Introduction: the Ideological Discourse of Anarchy 1

Home , David Goodway, Mark Philp, Noam Chomsky, Robert Paul Wolff

Notes

Introduction: The Ideological Discourse of Anarchy 1 . J o s e p h C o n r a d , The secret agent (London: Penguin, 2007 ), pp. 64–65. First published in 1907. 2 . This is particularly true of theories of global democracy. See, inter alia, David Held, Democracy and the global order (Cambridge: Polity, 1995 ), D. Archibugi and David Held (eds.) Cosmopolitan democracy: an agenda for a new world order (Cambridge: Polity, 1995 ), and D. Archibugi, David Held, and M. Kuhler (eds.) Re-imagining political community: studies in cosmopolitan democracy (Cambridge: Polity, 1998 ). See also, Onora O’Neill, “Agents of justice,” Metaphilosophy, Vol. 32, 2001, pp. 180–196. 3 . M a r t i n W i g h t , Power politics (London: Oxford University Press & Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1946 ), p. 113. 4 . R . P . W o l f f , In defence of anarchy (New York: Harper & Row, 1970 ), Robert Nozick, Anarchy, state and utopia (Oxford: Blackwell, 1974 ). For Rothbard, see, inter alia, Murray N. Rothbard, For a new liberty: the libertarian manifesto , 2nd edition (Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2006), first published in 1973. Anarchist academic literature, which illustrates this social praxis approach, has become increasingly voluminous in recent years. See, inter alia, Randall Amster, Abraham DeLeon, Luis A. Ferrnandez, Anthony J. Nocella, II, and Deric Shannon (eds.) Contemporary anarchist studies: an introductory anthology of anarchy in the academy (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), Benjamin Franks and Matthew Wilson (eds.) Anarchism and moral philosophy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010 ), and Saul Newman, “Editorial: the libertarian impulse,” Journal of Political Ideologies , Vol. 16, No. 3 ( 2011 ), pp. 239–244. 5 . See, for example, Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Moore, Jr., and Herbert Marcuse, A critique of pure tolerance (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969 ). 6 . Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury (1671–1713). See Lawrence E. Klein, Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness: moral discourse and cultural politics in early eighteenth-century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 ). For a biography of Shaftesbury, see Robert Voitle, The third 212 ● Notes

earl of Shaftesbury, 1671–1713 (Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1984 ). 7 . Stanley Hoffmann, “Foreword: revisiting ‘the anarchical society’” in Hedley Bull, The anarchical society: a study of order in world politics , 2nd edition (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995 ), p. viii. See also Kenneth Waltz, Theory of international politics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979 ). 8 . W i g h t , Power politics , p. 34. 9 . Ibid., p. 34. See also Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson, The European anarchy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1916 ) and The international anarchy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1926 ). For an insightful recent study of the significance of this for- mative historical period for wider debates on British liberal internationalism, international anarchy, and the intellectual origins of IR as an academic discipline, see Casper Sylvest, British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930: making progress? (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009 ). 10 . The italics are mine. Martin Wight, “Why is there no international theory?” in Herbert Butterfield and Martin Wight (eds.) Diplomatic investigations: essays in the theory of international politics (London: Allen & Unwin, 1966 ), p. 31. 11 . Among the more influential are John Ruggie’s “Continuity and transformation in the world polity: toward a neo-realist synthesis,” World Politics , Vol. 35, No. 2, January 1983 , pp. 261–285 and Richard Ashley’s “Untying the sovereign state: a double reading of the anarchy problematique,” Millennium , Vol. 17, No.2, 1998 , pp. 227–262. See also Helen Milner, “The assumption of anarchy in international relations theory: a critique,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 17, No. 1, January 1991, pp. 67–85. 12 . The cognate discipline of peace research had been a minor exception to this absence within IR theory. In what represented a rare foray into the international sphere for anarchist political theory, Richard Falk acknowledged that “surprisingly little attention has been given to anarchism as a perspective relevant to global reform.” Richard Falk, “Anarchism and world order” in J. Roland Pennock and John W. Chapman (eds.) Anarchism NOMOS XIX (New York: New York University Press, 1978 ), p. 63. See also Thomas G. Weiss, “The tradition of philosophical anarchism and future directions in world policy,” Journal of Peace Research , Vol. 12, 1975 , pp. 1–17 and Scott Turner, “Global civil society, anarchy and government: assessing an emerging paradigm,” Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 35, No. 1, 1998, pp. 25–42. For recent scholarship that aims explicitly to contribute to IR debates, see, inter alia, Alex Prichard, “Justice, order and anarchy: the international political theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,” Millennium , Vol. 35, No. 3, 2007, pp. 623–645, his “What can the absence of anarchism tell us about the history and purpose of International Relations?” Review of International Studies, Vol. 37, No. 4, 2011, pp. 1647–1669, and the essays in “Forum: anarchism and world politics,” Millennium , Vol. 39, No. 2, 2010 , pp. 373–501. 13 . Contextualism, understood as a distinct methodological approach to the history political thought, which has emphasized the reconstruction of languages Notes ● 213

of political discourse, has come to be associated with what has been termed the “Cambridge School.” It has its origins primarily in the work of Cambridge scholars Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, as well as John Dunn and Peter Laslett. For a classic methodological essay on the contextual approach, see Quentin Skinner, “Meaning and understanding in the history of ideas,” History and Theory, Vol. 8, 1969 , pp. 3–53. See also Quentin Skinner, Visions of politics, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 ), Quentin Skinner, The foundations of modern political thought , vols. 1 and 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978 ), and J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, language and time: essays on political thought and history (London: Methuen, 1972 ). For an alternative approach and critique of Skinner and Pocock, see Mark Bevir, The logic of the history of ideas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 ). For a useful, though not up-to-date, critique and survey of Skinner that includes five of his original essays and an extensive reply by him, see James Tully (ed.) Meaning and context: Quentin Skinner and his critics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989 ). For contextualism in IR, see Duncan Bell, “Language, legitimacy, and the project of critique,” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political , Vol. 27, No. 3, 2002 , pp. 327–350. 14 . William Godwin (1756–1836). William Godwin, An enquiry concerning political justice and its influence on virtue and happiness in Mark Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, vol. 1 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1993 ) and ibid., vol. 2 : Political justice: variants. Hereafter, Political justice. The later editions (1796, 1798) were retitled An enquiry concerning political justice and its influence on morals and happiness. 15 . Holcroft and Godwin were already good friends by this time. It should also be noted that although known to us today as notable radicals, both Thelwall and Wollstonecraft were not so well-known at the time of the original publication of Political justice in 1793. In this respect, in the early 1790s, Godwin’s influence on John Horne Tooke (1736–1812), for example, would have contributed more to his initial notoriety. 1 6 . S e e N i c h o l a s R o e , Wordsworth and Coleridge: the radical years (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988 ). As I discuss in Chapter 5 , which focuses on Godwin’s international thought, Coleridge also supplied Godwin with critical remarks on Godwin’s only Orientalist play , Abbas, King of Persia . 1 7 . S e e G o d w i n ’ s Thoughts occasioned by the perusal of Dr Parr’s Spital sermon, preached at Christ Church April 15 1800: being a reply to the attacks of Dr Parr, Mr Mackintosh, the author of An essay on population, and others (1801) and Of population: an enquiry concerning the power of increase in the numbers of mankind, being an answer to Mr Malthus’s essay on that subject (1820) in Mark Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin, vol. 2: political writings ii (London: William Pickering, 1993 ). Malthus’s original essay, published in 1798, was in part a critique of Godwin’s thesis of human perfectibility in Political justice and was entitled, An essay on the principle of population as it affects the future improvement of society with remarks on the speculations of Mr Godwin, M. Condorcet and other writers . 214 ● Notes

18 . The term, anarchism, emerged in common usage only in the nineteenth century. Godwin would not, therefore, at the time of writing Political justice, have described himself explicitly as a conscious proponent of anarchism despite the work being subsequently widely regarded as a founding tract of modern anarchist thought. 19 . Gregory Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness: Godwin and Godwinism revisited” in Gordon J. Schochet (ed.) Empires and revolutions (Washington, DC: Folger Institute, 1993 ), p. 187 20 . Ibid., p. 187. For a reading of Godwin as elitist and conservative, see Isaac Kramnick, “On anarchism and the real world: William Godwin and radical England,” American Political Science Review , Vol. 66, 1972, pp. 114–128. 21 . Mark Philp has challenged the more conventional view, arguing that Godwin’s ethics can be described, more accurately, as a form of nonconsequentialist per- fectionism. See Philp, Godwin’s Political justice . As with anarchism, the term utilitarian became commonly used to denote a particular approach to ethics only in the nineteenth century. 22 . François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon (1651–1715), Archbishop of Cambrai, published his Télémaque in 1699. 2 3 . G o d w i n , Political justice, Book II, Chapter 2. See also Peter Singer, Leslie Cannold, and Helga Kuhse, “William Godwin and the defence of impartialist ethics,” Utilitas , Vol. 7, No. 1, May 1995 , pp. 67–86. 24 . Most studies of anarchism include Godwin, usually as the first modern exponent of anarchist principles. George Crowder, for example, has situated Godwin among the “classical anarchists” of the nineteenth century. See George Crowder, Classical anarchism: the political thought of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin and Kropotkin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991 ). 25 . For the standard work on the historical sociology of civility in Western Europe, see Norbert Elias, The civilizing process, translated by Edmund Jephcott (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1994 ). In linguistic studies, Penelope Brown and Steven Levinson have drawn on H. P. Grice’s work on conversational impli- cature and Erving Goffman’s metaphorical notion of “face” in an influential work. See Penelope Brown and Steven Levinson “Universals in language usage: politeness phenomena” in Esther N. Goody (ed.) Questions and politeness: strategies in social interaction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), pp. 56–290, H. P. Grice, “Logic and conversation” in P. Cole and J. Morgan (eds.) Speech acts, syntax and semantics III (New York: Academic Press, 1975 ), pp. 41–58 and Erving Goffman, Interaction ritual: essays on face-to-face behavior (New York: Anchor Books, 1967 ). 26 . Goody (ed.) Questions and politeness: strategies in social interaction, p. 1. 27 . The contiguity between the normative and the aesthetic or “formal” aspects of politeness is developed in Lawrence Klein’s reading of politeness in the thought of the Third Earl of Shaftesbury, which, as I discuss below, I draw upon in my interpretation of Godwin’s thought. See Klein, Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness. Notes ● 215

28 . In my discussion of the evolution of Godwin’s thought in Chapter 4 , I define his “rationalism” as having four components: a belief in progress; in the omnip- otence of truth; in universal reason; and in human perfectibility. His “skepti- cal” account of liberty within which he situated politeness is defined as those positions that depart from these rationalist commitments. My use of the term “rationalist” should not be confused with its use in Martin Wight’s tripartite division of IR theory (Realist, Rationalist, Revolutionist). See Martin Wight, International theory: the three traditions, edited by Gabriele Wight and Brian Porter with an introduction by Hedley Bull (Leicester: Leicester University Press for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1991). 29 . The contemporary use of “civic humanism” (also “republicanism”) first emerged as a discrete term in historical scholarship to denote a particular conception of politics in the work of German historian, Hans Baron. See Hans Baron, The crisis of the early Italian Renaissance: civic humanism and republican liberty in an age of classicism and tyranny, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955). It later entered into the wider historiographical debates that, in Anglo-American scholarship, primarily concerned the contested intellectual origins of the American Revolution and, more specifically, became focused on the relative weight accorded to the influence of Locke and, by extension, a particular form of liberalism. It has, since its emergence, become a rather protean concept, interpreted in a variety of ways and employed in the service of divergent intellectual and ideological agendas, historical and contemporary. See Daniel T. Rodgers, “Republicanism: the career of a concept,” Journal of American History , Vol. 79, No. 1, June 1992 , pp. 11–38. Mirroring the historical polarity focused on Locke, in contemporary political theory, republicanism has also come to define an array of communitarian approaches that stand in opposition to liberalism. For the most influential ren- dering of the tradition within historical scholarship, though not the first or sole interpretation, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian moment: Florentine political thought and the Atlantic republican tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975 ). However, while there is a strand of contemporary republicanism that is broadly communitarian, the more prominent position, associated, for example, with Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner, is anticommunitarian. It draws on different philosophical resources, to reach different conclusions. See, inter alia, Philip Pettit, Republicanism: a theory of freedom and government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997 ) and Quentin Skinner, Liberty before liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 30 . In this context, politeness can be understood as being implicated, along with luxury, in the wider processes of empire and commerce that were encroach- ing upon the early modern state and the frugal and martial independence characteristic of the dominant conception of republican virtue was generally critical of. See Iain Hampsher-Monk, “From virtue to politeness” in Martin van Gelderen and Quentin Skinner (eds.) Republicanism: a shared European heritage, vol. 2: the values of republicanism in early modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 216 ● Notes

