (75b2–6).
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Crito-Vs-Apology.Pdf
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