31 . “Godwin’s development thus reflects in microcosm that process which J. G. A. Pocock has characterised as one of the more important movements in eighteenth-century political thought generally, the supplanting of notions of republican political virtue and the common good by politeness as a means of civilizing the passions and providing for a sense of collective endeavour in commercial society.” Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness,” p. 189. 32 . Penelope Brown and Steven Levinson, Politeness: some universals in language use (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987 ), p. xiii. This book is an extension of their influential essay that appeared in Goody’s edited volume in 1978 . 33 . For a prominent recent work, see Paul Sharp, Diplomatic theory of international relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009 ). Iver Neumann’s innovative ethnographic work is also particularly notable. Among English School scholarship, Adam Watson’s Diplomacy was previously the only book-length work on the subject, while James Der Derian’s On diplomacy remains an important and innovative post-structuralist critique of traditional approaches to the subject. See Adam Watson, Diplomacy: the dialogue between states (London: Eyre Methuen, 1982 ) and Der Derian, On diplomacy . 34 . Sasson Sofer, “Old and new diplomacy: a debate revisited” in Jonsson and Langhorne (eds.) Diplomacy vol. 2: history of diplomacy , p. 396 35 . James Der Derian, “Mediating estrangement: a theory for diplomacy,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 13, No. 2, 1987 , p. 92. 36 . The pragmatic aspect of Godwin’s thought has also been noted by other commentators who have connected Godwin’s ideas to the pragmatism of the contemporary philosopher Richard Rorty. See Ian Ward, “A love of justice: the legal and political thought of William Godwin,” Journal of Legal History , Vol. 25, No. 1, April 2004 and Rowland Weston, “Politics, passion and the ‘Puritan Temper’: Godwin’s critique of Enlightened modernity,” Studies in Romanticism , Vol. 41, No. 3, Fall 2002 . See also Richard Rorty, Contingency, irony and solidarity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ) and William Godwin, Life of Geoffrey Chaucer, 2nd edition, 4 vols. (1804; New York: AMS Press, 1974 ). 3 7 . S k i n n e r , Liberty before liberalism, pp 118–119.

1 Revisiting Anarchism 1 . See Hidemi Suganami, The domestic analogy and world order proposals (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ). 2 . Peter Marshall has located its genesis to ancient China, tracing its many incar- nations since that time. Peter Marshall, Demanding the impossible: a history of anarchism (London: HarperCollins, 1992 ), p. 4. See also George Woodcock, Anarchism: a history of libertarian ideas and movements (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963 ), James Joll, The anarchists (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1964 ), and Daniel Guérin, Anarchism: from theory to practice , translated by Mary Klopper with an introduction by Noam Chomsky (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970 ). Notes ● 217

3 . M . F o r t e s a n d E . E . E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , African political systems (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 4 0 ) . 4 . B u l l , The anarchical society , p. 62. 5 . See, inter alia, John Zerzan , Future primitive (Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia, 1994 ). 6 . I use the term “ideology” in the more general sense of a set of social, political and economic ideas, and principles that form a doctrine or system of belief. 7 . See, inter alia, Duane Rouselle and Sureyya Evren (eds.) Post-anarchism: a reader (London: Pluto Press, 2011 ), Saul Newman, The politics of post-anarchism (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011 ), Nathan J. Jun and Shaun Wahl (eds.) New perspectives on anarchism (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009 ), and Uri Gordon, Anarchy alive! Anti-authoritarian politics from practice to theory (London: Pluto Press, 2008 ). 8 . For anarchism and global Islam, see Zaheer Kazmi, Jihadutopia: visions of anarchy (London: Hurst, forthcoming). There is now also increasing interest in the relationship between anarchism and religion more generally. See, for example, Alexandre J. M. E. Chrystoyannopoulos (ed.) Religious anarchism: new perspectives (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2009 ) and Alexandre J. M. E. Chrystoyannopoulos, Christian anarchism: a political commentary on the Gospel (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2011 ). For rare scholarly treatments of anarchism and Islam, see Patricia Crone, “Ninth-century Muslim anarchists,” Past and Present, Vol. 167, No. 1, 2000 , pp. 3–28 and Harold Barclay, “Islam, Muslim societies and anarchy,” Anarchist Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (2002 ), pp. 105–118. 9 . Here I am adopting John Clark’s four-part definition of what constitutes an anarchist political theory. Clark, “What is anarchism?” p. 13. 10 . Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, The principle of federation (1863). Cited in Selected writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon , edited with an introduction by S. Edwards, translated by E. Fraser (London: Macmillan, 1970 ), p. 91. 11 . Max Stirner and the American libertarian anarchists of the same period are generally treated separately. George Crowder has situated these four main thinkers (Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin) within a distinct “classical anarchist” tradition. See Crowder, Classical anarchism. See also R. B. Fowler, “The anarchist tradition of political thought,” Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 25, 1972 , pp. 738–752. Carl Levy has dated the “classical” period of anarchism from 1860 to 1939. See Carl Levy, “Anarchism, internationalism and nationalism in Europe 1860–1939,” Australian Journal of Politics and History , Vol. 50, No. 3, 2004 , pp. 330–342. 12 . See, inter alia, G. D. H. Cole, A history of socialist thought, vol. 2, pp. 230– 236, E. H. Carr, Michael Bakunin (London: Macmillan 1937 ), pp. 327–443, and Paul Thomas, Karl Marx and the anarchists (London: Routledge, 1980 ). 13 . “God and the state” in Bakunin on anarchy: selected works by the activist-founder of world anarchism, edited and translated with an introduction by Sam Dolgoff, preface by Paul Avrich (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973), p. 227. The title was not Bakunin’s own but was given by its editors and anarchist associates of Bakunin, Carlos Cafiero, and Elisée Reclus on its posthumous 218 ● Notes

publication. It was originally intended by Bakunin to be part of a larger work, “The Knouto-Germanic empire and the social revolution.” 14 . “Statism and anarchy” in Bakunin on anarchy , pp. 331–332. 1 5 . C o n r a d , The secret agent and G. K. Chesterton, The man who was Thursday: a nightmare (London: Penguin, 1986 ), first published in 1908. See also Henry James, The princess Casamassima (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977 ), first published in 1886. 16 . “The revolutionary catechism” in Bakunin on anarchy , pp. 82–83. 17 . Ibid., p. 82. 18 . The idea of a United States of Europe was set out as part of the thirteen principles included in his address, later known as “Federalism, Socialism, Anti-Theologism,” presented to the Central Committee of the League for Peace and Freedom in Geneva in 1867. The League was sponsored by prominent European liberals, including Giuseppe Garibaldi, John Stuart Mill, and Victor Hugo. 19 . Peter Kropotkin, “Modern science and anarchism” in Kropotkin’s revolutionary pamphlets , pp. 191–192. 20 . See Kropotkin’s “Mutual aid: a factor of evolution,” “Modern science and anarchism,” and “Ethics: origin and development” in Kropotkin’s revolutionary pamphlets. Elisée Reclus also drew on Darwin to argue for mutual aid as an essential aspect of human evolution and progress. See Elisée Reclus, L’ évolution et révolution (Paris: Publications de la Révolte, 1891) and Marie Fleming, The anarchist way to socialism: Elisée Reclus and 19th-century European anarchism (London: Croom Helm, 1979 ). 2 1 . “ I n t r o d u c t i o n ” i n P e t e r K r o p o t k i n , The conquest of bread and other writings , edited by Marshall Shatz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 ), p. xvi. 2 2 . I b i d . , p p . 9 4 – 9 5 . 23 . Marie Fleming, “Propaganda by the deed: terrorism and anarchist theory in late nineteenth-century Europe” in Yonah Alexander and Kenneth A. Myers (eds.) Terrorism in Europe (London: Croom Helm, 1983 ), p. 12. Fleming argues that propaganda by the deed should be understood as a strategic, rather than random or irrational act. 24 . Joll has pointed to the symbolism of the acts as opposed to their strategic intent. Joll, The anarchists , p. 129. 25 . For anarchism in Italy, see also Carl Levy, Gramsci and the anarchists (New York: Berg, 2000 ). 26 . See, inter alia, Rudolf Rocker, Anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism (London: Freedom Press, 1973 ). 2 7 . G e o r g e s S o r e l , Reflections on violence, edited by Jeremy Jennings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 ). 2 8 . G e o r g e O r w e l l , Homage to Catalonia (London: Penguin, 1998 ), first published in 1938. 29 . The rebellion was more a revolt against Bolshevik centralization than a specifically anarchist uprising. See Paul Avrich, The Russian anarchists (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967) and Paul Avrich, Kronstadt 1921 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970 ). Notes ● 219

30 . See, inter alia, Emma Goldman, Anarchism and other essays (New York: Dover, 1969 ), Alexander Berkman, The ABC of anarchism (London: Freedom Press, 1973 ), Don Herzog, “Romantic anarchism and pedestrian liberalism,” Political Theory , Vol. 35, No. 3, June 2007, pp. 313–333, and Kathy Ferguson, “Discourses of danger: Locating Emma Goldman,” Political Theory , Vol. 36, No. 5, October 2008 , pp. 735–761. 31 . Thus, Godwin and Proudhon, for example, appear in genealogies of both social and individualist anarchism. 3 2 . M u r r a y N . R o t h b a r d , For a new liberty: the libertarian manifesto (New York: C o l l i e r , 1 9 7 8 ) . 33 . Colin Ward, Anarchism: a very short introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004 ), p. 69. Ward cites Robert Wolff, Robert Nozick, David Friedman, and Murray Rothbard as “anarchocapitalist” academics. As an advocate of a minimal state, Nozick, I argue below, fits less readily into this category. As I have pointed out in my Introduction, Wolff also fits rather oddly as an anarchocapitalist. 34 . See Max Stirner, The ego and its own , edited by David Leopold (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 ), John. P. Clark, Max Stirner’s egoism (London: Freedom Press, 1976 ), and R. W. K. Paterson, The nihilistic egoist: Max Stirner (London and New York: Published for the University of Hull by Oxford University Press, 1971). 35 . Others would include, for example, William B. Greene and Henry David Thoreau. See David Deleon, The American as anarchist: reflections on indigenous radicalism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978 ), James. J. Martin, Men against the state: the expositors of individualist anarchism in America, 1827–1908 (New York: Libertarian Book Club, 1957 ), W. O. Reichert, Partisans of freedom: a study in American anarchism (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green University, 1976 ), and Miller, Anarchism (Chapter 3). 3 6 . J o s i a h W a r r e n , Equitable commerce (New Harmony, IN, 1846 ). 3 7 . J o s i a h W a r r e n , Practical details in equitable commerce (New Harmony, IN, 1852 ), I, 12. Quoted in Martin, Men against the state, p. 18 and Marshall, Demanding the impossible , pp. 384–385. 3 8 . M a r t i n , Men against the state , p. 16. 3 9 . M a r s h a l l , Demanding the impossible , p. 387. 4 0 . L y s a n d e r S p o o n e r , Constitutional Law relative to credit, currency and banking (Worcester, MA, 1843 ), p. 24. Quoted in Martin, Men against the state , p. 169. 4 1 . I b i d . , p p . 1 7 3 – 1 7 4 . 4 2 . M a r s h a l l , Demanding the impossible p. 391. 4 3 . R o b e r t N o z i c k , Anarchy, state and utopia ( O x f o r d : B l a c k w e l l , 1 9 7 4 ) . 44 . See Ayn Rand, The virtue of selfishness: a new concept of egoism (New York: Cygnet, 1964 ) and her novels, The Fountainhead (1943) and Atlas shrugged (1957). See also Jennifer Burns, Goddess of the market: Ayn Rand and the American Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009 ) and Murray N. Rothbard, The sociology of the Ayn Rand cult (Port Townsend, Washington: L i b e r t y , 1 9 8 7 ) . 220 ● Notes

45 . For anarchist activism outside Europe and North America, see Marshall, Demanding the impossible , pp. 504–535, which covers both Latin America and Asia. For an insightful recent work that situates historical anarchist activism within a wider transnational political arena, see Benedict Anderson, Under three flags: anarchism and the anti-colonial imagination ( L o n d o n : V e r s o , 2 0 0 8 ) . 46 . For British anarchism, see Carissa Honeywell, A British anarchist tradition: Herbert Read, Alex Comfort and Colin Ward ( L o n d o n : C o n t i n u u m , 2 0 1 1 ) . 47 . Guy Debord, The society of the spectacle , translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith (New York: Zone Books, 1995 ). See also Raoul Vaneigem, The revolution of everyday life (London: Left Bank Books, 1983 ), first published in 1967. Debord also edited the journal Internationale Situationiste from 1958 to 1969. 4 8 . D e b o r d , The society of the spectacle , p. 12. 49 . Lerner, “Anarchism and the American counter-culture.” 5 0 . S e e N o a m C h o m s k y , The logical structure of linguistic theory (New York: Plenum Press, 1975 ) and Syntactic structures (The Hague: Mouton, 1968 ). 5 1 . N o a m C h o m s k y , “ N o t e s o n a n a r c h i s m ” i n Chomsky on anarchism (Edinburgh: AK Press, 2005 ), p. 123. 5 2 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 3 . 53 . See, for example, Noam Chomsky, For reasons of state (London: Fontana, 1973 ). 54 . See Noam Chomsky, “The responsibility of intellectuals” in Noam Chomsky, The Chomsky reader , edited by James Peck (London: Serpent’s Tail, 1987 ), pp. 59–82. See also Noam Chomsky, American power and the new mandarins (London: Chatto & Windus, 1969 ), and Language and responsibility (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1979 ). 55 . On this analysis, Eric Herring and Piers Robinson have noted the academic marginalization of Chomsky’s own work. See Eric Herring and Piers Robinson, “Too polemical or too critical? Chomsky on the study of the news media and US foreign policy,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 29, No. 4, October 2003 , pp. 553–568. 56 . Chomsky, “The responsibility of intellectuals,” p. 60. 5 7 . E d w a r d S . H e r m a n a n d N o a m C h o m s k y , Manufacturing consent: the political economy of the mass media (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988 ). 58 . See, inter alia, Noam Chomsky, “Commentary: moral truisms, empirical evidence, and foreign policy,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 29, No. 4, October 2003 , pp. 605–620, Noam Chomsky, 9–11 (New York: Seven Stories, 2001 ), The new military humanism: lessons from Kosovo (London: Pluto Press, 1999 ), and The fateful triangle: the United States, Israel and the Palestinians (London: Pluto Press, 1983 ). 59 . Chomsky himself rejects the term “antiglobalization” to describe his own ideas. 60 . In this, Murray Bookchin’s pioneering work has been particularly significant. See, inter alia, Murray Bookchin, The ecology of freedom: the emergence and dissolution of hierarchy (Palo Alto: Cheshire Books, 1982 ) and Post-scarcity anarchism (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971 ). For his critique of John Zerzan’s anarchoprimitivism, see Murray Bookchin, Social anarchism or lifestyle anarchism: an unbridgeable chasm (San Francisco: AK Press, 1995 ). Notes ● 221

61 . Walter, “Anarchism in print,” p. 535. 6 2 . W o l f f , In defence of anarchy . 63 . Ibid., p. 15. 64 . For a critique of Wolff’s position, see Jeffrey H. Reiman, In defence of political philosophy: a reply to Robert Paul Wolff’s In defence of anarchism (New York: H a r p e r R o w , 1 9 7 2 ) . 65 . For an overview of the debate, see Stephen Mulhall and Adam Swift, Liberals and communitarians ( O x f o r d : B l a c k w e l l , 1 9 9 2 ) . 66 . Michael Taylor, Community, anarchy and liberty (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 2 ) . 6 7 . I b i d . , p . 4 . 68 . Ibid., p. 39. 6 9 . R i t t e r , Anarchism: a theoretical analysis , p. 2 7 0 . I b i d . , p . 7 . 71 . Ibid., p. 26. 72 . See the essays in the Journal of Political Ideologies , Vol. 16, No. 3, 2011 . For more general works on anarchism in political theory, see Pennock and Chapman (eds.) Anarchism and Miller, Anarchism. See also April Carter, The political theory of anarchism (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971). Carole Pateman’s The problem of political obligation might also be regarded as lying on the borders of anarchist political theory. Carole Pateman, The problem of political obligation: a critical analysis of liberal theory (Chichester: John Wiley, 1979 ). 73 . See, inter alia, Alan Ritter, The political thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969 ), R. L. Hoffman, Revolutionary justice: the social and political theory of P-J Proudhon (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972 ), Mark Philp, Godwin’s Political Justice (London: Duckworth, 1986 ), and J. P. Clark, The philosophical anarchism of William Godwin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977 ). See also Crowder, Classical anarchism . 74 . See, inter alia, Martin A. Miller, Kropotkin (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976 ) and Peter Marshall, William Godwin (New Haven: Yale University P r e s s , 1 9 8 4 ) . 75 . See, inter alia, Kropotkin, The conquest of bread and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, What is property? edited and translated by Donald R. Kelly and Bonnie G. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 ). 76 . See, inter alia, Bakunin on anarchy , Kropotkin’s revolutionary pamphlets , Proudhon, Selected writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Peter Marshall (ed.) The anarchist writings of William Godwin (London: Freedom Press, 1987 ), and Mark Philp (General Editor), Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin vols. 1–7 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1993 ). 77 . James Joll, “In an ideal world: the roles of quietism and violence in anarchist thought,” Times Literary Supplement , No. 4632, January 10, 1992 , p. 3. 78 . David Goodway, “Introduction” in David Goodway (ed.) For anarchism: history, theory and practice (London: Routledge, 1989 ), p. 1. 79 . Ibid., p. 2. The italics are mine. 222 ● Notes

80 . Carl Levy, “Anarchism and cosmopolitanism,” Journal of Political Ideologies , Vol. 16, No. 3, 2011 , pp. 265–278. 81 . See the essays in “Forum: anarchism and world politics,” Millennium , Vol. 39, No. 2, 2010 , pp. 373–501. 82 . Eric Herring and Piers Robinson, “Introduction” to “Forum on Chomsky,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 29. No. 4, 2003 , p. 551. 83 . Chomsky’s work, including articles from this RIS forum, is included in the Anarchist Studies Network’s reading list for anarchism and IR. See http:// anarchist-studies-network.org.uk/ReadingLists_InternationalRelations 84 . Prichard, “What can the absence of anarchism tell us about the history and purpose of International Relations?” p. 1669. 85 . It is revealing of the depth of this neglect that even in Andrew Linklater’s major synthetic work, The transformation of political community , which is entirely concerned with post-state visions, anarchism is mentioned only once, fleetingly, with a typically cursory citation of only Weiss’s rather slim and heavily normative essay. Andrew Linklater, The transformation of political community: ethical foundations of the post-Westphalian era (Cambridge: Polity, 1998 ), p. 196 and Weiss, “The tradition of philosophical anarchism and future directions in world policy.” 86 . Richard Sylvan, “Anarchism” in R. E. Goodin and P. Pettit (eds.) A companion to contemporary political philosophy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993 ), p. 225. 87 . While anarchism, as a distinct body of thought, has remained more or less off the IR theoretical agenda, there has been a widespread growth in literature critical of the state. See, inter alia, Linklater, The transformation of political community, Charles Beitz, Political theory and international relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979 ), Thomas Pogge, Realizing Rawls (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989 ), Daniele Archibugi and David Held (eds.) Cosmopolitan democracy: an agenda for a new world order (Cambridge: Polity, 1995 ), and Jens Bartelson, The critique of the state (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 1 ) . 88 . See, for example, Ritter, Anarchism: a theoretical analysis. 89 . Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, La guerre et la paix, 2 vols. (Paris: 1861) and Leo Tolstoy, War and peace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988 ). Tolstoy’s novel was first published, in serialized form, between 1865 and 1869. 90 . See, inter alia, Prichard, “Justice, order and anarchy: the international political theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.” See also the short chapter devoted to Proudhon’s work in Daniel Pick’s War machine: the rationalisation of slaughter in the modern age (London: Yale University Press, 1993) and Aaron Noland, “Proudhon’s sociology of war,” American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 3, 1970 , pp. 289–304. 91 . See “Forum on the state as person,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 30, No. 2, April 2004, pp. 255–316, Chris Brown, “Moral agency and international society: reflections on norms, the UN, the Gulf War and the Kosovo campaign,” Ethics and International Affairs, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2001 , pp. 87–98 and Toni Erskine, “Assigning responsibilities to institutional moral agents: the case of states and quasi-states,” Ethics and International Affairs, Vol. 15, No. 2, Notes ● 223

October 2001 , pp. 67–85. See also Quentin Skinner, “A genealogy of the modern state,” Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. 162, 2008 , pp. 325–370. 9 2 . S u g a n a m i , The domestic analogy and world order proposals , p. 1 93 . For a treatment of Proudhon in contemporary IR, see Prichard, “Justice, order and anarchy: the international political theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.” See also Alex Prichard, “The ethical foundations of Proudhon’s republican anarchism” in Benjamin Franks and Matthew Wilson (eds.) Anarchism and moral philosophy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010 ), pp. 86–113. 94 . Robert Graham has described Proudhon’s notion of contract as “a self-interested bargain or exchange between free and equal individuals imposing recipro- cal obligations on each party to their mutual benefit or advantage.” Robert Graham, “The role of contract in anarchist ideology” in Goodway (ed.) For anarchism, p. 153. The italics are mine. 95 . This could apply, for example, to so-called Coalitions of the willing acting without a specific United Nations’ mandate. An interesting extension of this aspect of Proudhon’s contract to IR in this regard might entail characterizing the “anarchist” states in these coalitions as either “missionaries” or “vigilantes” acting outside the framework of the UN: the former aiming to subvert estab- lished international norms, the latter aiming to protect existing ones. 96 . David Mapel, “The contractarian tradition and international ethics” in T. Nardin and D. R. Mapel (eds.) Traditions of international ethics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992 ), p. 187. 97 . In an incisive critique, Noel Malcolm has argued that, for the most part, Realist IR theorists have misrepresented Hobbes’s position as one of an absence of morality in the state of nature and international relations. Noel Malcolm, “Hobbes’s theory of International Relations” in Noel Malcolm, Aspects of Hobbes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002 ). 98 . In Hobbes’s notion of social contract, the sovereign is not itself party to the contract but only an outcome of the contract among the people. Nevertheless, I use the term “vertical” here to emphasize the end of most social contract theory, which is to justify the state or delimit the scope and nature of arrange- ments for justice within it. 99 . The selective appropriation of Kant’s thought as theoretical justification for, in this case, contemporary world government or world federation, is not unproblematic. See Richard Tuck, The rights of war and peace: political thought and the international order from Grotius to Kant (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999 ), Chapter 7 . Within the ES, Bull has highlighted the inherent inconsistency in the descriptive and prescriptive elements of this position: “The Kantian view of international relations involves a dilemma. If states are indeed in a Hobbesian state of nature, the contract by means of which they are to emerge from it cannot take place,” Hedley Bull, “Society and anarchy in international relations” in Butterfield and Wight (eds.) Diplomatic investigations , p. 47. Similarly, Mapel has pointed to its dualism: “Actual states exist in a Hobbesian state of nature, where wars are neither just nor unjust because there is no guarantee of reciprocity and no common judge: yet, despite the prospect that we shall continue in this condition, 224 ● Notes

individuals must hope and act as if an international social contract is not impossible,” Mapel, “The contractarian tradition and international ethics,” p. 190. 1 0 0 . S e e J o h n R a w l s , A theory of justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971 ), Beitz, Political theory and international relations , Pogge, Realizing Rawls . From a diff erent perspective to Rawls, Nozick’s Anarchy, state and utopia is also an important work of contractarian revivalism of the period. For a critique of Rawls and Nozick, see John Gray, “Social contract, community and ideology” in B. Birnbaum, J. Lively, and G. Parry (eds.) Democracy, consensus and social contract (London: Sage, 1978 ). 101 . See Graham, “Th e role of contract in anarchist ideology.” See also James Bu- chanan, “A contractarian perspective on anarchy” in Pennock and Chapman (eds.) Anarchism , pp. 29–42. 102 . “Of the original contract” in S. Copley and A. Edgar (eds.) David Hume: selected essays (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993 ), p. 279. 1 0 3 . G r a h a m , “ Th e role of contract in anarchist ideology,” p. 150. 104 . Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, What is property? edited and translated by Donald R. Kelly and Bonnie. G. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 ). 105 . “Although a fi rm friend of order, I am, in every sense of the term, an anarchist.” Proudhon, What is property ? p. 205. 106 . “Free association, liberty, which is limited to maintaining equality in the means of production and equivalence in exchanges, is the only possible, the only just, the only true from of society.” Ibid., pp. 215–216. 107 . Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, On justice in the revolution and in the church (1858) cited in Hoff mann, Revolutionary justice , p. 283. 1 0 8 . P r o u d h o n , General idea of the revolution in the nineteenth-century (1851) cited in Ritter, Th e political thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon , p. 104. 1 0 9 . B u l l , Th e anarchical society , p. 77 1 1 0 . Oeuvres complètes de P-J Proudhon (Paris: A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven, et Cie., 1867–1870), III, vol. 1, p. 419. Cited in Hoff man, Revolutionary justice , p. 291. 1 1 1 . P i e r r e - J o s e p h P r o u d h o n , Th e principle of federation, translated with an introduction by Richard Vernon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979 ), p. 38. 112 . “Of the social contract” (I 7 (8)) in Rousseau, Th e social contract and other later political writings, edited by V. Gourevitch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997 ), p. 53. 1 1 3 . G . P . M a x i m o ff (ed.) Th e political philosophy of Bakunin: scientifi c anarchism (New York: Free Press, 1953 ), p. 159 1 1 4 . G r a h a m , “ Th e role of contract in anarchist ideology,” p. 152. For the concept of self-assumed obligation applied to direct democracy, see Pateman, Th e problem of political obligation . 1 1 5 . H o ff man, Revolutionary justice, p. 290.

2 Anarchism and International Theory 1 . Evident in the frequent invocation of historical figures to bolster respective international theories, most clearly in the IR typologies of Martin Wight’s Hobbesian Notes ● 225

realism, Grotian rationalism, Kantian revolutionism, and Alexander Wendt’s Hobbesian, Lockean, and Kantian cultures of anarchy. See Wight, International theory and Wendt, Social theory of international politics . 2 . Similar arguments are now well-rehearsed in IR’s so-called historical turn. For an early recognition of this trend, see Duncan S. A. Bell, “International relations: the dawn of a historiographical turn?” British Journal of Politics and International Relations , Vol. 3, No. 1, 2001, pp. 115–126. 3 . See Chapter 6, “Three cultures of anarchy” in Wendt, Social theory of international politics . 4 . For a major theoretical study that also posits multiple or mixed identities in IR though from a different perspective drawn from ancient Greek thought, see Richard Ned Lebow, A cultural theory of international relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008 ). 5 . See Robert Keohane (ed.) Neorealism and its critics (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 6 ) . 6 . “When the crunch comes, states remake the rules by which other actors oper- ate.” Waltz, Theory of international politics , p. 94. 7 . I b i d . , p . 8 . 8 . Kenneth Waltz, “Realist thought and neorealist theory,” Journal of International Affairs , Vol. 44, 1990 , pp. 29–30. 9 . W a l t z , Theory of international politics , p. 103. 1 0 . R o b e r t K e o h a n e , After hegemony: cooperation and discord in the world political economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984 ). For regime theory, see Stephen Krasner (ed.) International regimes (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University P r e s s , 1 9 8 3 ) . 11 . For a recent overview, see the relevant chapters in Christian Reus-Smit and Duncan Snidal (eds.) The Oxford handbook of international relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). See also, inter alia, Emmanuel Adler, “Seizing the middle ground: constructivism in world politics,” European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 3, No. 3, 1997 pp. 319–363, Jeffrey T. Checkel, “The constructivist turn in international relations,” World Politics , Vol. 50, No. 2, 1998 , pp. 324–348, John Ruggie, Constructing the world polity (London: Routledge 1998 ), and Wendt, Social theory of international politics . 1 2 . “ I t i s not ideas all the way down. Brute material forces like biological needs, the physical environment, and technological artefacts do have intrinsic causal powers. However, once we have properly separated material forces and ideas we can see that the former explain relatively little in social life.” Wendt, Social theory of international politics, p. 41. 1 3 . I b i d . , p . 2 5 14 . Eric Ringmar, “Alexander Wendt: a social scientist struggling with history” in Iver B. Neumann and Ole Waever (eds.) The future of International Relations: masters in the making (London: Routledge, 1997 ), p. 279. 15 . Alexander Wendt, “Anarchy is what states make of it: the social construction of power politics,” International Organization , Vol. 46, No. 2, Spring 1992 , pp. 391–425. 226 ● Notes

16 . Ringmar, “Alexander Wendt: a social scientist struggling with history,” p. 278. 1 7 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics, p. 249. For a prominent work of structural realism that also explicitly moves beyond Waltz’s approach, see Barry Buzan, Charles Jones, and Richard Little, The logic of anarchy: neorealism to structural realism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993 ). 1 8 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , pp. 246–313. 19 . For a critical review of English School literature, see Duncan S. A. Bell, “Back to school? Ethics and international society,” Global Society , Vol. 15, No. 4, 2001, pp. 405–413. 2 0 . S e e T i m o t h y D u n n e , Inventing international society: a history of the English School (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1998 ). Barry Buzan has argued that “pluralism and solidarism should not be understood as mutually exclusive positions, but as positions on a spectrum representing, respectively, thin and thick sets of shared norms, rules and institutions . . . with pluralism associated with rules about coex- istence, and solidarism potentially extending much beyond that.” Barry Buzan, From international to world society? English School theory and the social structure of globalisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004 ), p. 139. 2 1 . S e e R o b e r t J a c k s o n , The global covenant: human relations in a world of states (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 ) and Nicholas Wheeler, Saving strangers: humanitarian intervention in international society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 ). 22 . James Mayall (ed.) The new interventionism 1991–1994: United Nations experience in Cambodia, former Yugoslavia and Somalia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 ), p. 5. 23 . In the English School’s most influential work, Hedley Bull has listed these institutions, alongside the role of the great powers, as constituting international society. See Bull, The anarchical society . 24 . Timothy Dunne, “The social construction of international society,” European Journal of International Relations , Vol. 1, No. 3, 1995 , pp. 367–389 2 5 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , p. 31 26 . For an alternative perspective that does not rest on the anarchist idea of positive anarchy, see Ashley, “Untying the sovereign state: a double reading of the anarchy problematique.” 2 7 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , p. 309. The italics are mine. 28 . As Wendt acknowledges, I have adapted these labels from Wight (e.g., 1991 ), although he used them to refer to theories (Realist, Rationalist, and Revolutionist, or, sometimes, Machiavellian, Grotian, and Kantian), while I will be using them to refer to real world structures , much as Bull (1977) used the terms “system” and “society.” Ibid., p. 257. Wendt also diverges from Bull in that Bull sees the movement from “system” to “society” and then to “community” as a “function of a growth in shared knowledge” whereas Wendt sees no correspondence between the extent of shared ideas and the degree of cooperation. Ibid., p. 253. See also Martin Wight, “The three traditions of international theory” in Wight, International theory: the three traditions , pp. 7–24 and Bull, The anarchical society . Notes ● 227

29 . In describing his work, Wendt makes clear that “the book is about the ontology of the states system, and so is more about international theory than international politics as such. The central question is: given a similar substantive concern as Waltz, i.e., states systemic theory and explanation, but a different ontology, what is the resulting theory of international politics?” Wendt, Social theory of international politics , p. 6. 30 . See, for example, David Held, Democracy and the global order (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), Beitz, Political theory and international relations, and Pogge, Realizing Rawls . 31 . In this regard, Wendt argues that “the question of how to think about a world that is becoming ‘domesticated’ but not centralized, about a world ‘after anarchy’ is one of the most important questions today facing not only students of international politics but of political theory as well.” Wendt, Social theory of international politics, p. 308. Wendt also cites Held approvingly here suggesting they have overlapping concerns. See Held, Democracy and the global order . 3 2 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , p. 376. The key to understanding Wendt’s conception of liberty in a Lockean culture, is the shared idea of “self-restraint,” which makes a Kantian culture possible. Wendt’s Kantian culture, on the other hand, is “multiply realizable,” that is, he suggests that there may be other pathways to achieving its logic of collective action and mutual aid aside from liberal-democratic states. In mapping progress, Wendt seems to be moving from a Lockean account of negative liberty epitomized by the central shared idea of self-restraint, to a Habermasian account of procedural ethics suggested by the emergence of an international public consciousness accountable to public reason and based on “multiple realizability.” 33 . Alexander Wendt, “Why a world state is inevitable,” European Journal of International Relations , Vol. 9, No. 4, 2003, pp. 491–542. In a teleological theory of the “logic of anarchy,” Wendt extends the familiar movement from international system to international society to world society to collective security, to a final “world state” by which he means the inevitability of a global monopoly on the legitimate use of organized violence. 34 . Alexander Wendt, “On the via media: a response to the critics,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 26, No. 1, January 2000 , p. 174. See also the “Forum on Alexander Wendt” in the same issue of the publication in which Wendt responds to his critics on this and other aspects of his theory. 35 . Wendt, “On the via media: a response to the critics,” p. 175. 36 . “My premise is that since states are the dominant form of subjectivity in contemporary world politics this means that they should be the primary unit of analysis for thinking about the global regulation of violence.” Wendt, Social theory of international politics , p. 9. 3 7 . I b i d . , p . 9 . 38 . Ibid., p. 215. See also Chapter 5, “The state and the problem of corporate agency,” ibid. 3 9 . W e n d t a r g u e s t h a t “ s t a t e s are real actors to which we can legitimately attribute anthropomorphic qualities like desires, beliefs, and intentionality.” Ibid., p. 197. 228 ● Notes

He contrasts this view with the more prevalent idea of the state as a “useful fic- tion,” “metaphor,” or “theoretical construct.” That is, in philosophical terms, he contrasts a “nominalist” view as against his own “realist” conception of corporate agency. 40 . Wendt, however, does address the question of corporate agency by elaborating an argument for regarding the state as a unitary actor with anthropomorphic qualities. See Chapter 5, “The state and the problem of corporate agency,” ibid. 41 . This degree of anthropomorphism would also include Waltz’s theory and the English School. 42 . For structuration theory, see Anthony Giddens, The constitution of society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984 ). For symbolic interactionism, see G. H. Mead, Mind, self and society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934 ). See also J. David Singer, “The level of analysis problem in International Relations,” World Politics, Vol. 14, No. 1, October 1961 , pp. 77–92, Barry Buzan, “The level of analysis problem in International Relations reconsidered” in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds.) International Relations theory today (Cambridge: Polity, 1996 ) and Buzan, Jones, and Little, The logic of anarchy . 43 . This, he argues, cannot be reduced to the agent or unit level as in Waltz’s analysis. Wendt uses the concept of “supervenience,” developed mainly by philosophers of mind, to address the problem of “multiple realizability” at the level of state interaction. This is where the effects of macro-level structures cannot be reduced to the properties and interactions of agents (states) because “there are often many combinations of lower-level properties or interactions that will realize the same macro-level state.” Wendt, Social theory of international politics , p. 155. Supervenience recognizes the fact that “macro-structures are both not reducible to and yet somehow dependent for their existence on micro-structures.” Ibid., pp. 155–156. For the concept of supervenience, see Terence Horgan, “From supervenience to superdupervenience: meeting the demands of a material world,” Mind , Vol. 102, 1993 , pp. 555–586 and Gregory Currie, “Individualism and global supervenience,” British Journal for the Philosophy of Science , Vol. 35, 1984 , pp. 345–358. 4 4 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , p. 147. Wendt asserts that “macro-level structures are only produced and reproduced by practices and interaction structures at the micro-level. Macro-structures need micro-structural foundations, and those foundations should be part of systemic theorizing.” Ibid., p. 150. The micro level is the level of state interaction. Thus, for Wendt, unlike Waltz, interaction, or process, cannot be reduced to the unit or agent level. 4 5 . I b i d . , p . 2 4 9 . 46 . Wendt makes a distinction between “private” and “socially shared” knowledge, the latter of which provides his focus for culture. As he points out, “socially shared knowledge is knowledge that is both common and connected between individuals” and “can be conflictual and cooperative.” Ibid., p. 141. 47 . “For much of international history states lived in a Hobbesian culture where the logic of anarchy was kill or be killed. But in the seventeenth century Notes ● 229

European states found a Lockean culture where conflict was constrained by the mutual recognition of sovereignty. This culture eventually became global, albeit in part through a Hobbesian process of colonialism. In the late twentieth century I believe the international system is undergoing another structural change, to a Kantian culture of collective security.” Ibid., p. 314. Wendt claims change is not inevitable but that the endogenous logic of a Lockean culture makes regression back to a Hobbesian culture very unlikely. As cultures are what he terms “self-fulfilling prophecies” in perpetuating their own logics of reproduction, change is also not easily accomplished and depends on the “degree of internalization” present in each culture that, in turn, Wendt relates to his cultural typology—a Hobbesian degree of internalization based on coercion, a Lockean one based on self-interest, and a Kantian one based on legitimacy. It is only through the latter degree of internalization that actors are “constructed” by culture in the sense that culture affects not only their behavior but also their identities and interests. 48 . Wendt’s citation of Peter Kropotkin in his discussion of the principle of mutual aid in his more progressivist Kantian culture of anarchy also reflects the more common understanding and invocation of anarchist ideas as a critical discourse of social justice that I discussed in Chapter 1 . Ibid., p. 300. See also Peter Kropotkin, Mutual aid: a factor of evolution (Boston: Porter Sargent, 1 9 1 4 ) . 4 9 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , p. 145. 50 . See Introduction. 51 . See, inter alia, William E. Scheuerman, Morgenthau (Cambridge: Polity, 2009), Michael Williams (ed.) Realism reconsidered: the legacy of Hans Morgenthau in International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007 ) and Duncan Bell (ed.) Political thought and international relations: variations on a realist theme (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 ). 5 2 . B r i a n S c h m i d t , The political discourse of anarchy: a disciplinary history of international relations (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998 ). 53 . Here, I follow Wendt in his view that the stability of discrete identities does not imply that they are fixed, given, or “naturalized,” although, as I go on to discuss, I diverge with his monological treatment of identity. As he argues, “yet it remains the case that identities are always in process, always contested, always an accomplishment of practice. Sometimes their reproduction is relatively unproblematic because contestation is low, in which case taking them as given may be analytically useful. But in doing so we should not forget that what we take to be given is in fact a process that has simply been sufficiently stabilized by internal and external structures that it appears given.” Wendt, Social theory of international politics , p. 340. 54 . Wendt does recognize that states have multiple identities but tends to view this as a “signal” to “noise” ratio problem that is less pronounced in the international system than the domestic sphere. As he states, “interestingly, this may be less of a problem in state agency than for other corporate bodies—which scholars seem more willing to call actors—since even if a state has multiple 230 ● Notes

personalities domestically they may manage to work together when dealing with outsiders.” Ibid., p. 222. 55 . For a brief but incisive critique of Wendt from a postmodernist perspective that also ties his conception of the state as a unitary actor to the scientific demands of his positivist social science approach, see Roxanne Lynn Doty, “Desire all the way down,” Review of International Studies, Vol. 26, No. 1, January 2000 , pp. 137–139. As Doty argues, “subjects acting in the name of the state are pulled by numerous opposing forces and in many contradictory directions. The over- all effect of this is an abstract, conceptual entity, ‘the state,’ that is in fact not unitary, but split, contradictory and even schizophrenic.” Ibid., p. 139. 5 6 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , p. 256. 57 . For an innovative approach to world politics that focuses on the centrality of “international practices” as “competent performances” and transcends conventional agent-structure debates, see Emmanuel Adler and Vincent Pouliot, “International practices,” International Theory , Vol. 3, No. 1, 2011 , pp. 1–36. 58 . See Christopher Hill, “Bringing war home: foreign policy-making in multicultural societies,” International Relations , Vol. 21, No. 3, 2007 , pp. 259–283. 59 . See, inter alia, Jacob T. Levy, The multiculturalism of fear (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 ) and Chandran Kukuthas, The liberal archipelago: a theory of diversity and freedom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003 ). 60 . Drawing on C. B. Macpherson, Wendt notes that “liberalism ‘desocializes’ the individual, in other words, drawing a veil over his inherently social qualities and treating them as purely individual possessions instead.” Wendt, Social theory of international politics , p. 294. He goes on to argue that in a Lockean culture, “Westphalian states are afflicted with a possessive individualism stemming from collective amnesia about their social roots.” Ibid., p. 295. See also C. B. Macpherson, The political theory of possessive individualism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962 ). 61 . For hierarchy in IR, see, inter alia, David A. Lake, Hierarchy in international relations (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009 ) and Ian Clark, The hierarchy of states: reform and resistance in the international order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ). 62 . Wendt himself acknowledges that “there is clearly much work to be done by constructivists on the social, as opposed to just material, foundations of global inequality, and how these structures articulate with the structure of juridical sovereignty.” Wendt, “On the via media: a response to the critics,” p. 178. See also Stephen Krasner’s comments on Wendt’s treatment of hierarchy in Stephen D. Krasner, “Wars, hotel fires and plane crashes,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 26, No. 1, January 2000 , pp. 131–136. 63 . See, inter alia, A. Escobar, Encountering development: the making and unmaking of the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995 ) and Robert Jackson, “The weight of ideas in decolonization” in Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane (eds.) Ideas and foreign policy (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 1993 ), pp. 111–138. See also Alexander Wendt and Daniel Friedheim, Notes ● 231

“Hierarchy and anarchy: informal empire and the East German state” in Thomas J. Biersteiker and Cynthia Weber (eds.) State sovereignty as a social construct (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 ), pp. 240–272.

3 Contesting the State in 1790s Britain 1 . S t e f a n C o l l i n i , Absent minds: intellectuals in Britain (Oxford: Oxford Universit y Press, 2006 ), p. 80. See also Herbert Butterfield, The Whig interpretation of history (New York: W. W. Norton, 1965 ). 2 . See, inter alia, Mark Philp (ed.) The French Revolution and British popular politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004 ); E. P. Thompson, The making of the English working class (London: Penguin, 1991 ); H. T. Dickinson (ed.) Britain and the French Revolution 1789–1815 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1989 ); British radicalism and the French Revolution 1789–1815 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); Liberty and property: political ideology in eighteenth-century Britain (London, 1977); Albert Goodwin, The friends of liberty: the English democratic movement in the age of the French Revolution (London: Hutchinson, 1979 ); Ian Christie, Stress and stability in late eighteenth-century Britain: reflections on the British avoidance of revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984 ). 3 . A l f r e d C o b b a n , The debate on the French Revolution, 1789–1800 (London: N. Kaye, 1950 ), p. 31. 4 . Mark Philp, “Introduction” in Philp (ed.) The French Revolution and British popular politics , p. 5. 5 . See, inter alia, Christopher J. Berry, The idea of luxury: a conceptual and historical investigation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 ) and Istvan Hont, “The early Enlightenment debate on commerce and luxury” in Mark Goldie and Robert Wokler (eds.) The Cambridge history of eighteenth century political thought, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006 ), pp. 379–418. See also Paul Langford, A polite and commercial people: England 1727–1783 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989 ). 6 . For rare treatments of Paine and Burke in IR, see Thomas C. Walker, “The forgotten prophet: Tom Paine’s cosmopolitanism and international relations,” International Studies Quarterly , Vol. 44, No. 1, 2000 , pp. 51–72, R. J. Vincent, “Edmund Burke and the theory of international relations,” Review of International Studies, Vol. 10, No. 3, 1984 , pp. 205–218, Jennifer M. Welsh, Edmund Burke and International Relations: the Commonwealth of Europe and the crusade against the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1995), David P. Fidler and Jennifer Welsh (eds.) Empire and community: Edmund Burke’s writings and speeches on international relations (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999 ), and Richard Bourke, “Edmund Burke and international conflict” in Ian Hall and Lisa Hill (eds.) British international thinkers from Hobbes to Namier (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009 ), pp. 91–117. For a critique of uses of Burke in international theory, see David Armitage, “Edmund Burke and the reasons of state,” Journal of the History of Ideas , Vol. 61, No. 4, 2000 , pp. 617–634. 232 ● Notes

7 . E d m u n d B u r k e , Reflections on the Revolution in France and on the proceedings in certain societies in London relative to that event , edited with an introduction by Conor Cruise O’Brien (London: Penguin, 1986 ). For a historical-sociological analysis of the emergence of a “bourgeois public sphere” in eighteenth-century Europe, see also Jürgen Habermas, The structural transformation of the public sphere: an inquiry into a category of bourgeois society, translated by Thomas Burger (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991 ). 8 . Among other notable responses to Burke were James Mackintosh’s Vindiciae Gallicae: defence of the French Revolution and its English admirers against the accusations of the Right Hon. Edmund Burke (1791), Joseph Priestley’s Letters to the Right Hon. Edmund Burke occasioned by his Reflections on the Revolution in France (1791), and Mary Wollstonecraft’s A vindication of the rights of man, (1790). Mackintosh’s reply was, arguably, more influential than Paine’s among Whig supporters of the revolution. 9 . T h o m a s P a i n e , The rights of man: being an answer to Mr Burke’s attack on the French Revolution in Thomas Paine , Rights of man, Common sense and other political writings, edited with an introduction by Mark Philp (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995 ). 10 . Richard Price, “A discourse on the love of our country, delivered on Nov 4, 1789, at the Meeting House in the Old Jewry, to the Society for Commemorating the Revolution in Great Britain” in Richard Price, Political writings, edited by D. O. Thomas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). 1 1 . I b i d . , p p . 1 8 9 – 1 9 0 . 12 . Cited in Philp, The French Revolution and British popular politics , p. 3. 13 . T. Philip Schofield, “Conservative political thought in Britain in response to the French Revolution,” Historical Journal , Vol. 29, No. 3, September 1986 , p. 602. 1 4 . B u r k e , Reflections , p. 117. 15 . As John Dinwiddy has argued, “the notion of the recovery of ancient rights could sometimes be associated with a cyclical concept of revolution.” John Dinwiddy, “Conceptions of revolution in the English radicalism of the 1790s” in Eckhart Hellmuth (ed.) The transformation of political culture: England and Germany in the late-eighteenth century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 ), p. 543. Dinwiddy argues that this notion of restoration of ancient rights was also evident in radical conceptions of revolution. 1 6 . B u r k e , Reflections , p. 104. 1 7 . I b i d . , p . 1 9 5 . 1 8 . I b i d . , p . 1 4 9 . 19 . Ibid., p. 90. 20 . Evan Radcliffe, “Revolutionary writing, moral philosophy, and universal benevolence in the eighteenth-century,” Journal of the History of Ideas , Vol. 54, 1993 , p. 221. 2 1 . B u r k e , Reflections , p. 135. 2 2 . P a i n e , Rights of man , pp. 91–92. 2 3 . I b i d . , p . 1 1 6 . Notes ● 233

2 4 . I b i d . , p . 1 1 7 . 2 5 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 0 . 26 . “A constitution is a thing antecedent to the government, and always distinct therefrom,” ibid., p. 244. 2 7 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 2 . 2 8 . I b i d . , p . 1 7 2 . 2 9 . I b i d . , p . 1 9 0 . 3 0 . I b i d . , p . 2 3 0 . 3 1 . I b i d . , p . 2 3 3 . 3 2 . T h o m a s P a i n e , The rights of man, part the second, combining principle and practice , published in February 1792, was, in part, a response to Burke’s own responses to part one of Paine’s Rights of man in his An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs in consequence of some late discussions in Parliament relative to the Reflections on the Revolution (1791). 3 3 . P a i n e , Rights of man , p. 266. 3 4 . I b i d . , p . 2 6 5 . 3 5 . L a n g f o r d , A polite and commercial people, p. 4. 36 . Gregory Claeys, “Republicanism versus commercial society: Paine, Burke and the French Revolution debate,” History of European Ideas, Vol. 11, 1989, p. 315. 3 7 . I b i d . , p . 3 1 6 . 3 8 . I b i d . , p . 3 2 1 . 39 . Mark Philp, “Vulgar conservatism, 1792–3,” English Historical Review , Vol. 100, No. 435, February 1995, p. 42. 4 0 . J . C . D . C l a r k , English society 1688–1832: ideology, social structure and political practice during the ancien regime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985 ). For conservative political thought of the period, see also Schofield, “Conservative political thought in Britain in response to the French Revolution,” 1986; Robert Hole, Pulpits, politics and public order in England 1760–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ); and Claeys, “The French Revolution debate and British political thought.” 41 . John Dinwiddy, “Interpretations of anti-Jacobinism” in Philp (ed.) The French Revolution and British popular politics , p. 38. 42 . Frank O’Gorman, “A reappraisal of J. C. D. Clark’s English Society,” Reviews in History, Institute of Historical Research, http://www. History.ac.uk/reviews/ repp/frank.html, p. 4. 43 . Philp, “Vulgar conservatism,” p. 43. 44 . Ibid., p. 43. 45 . A more striking example in this respect would be that of James Mackintosh who, after publishing the influential Vindiciae Gallicae in 1791, ended the decade as a firm opponent of the French Revolution and an admirer of Burke. His “Introductory discourse” of 1798, in which he dissociated himself from his earlier views in Vindiciae Gallicae , was also a direct attack on Godwin. 46 . Schofield, “Conservative political thought in response to the French Revolution,” p. 605. 234 ● Notes

47 . This diversity was also present among the radical ideologues. See Mark Philp, “The fragmented ideology of reform” in Philp (ed.) The French Revolution and British popular politics, pp. 50–78. David Armitage has also noted this diversity in relation to the traditions of thought radicals drew on in highlighting the “eclecticism of radicals, who drew as freely on traditional constitutional- ism, patriotism, and parliamentarism as they did on Painite republicanism.” David Armitage, “A patriot for whom? The afterlives of Bolingbroke’s patriot king,” Journal of British Studies , Vol. 36, No. 4, October 1997 , pp. 398–399. 48 . Gunther Lottes has noted how “the radicals of the 1790s simply continued the discourse of the previous decade when they conceived of universal suffrage, equal representation and annual Parliaments as a restoration of the constitution.” Gunther Lottes, “Radicalism, revolution and political culture” in Philp (ed.) The French Revolution and British popular politics , p. 84. 49 . Mary Thale, “London debating societies in the 1790s,” Historical Journal , Vol. 32, No. 1, 1989 , p. 57. 50 . David Eastwood, “Patriotism and the English state in the 1790s” in Philp (ed.) The French Revolution and British popular politics , p. 151. 51 . H. T. Dickinson, “Popular loyalism in Britain in the 1790s,” p. 526. 52 . Written under the pseudonym Will Chip, More’s pamphlet was a direct attempt at curbing the influence of Paine’s Rights of man on the lower orders of British society. 53 . As Eastwood has pointed out, “it is important to appreciate that neither Hannah More nor the subscribers to the Tracts conceived of their objects in simple anti-Jacobin terms, but rather as an attempt to redirect a broadly based ‘reformation of manners’ movement towards the particular problems of the 1790s, of which the most pressing happened to be to purge a corrosive Jacobin morality.” Eastwood, “Patriotism and the English state in the 1790s,” p. 156. 54 . Joanna Innes, “Politics and morals: The reformation of manners movement in later eighteenth-century England” in Hellmuth (ed.) The transformation of political culture: England and Germany in the late Eighteenth Century, p. 100. See also Joanna Innes, “Governing diverse societies” in Paul Langford (ed.) The short Oxford history of the British Isles: the eighteenth century 1688–1815 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002 ), pp. 129–130. 5 5 . L a n g f o r d ( e d . ) The short Oxford history of the British Isles, p. 101. 5 6 . Publications printed by order of the Society for Preserving Liberty and Property against Republicans and Levellers, Proceedings, I, 5–6. Cited in Philp, The French Revolution and British popular politics , p. 47. 57 . “Along with its natural protectors and guardians, learning will be cast into the mire, and trodden down under the hoofs of a swinish multitude.” Burke, Reflections , p. 173. 58 . Linda Colley, Britons: forging the nation 1707–1837 (London: Vintage, 1992 ), p. 96. 59 . As David Armitage has observed, “from its first appearance in English in the 1720s, ‘patriotism’ as a political slogan expressed devotion to the common good of the patria and hostility to sectional interests and became a Notes ● 235

staple of opposition politics.” Armitage, “A patriot for whom? The afterlives of Bolingbroke’s patriot king,” p. 397. David Eastwood has also noted the identification of patriotism with reform: “The language of patriotism in the eighteenth century was predominantly a language of radicalism, quite distinct in its political resonance from loyalism. From Bolingbroke through to Richard Price reformers invoked patriotism as a political language which legitimised reformism.” David Eastwood, “E. P. Thompson, Britain, and the French Revolution,” History Workshop Journal , No. 39, 1995 , p. 82. 60 . Linda Colley, “The apotheosis of George III: loyalty, royalty and the British nation 1760–1820,” Past and Present , No. 102, February 1984 , p. 104. 61 . William Godwin, Things as they are; or The adventures of Caleb Williams in Mark Philp (ed.) The collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 3 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1992 ) and William Godwin, Cursory Strictures on the Charge delivered by Lord Chief Justice Eyre to the Grand Jury: 2 October 1794 in Mark Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin, vol. 2 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1993 ). 62 . Tooke was a leading member of the Society for Constitutional Information. 63 . As John Derry has noted, “only about half those who remained Foxites sup- ported parliamentary reform.” John Derry, “The opposition Whigs and the French Revolution 1789–1815” in H. T. Dickinson (ed.) Britain and the French Revolution, 1789–1815 , p. 51. 64 . Edmund Burke, “Four letters on the proposals for peace with the regicide Directory of France” in Edmund Burke, Select works, vol. 3, edited with an introduction and notes by E. J. Payne (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1878 ), p. 7. 65 . See Thompson, The making of the English working class. 66 . The term republican has many divergent meanings in political discourse. For a useful critique of uses of the term, see Wootton, “The Republican tradition,” (1994 ). This diversity can be understood both in terms of the way in which those using the term in the eighteenth century conceived of it, and the alternative meanings it has for historians of the republican tradition. 67 . This contrasts with the singular associations of the rise of middle-order radicalism in relation to commercial society with the ascendancy of a Lockean, liberal individualism. For this view of “bourgeois radicalism” in eighteenth-century Britain, see Isaac Kramnick, Republicanism and bourgeois radicalism: political ideology in late eighteenth-century England and America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 0) . 68 . “What may be termed the ideology of the Country was founded on a presump- tion of real property and an ethos of the civic life, in which the ego knew and loved itself in its relation to a patria , res publica or common good, organized as a polity, but was perpetually threatened by corruption operating through private appetites and false consciousness.” Pocock, The Machiavellian moment , p. 486. 69 . See ibid. Though very influential, it is well to bear in mind that Pocock’s reading of civic humanism, or the “republican paradigm,” represents only one among several alternatives. In what follows, I refer primarily to Pocock’s account of eighteenth-century republicanism. The alternatives to Pocock fall broadly into 236 ● Notes

two categories: those that trace an alternative history and conceptualization for the republican tradition; and those that contest the salience of the tradition itself and the values that accompany it in shaping political visions and argumentation, particularly in terms of the American constitution and revolution. Foremost among scholarship in the first category is the work of Quentin Skinner (see Skinner, The foundations of modern political thought, vols. 1 and 2). In the second category, Joyce Appleby and Isaac Kramnick, in particular, have forcefully argued against what they regard as the marginalization of the influence of “Lockean” liberalism on eighteenth-century radicalism in Pocock. See Joyce Appleby, Liberalism and republicanism in the historical imagination (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) and Kramnick, Republicanism and bourgeois radicalism . 70 . See J. G. A. Pocock, “Machiavelli, Harrington, and English political ideologies in the eighteenth- century,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, Vol. 22, No. 4, 1965 , pp. 549–583. 71 . Pocock’s interpretation of Machiavelli as a republican proponent of active citizenship stands in contrast to the conventional IR approach to Machiavelli’s political philosophy as one of self-interested egoism focused on The Prince that infuses Classical Realist thought. 72 . “What Harrington contributed to English thought was an intellectual device whereby the country meeting, which looked so similar whether its purpose was to elect knights of the shire or to take sides in a civil war, could be equated with a Greek or Roman civic assembly— comitatus with comitia —and be robed in all the dignity of classical citizenship.” Pocock, “Machiavelli, Harrington, and English political ideologies in the eighteenth-century,” p. 567. Harrington’s utopia was principally set out in his The Commonwealth of Oceana , published in 1656. For an influential alternative reading of Harrington, see C. B. Macpherson, The political theory of possessive individualism: Hobbes to Locke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), pp. 160–193. 7 3 . P o c o c k , The Machiavellian moment , p. 484. 7 4 . S e e S k i n n e r , The foundations of modern political thought, vol. 1 and 2. See also Kari Palonen, Quentin Skinner: history, politics, rhetoric (Cambridge: Polity, 2003 ). 75 . Claeys, “The French Revolution debate and British political thought,” p. 60. 76 . “Politeness was consequently the compromise which commercial society entered into with virtue.” Gregory Claeys, “Virtuous commerce and free theology: political economy and the dissenting academies, 1750–1800,” History of Political Thought , Vol. 20, No. 1, 1999, p. 159. 77 . J. G. A. Pocock, “Virtue, rights, and manners: a model for historians of political thought” in J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, commerce and history: essays on political thought and history, chiefly in the eighteenth- century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985 ), p. 49. 78 . See, for example, Langford, A polite and commercial people. 79 . Claeys, “Virtuous commerce and free theology,” p. 158. 80 . For Dissent, see Anthony Lincoln, Some political and social ideas of English Dissent 1763–1800 (New York: Octagon Books, 1971 ) and Knud Haakonssen Notes ● 237

(ed.) Enlightenment and religion: rational dissent in eighteenth-century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 ). 81 . As Peter Miller has observed, for Priestley, “self-government depended on intellectual development, not simply constitutional arrangement and certainly not indoctrination in the content of virtue.” Peter. N. Miller, Defining the common good: empire, religion and philosophy in eighteenth-century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 ), p. 339.

4 The Polite Anarchist 1 . Godwin acknowledged that his subsequent changes of opinion did not detract from his fundamental commitments: “In the Enquiry Concerning Political Justice . . . The inference drawn from these particulars is that the less government we had and the fewer were the instances in which government interfered with the proceedings of individuals, consistently with the preservation of the social state, the better would it prove for the welfare and happiness of man. Nothing which has been admitted on the subject of the domestic affections, in the slightest degree, interferes with these reasonings.” Godwin, Thoughts occasioned by the perusal of Dr Parr’s Spital sermon, p. 191. Peter Marshall has also noted the consistency of anarchism in the later revisions to Political justice . Marshall, William Godwin , p. 163. 2 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness . 3 . William Godwin, The enquirer: reflections on education, manners and literature in a series of essays (1797) in Mark Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin, vol. 5 : educational and literary writings, edited by Pamela Clemit (London: William Pickering 1993 ). 4 . Cursory strictures on the Charge delivered by Lord Chief Justice Eyre to the Grand Jury, October 2, 1794, and Considerations on Lord Grenville’s and Mr Pitt’s Bills concerning treasonable and seditious practices and unlawful assemblies, by a lover of order (1795) in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin, vol. 2. Both were published anonymously. 5 . W i l l i a m H a z l i t t , The spirit of the age; or Contemporary portraits (1825) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1954 ), pp. 19–20. 6 . “Autobiographical fragments and reflections” in Collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 1 edited by Mark Philp with an introduction by Marilyn Butler and Mark Philp (London: William Pickering, 1992), p. 49. Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de la Brède et de Montesquieu (1689–1755), De l’esprit des lois (1748). 7 . The Houyhnhnms represented an ideal of rationality in Swift’s satirical work: Jonathan Swift, Gulliver’s travels (London: Everyman, 1991 ), first published in 1726. Swift’s influence is evident from the outset in the opening pages of Book I, “Of the importance of political institutions,” where Godwin discusses the causes of war, citing Gulliver’s travels . See also James Preu, The Dean and the anarchist (Tallahassee: Florida State University Press, 1959) and “Swift’s 238 ● Notes

influence on Godwin’s doctrine of anarchism,” Journal of the History of Ideas , Vol. 15, June 1954 , pp. 371–383. Jonathan Swift (1667–1745). 8 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 9. 9 . Godwin removed the suggestion of immortality from the later editions of the book, qualifying his treatment of human perfectibility also through an explana- tory note on his citation of Franklin. See William Godwin, An enquiry concerning political justice: variants in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, vol. 4 (London: William Pickering, 1993 ), p. 344. Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790). 10 . Ibid., p. 20. 11 . Ibid., p. 21. 1 2 . I b i d . , p . 1 0 6 . 13 . Ibid., p. 76. 1 4 . L o c k e , A fantasy of reason, p. 17. The Sandemanians followed the teachings of Robert Sandeman (1718–1771). 1 5 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 62. 16 . William Godwin, Imogen: a pastoral romance from the ancient British (1784). 1 7 . G o d w i n , Political justice, Vol. II, Book VIII, “Of property.” As Claeys has noted, “a sense of ambiguity about commerce, in fact, pervaded Godwin’s early writings and can be traced throughout his life.” Claeys, “Virtuous commerce and free theology,” p. 167. 18 . Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness,” p. 189. My treatment of Godwin departs from Claeys’s in that first, it connects this shift with Godwin’s anarchism; second, it focuses primarily on his conception of social interaction as a specific dimension of his antiauthoritarian political thought; third, it draws a link with Shaftesbury through the ideas of discursive liberty and “polite” virtue in Klein’s work; and fourth, it locates the roots of the shift, to some extent, in preexisting philosophical ambiguities and tensions in Godwin’s thought. Claeys sees Godwin as “passing from a model of simplicity to one of politeness, in which his eventual ‘anarchistical’ goal was virtually lost in the process.” Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness,” p. 193. 1 9 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 210. 2 0 . I b i d . , p . 2 1 0 . 2 1 . I b i d . , p . 2 1 4 . 2 2 . I b i d . , p . 4 2 5 . 2 3 . B e r r y , The idea of luxury, p. 126. 24 . Bernard Mandeville, The fable of the bees (1714, 1723) cited in Berry, The idea of luxury, p. 129. Fable: I, 107. There were numerous contributions to the debate. Among the more notable was David Hume’s Of Luxury (1752) later retitled, Of refinement in the Arts (1760). 25 . As Istvan Hont notes, “Mandeville made ‘luxury’ coterminous with the entirety of human civilization. Instead of being a slippery slope of corruption, ‘luxury’ was the ascent of mankind from animal-like poverty to modern welfare . . . ‘Luxury’ developed in tandem with the arts and sciences.” Hont, “The early Enlightenment debate on commerce and luxury,” p. 392. 2 6 . B e r r y , The idea of luxury , p. 155. Notes ● 239

27 . An early example of this tension can also be found in Godwin’s unpublished “Supplement to journal 1793” dated March 23 and 24, 1793. In it, he asks, “How far is mind generated, not only in persons suitably prepared, but even in the vulgar, by energy of intellectual exhibitions?—Was Geneva better than Paris?—Was ever Sparta better than Athens?” MS Abinger e. 33 , fols. 1–24. 28 . See Gregory Claeys, “The effects of property on Godwin’s theory of justice,” Journal of the History of Philosophy , Vol. 22, No. 1, January 1984, pp. 81–101. 2 9 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 438. 30 . Ibid., p. 43. 3 1 . I b i d . , p . 2 4 4 . 32 . “The coincidence of virtue and public good with private interest.” Ibid., p. 245. 33 . Ibid., Book I, Chapter IV. 3 4 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 1 . 3 5 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 0 . 3 6 . I b i d . , p . 4 5 2 . 3 7 . M a r k P h i l p , “ I n t r o d u c t i o n ” i n Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin, vol. 1 : Political writings I , edited by Martin Fitzpatrick (London: William Pickering, 1993 ), p. 21. 3 8 . G o d w i n , Political justice, p. 121. 3 9 . I b i d . , p . 1 3 3 . 4 0 . I b i d . , p . 1 5 4 1 . I b i d . , p . 1 0 6 . 42 . Ibid., p. 68. 43 . Ibid., p. 70. 4 4 . I b i d . , p . 2 9 3 . 45 . Ibid., p. 404. As Hont has noted, “Shaftesbury’s Inquiry was immensely influential in the eighteenth-century because it contained a direct counterblast to Hobbes’s ethics. Shaftesbury went for the jugular of Hobbes’s De Cive and asserted that humans were primarily and naturally social.” Hont, “The early Enlightenment debate on commerce and luxury,” pp. 395–396. Shaftesbury’s Inquiry into virtue, or merit was published in 1699 and was later included in the collected essays that comprised his Characteristics of men, manners, opinions, times (1711, 1714). 4 6 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 450. On cooperation, Godwin writes: “From these principles it appears that everything that is usually understood by the term cooperation, is in some degree an evil.” Ibid., p. 450. 47 . Ibid., p. 94. 48 . Ibid., p. 93. 49 . Ibid., p. 94. 5 0 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 2 . 5 1 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 2 . 52 . “The principal revolutions of opinion (10 March 1800)” in Collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 1, edited by Mark Philp with an introduction by Marilyn Butler and Mark Philp (London: William Pickering, 1992), p. 53. 240 ● Notes

53 . David Hume, A Treatise of human nature: being an attempt to introduce the experimental method of reasoning into moral subjects, edited by David Fate Norton and Mary J. Norton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 ). 54 . As Godwin remarked, “the societies have perished, or, where they have not, have shrunk to a skeleton; the days of democratical declamation are no more; even the starving labourer in the alehouse is become a champion of aristocracy.” Godwin, Thoughts occasioned by the perusal of Dr Parr’s Spital sermon, p. 169. 55 . See Radcliffe, “Revolutionary writing, moral philosophy, and universal benevolence in the eighteenth-century.” Philp briefly mentions Shaftesbury in his discussion of the influence of the British Moralists and “sympathy” school on Godwin. Philp, Godwin’s Political justice , pp. 147–148. 56 . Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristics of men, manners, opinions, times , edited by Lawrence E. Klein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 ). Hereafter, Characteristics . 57 . The entries, alternately citing “Characteristics” and “Shaftesbury,” appear in February and March 1794, January and February 1816, and February and March 1821. Godwin also discusses Shaftesbury’s Characteristics in the context of his historical critique of the state of English-language prose in The Enquirer . Godwin, The enquirer , p. 239 and pp. 274–276. 58 . I use the term “radical” here with caution in relation to Shaftesbury. My aim is to convey the connection between both Godwin’s and Shaftesbury’s use of politeness as an antiauthoritarian idiom in the construction of their respective political discourses. 5 9 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness , p. 7. 60 . Ibid., p. 12. 61 . Foremost in disseminating and popularizing polite moralism in this period were the writings of Joseph Addison and Richard Steele in the Spectator (1711– 1714), Tatler (1709–1711), and Guardian (1713). 6 2 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness , p. 35. 6 3 . I b i d . , p . 4 . 6 4 . “ I n t r o d u c t i o n ” i n S h a f t e s b u r y , Characteristics , p. ix. 6 5 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness , p. 80. 66 . Ibid., p. 85. 6 7 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 404. 6 8 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness , p. 93. 69 . Hampsher-Monk, “From virtue to politeness,” p. 90. 70 . Ibid., p. 90. 7 1 . S e e K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness, pp. 125–131 and Shaftesbury, Characteristics , “Introduction,” p. xix. See also Caroline Robbins, The eighteenth century commonwealthmen (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959 ) and Pocock, The Machiavellian moment. 7 2 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness , p. 148. 73 . Hampsher-Monk, “From virtue to politeness,” p. 88. 7 4 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness, p. 150. 75 . Ibid., p. 45. Notes ● 241

76 . Ibid., p. 45. 77 . Shaftesbury, “Sensus Communis” in Shaftesbury, Characteristics, p. 31. 78 . See Jürgen Habermas, Theory of communicative action, vol. 1 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1984 ) and Theory of communicative action, vol. 2 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1 9 8 7 ) . 7 9 . K l e i n , Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness , p. 202. 80 . Ibid., p. 99. 81 . See Richard Bourke, “Edmund Burke and Enlightenment sociability: justice, honour and the principles of government,” History of Political Thought , Vol. 21, No. 4, 2000, pp. 632–656. For politeness in Burke’s views on international politics, see also Iain Hampsher-Monk, “Edmund Burke’s changing justification for intervention,” Historical Journal, Vol. 48, No. 1, 2005, pp. 65–100. 82 . Victoria Myers, “William Godwin and the ars rhetorica, ” Studies in Romanticism , Vol. 41, No. 3, 2002 , p. 419. 83 . Myers’ interpretation of the civic role of conversation in Godwin’s thought diverges from mine in that she is concerned to accommodate Godwin’s reloca- tion of the civic function of oratory from existing public institutions to private conversation with a continued rationalist commitment to the centrality of immutable truth. Ibid., p. 442. 8 4 . J o n M e e , Conversable worlds: literature, contention and community 1 7 6 2–1830 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). 85 . In replying to his critics, Godwin defended himself as a skeptic rather than a dogmatist: “Every impartial person who knows me, or has attentively considered my writings, will acknowledge that it is the fault of my character, rather to be too sceptical, than to incline too much to play the dogmatist.” Godwin, Thoughts occasioned by the perusal of Dr Parr’s Spital sermon , p. 171. 8 6 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 150. 87 . In one of his more strikingly optimistic, if not fanciful, remarks he argues that “if every man today would tell all the truth he knows, three years hence there would be scarcely a falsehood of any magnitude remaining in the civilised world.” Ibid., p. 137. 8 8 . G o d w i n , The enquirer , p. 77. 89 . Ibid., p. 77. 90 . Ibid., p. 222. The italics are mine. 91 . Cited in Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness,” p. 206. “What Godwin now appeared to fear of the principles of 1793 was that their abstract and unfocused nature might agitate unruly and unreliable passions and thus produce political turmoil, particularly among the uneducated.” Ibid., p. 206. 9 2 . G o d w i n , The enquirer , p. 120. 9 3 . I b i d . , p . 2 3 0 . 9 4 . I b i d . , p . 2 2 9 . 9 5 . I b i d . , p . 2 3 0 . 9 6 . I b i d . , p . 2 2 7 . 9 7 . I b i d . , p . 2 2 7 . 242 ● Notes

9 8 . G o d w i n , Political justice: variants , p. 326. In the second and third editions this appears in Book VIII, Chapter VII, “Objection to this system from the benefits of luxury” and is completely rewritten. In the first edition this was addressed in Book VIII, Chapter III, “Of the objection to this system from the admirable effects of luxury.” 9 9 . G o d w i n , Political justice: variants , p. 327. 1 0 0 . I b i d . , p . 3 2 6 . 1 0 1 . G o d w i n , Th e enquirer, p. 156. See also Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness,” p. 206. 1 0 2 . G o d w i n , Th e enquirer , p. 156. 1 0 3 . I b i d . , p . 2 1 2 . 1 0 4 . I b i d . , p . 2 0 9 . 1 0 5 . I b i d . , p . 2 3 0 . 1 0 6 . G o d w i n , “ Th e principle revolutions of opinion,” pp. 53–54. 1 0 7 . Th is is meant in ﬁ gurative terms. If not an avowed atheist, Godwin’s religious beliefs were at the very least by this time in a state of deep ﬂ ux. 1 0 8 . G o d w i n , Th e enquirer , p 213. 1 0 9 . G o d w i n , Th oughts occasioned by the perusal of Dr Parr’s Spital sermon , p. 170. 1 1 0 . I b i d . , p . 2 0 6 . 111 . William Godwin, “Essay of scepticism” in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, vol. 5: educational and literary writings , p. 302. 1 1 2 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 4 . 113 . David Fleisher, William Godwin: a study in liberalism (London: George Allen & Unwin 1951), p. 31. 1 1 4 . G o d w i n , Th e enquirer , pp. 115–116. William Godwin, An account of the semi- nary that will be opened on Monday the fourth day of August, at Epsom in Surrey, for the instruction of twelve pupils in the Greek, Latin, French and English languages (1783) in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, vol. 5. 1 1 5 . G o d w i n , Th e enquirer, p. 79. 1 1 6 . G o d w i n , Political justice, p. 150. Claeys has traced this back even further to Godwin’s A defence of the Rockingham party (1783) that, he argues, “embraced the notion of a liberal reforming elite.” Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness,” p. 190. 1 1 7 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 133. 1 1 8 . I b i d . , p . 2 6 6 . 119 . Ibid., pp. 117–118. 1 2 0 . G o d w i n , Th oughts occasioned by the perusal of Dr Parr’s Spital sermon , p. 206. 1 2 1 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 49. 122 . Ibid., p. 64. 123 . William Godwin, Th ings as they are: or, Th e adventures of Caleb Williams , in Mark Philp (ed.) Collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 3 edited by Pamela Clemit (London: William Pickering 1992). Th ese words, part of a preface written in May 1794, were withdrawn from the original edition at the request of his publisher and in response to the political climate of those months in which the treason arrests and trials took place. Notes ● 243

124 . William Godwin, Fleetwood, or the new man of feeling (London: Richard Bentley, 1853), p. xi. 1 2 5 . P a m e l a C l e m i t , Th e Godwinian novel : the rational ﬁ ctions of Godwin, Brockden Brown and Mary Shelley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993 ), p. 7. 1 2 6 . G o d w i n , Caleb Williams: variants , p. 279. 127 . William Godwin, St Leon: a tale of the sixteenth century (1799) in Philp (Gen- eral editor) Collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 4 edited by Pamela Clemit (London: William Pickering, 1993 ), p. 11 128 . William Godwin, “Of history and romance” in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, vol. 5: educational and literary writings , p. 294. 129 . Butler and Philp, “Introduction” in Philp (ed.) Collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 1, pp. 23–24. 130 . William Godwin, Memoirs of the author of A vindication of the rights of woman (January 1798) in Philp (ed.) Collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 1. Th e second edition published later the same year, moderated some of the passages which had drawn most criticism. 1 3 1 . I b i d . , p . 1 2 2 . 1 3 2 . G a r y K e l l y , Th e English Jacobin novel 1780–1805 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 9 7 6 ) , p . 2 2 7 . 133 . In mid-1794, for example, Godwin noted his reading of Burke on the “Sub- lime,” Hume on the “Standard of taste” and Montesquieu “Sur le goût.” 134 . Philp, “Introduction” in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings of Wil- liam Godwin vol. 1, p. 17. 1 3 5 . A n d r e w M c C a n n , Cultural politics in the 1790s: literature, radicalism and the public sphere (London: Macmillan, 1999 ), p. 29. 1 3 6 . I b i d . , p . 2 9 137 . For recent essays on Godwin and Th elwall, see Mark Philp, “Godwin, Th elwall and the means of progress” and Jon Mee “‘Th e press and danger of the crowd’: Godwin, Th elwall and the counter-public sphere” in Robert M. Ma- niquis and Victoria Myers (eds.) Godwinian moments: from the Enlightenment to Romanticism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011 ). 1 3 8 . G o d w i n ’ s c l o s e f r i e n d s h i p w i t h Th elwall signalled that his political intervention in this instance was not entirely disinterested. 139 . For the trials, see John Barrell, Imagining the King’s death: ﬁ gurative treason, fantasies of regicide 1793–1796 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 ) and John Barrell and Jon Mee (eds.) Trials for treason and sedition 1792–1794, vols. 1–8 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2007 ). 1 4 0 . G o d w i n , Cursory strictures , p. 87. 141 . Ibid., Appendix I, p. 112. 1 4 2 . G o d w i n , Cursory Strictures , p. 93. 1 4 3 . Th e pamphlet certainly had an immediate impact in fuelling wide criticism of the spurious nature of the charge though it did not prevent the trial from going ahead and Godwin was only later openly acknowledged as the author. 1 4 4 . Th e Treasonable Practices Act and the Seditious Meetings Act. See Chapter 2 , Part 2. 244 ● Notes

1 4 5 . G o d w i n , Considerations , p. 127. 1 4 6 . I b i d . , p . 1 3 0 . 147 . Ibid., p. 131–132 1 4 8 . “ O n e o f t h e fi rst considerations that suggests itself respecting the precedents of lord Grenville is, that they are drawn from times anterior to the revolution. It was once the mode to talk of ‘the English constitution as settled by the glorious revolution.’ Whether it be the purpose of lord Grenville and Mr Pitt to cure us of this antiquated prejudice, time will eff ectually show.” Ibid., p. 150. 1 4 9 . I b i d . , p . 1 5 9 . 1 5 0 . I b i d . , p . 1 3 3 . 1 5 1 . I b i d . , p . 1 4 0 . 1 5 2 . I b i d . , p . 1 4 5 . 1 5 3 . D a v i d O ’ S h a u g h n e s s y , “ Caleb Williams and the Philomaths: recalibrating political justice for the nineteenth century,” Nineteenth-Century Literature , Vol. 66, No. 4, 2012 . O’Shaughnessy maps Godwin’s membership between 1793 and 1796, drawing on his diary entries. See also, Mee, “Th e press and danger of the crowd,” which mentions Godwin’s membership of the Philomaths and in which Mee ties Godwin’s notion of conversation to Jürgen Habermas’s communicative ethics. 154 . Philp has argued that “much of the idiom of his philosophical speculation up to and including the fi rst edition of Political justice is derived from debates within British theological circles—predominantly drawn from Joseph Priest- ley and Richard Price and the pamphlet literature on toleration, albeit also informed by the earlier work by Samuel Clarke, Jonathan Edwards, David Hartley and Anthony Collins.” Philp, “Introduction” in Political and philosophical writings vol. 1, p. 18. See also, inter alia, Peter Marshall, William Godwin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984 ), Martin Fitzpatrick, “Wil- liam Godwin and the rational Dissenters,” Price-Priestley Newsletter , Vol. 3 ( 1979 ), pp. 4–28 and William Staff ord, “Dissenting religion translated into politics: Godwin’s Political Justice, ” History of Political Th ought, Vol. 1 (1980 ), pp. 279–299. 155 . John Brewer, “English radicalism in the age of George III” in J. G. A. Pocock (ed.) Th ree British revolutions: 1641, 1688, 1776 (Princeton: Princeton Univer- sity Press, 1980 ), p. 337. 156 . As Knud Haakonssen observes “there has been relatively little investigation of the extent to which Dissenters managed to combine evangelical piety with Enlightenment ways, such as the acceptance of scientifi c progress and the pursuit of politeness.” Knud Haakonssen, “Enlightened Dissent: an introduction” in Knud Haakonssen (ed.) Enlightenment and religion: rational dissent in eighteenth-century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 ), p. 10. 157 . Philp has noted the changing nature of Godwin’s social circles in this regard during the 1790s and its impact on his thought, though his implicit distinction between Dissent and the broader cultural elite tends to obscure the complex Notes ● 245

and changing face of Dissent itself and its inﬂ uence on the development of radicalism. Philp, Godwin’s Political justice , p. 171. 158 . John Seed, “Rational Dissent and political opposition, 1770–1790” in Haak- ensson (ed.) Enlightenment and religion, p. 149. 159 . Claeys has drawn this connection between politeness and Dissent. “Like God- win, many members of this audience had gradually distanced themselves from the more puritanical strains of Dissent and had come to embrace a culture of reﬁ ned leisure and polite intercourse in which a stringent moralism no longer predominated.” Claeys, “From virtue to benevolent politeness,” p. 188. 1 6 0 . G o d w i n , Th e enquirer , p. 79.

5 Godwin’s International Thought 1 . Aside from specific citations of directly relevant readings on war and international relations, it is likely that much of Godwin’s views on the international were also informed by the diverse influences of the radical thought of the period, including that of the French philosophes and English Dissent. 2 . The relevant chapters on war are to be found in Book V “Of legislative and executive power”: Chapter XVI, “Of the causes of war,” Chapter XVII, “Of the object of war,” Chapter XVIII, “Of the conduct of war,” Chapter XIX, “Of military establishments and treaties,” and Chapter XX, “Of democracy as connected with the transactions of war.” 3 . “Essay against reopening the war with France” (1793) and Letters of Verax, to the editor of the Morning Chronicle, on the question of a war to be commenced for the purpose of putting an end to the possession of supreme power in France by Napoleon Bonaparte (1815) in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin, vol. 2. 4 . The new annual register or general repository of history, politics, and literature . Kippis had been closely involved in establishing the journal. These entries, written between 1784 and 1791, have not been included in Philp’s collections of Godwin’s writings. 5 . William Godwin, St Leon, a tale of the sixteenth century in Philp (ed.) Collected novels and memoirs of William Godwin, vol. 4. For his contributions to the Political Herald and Review, see Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, vol. 1. 6 . The manuscript of the play is incomplete, with the last two acts of five missing. I acknowledge, therefore, that my interpretation can only be tentative and partial but would argue that it is still a legitimate undertaking in view of the manuscript being the only example of Godwin’s Orientalist writing. The only full scholarly edition of the extant acts of the play is contained in O’Shaughnessy’s recent volume, The plays of William Godwin . 7 . I use the terms “Orient,” “Oriental,” “Orientalist,” “East,” and “Eastern” in relative terms to connote a subjective, non-European sphere. While acknowledging the seminal contribution of Edward Said’s idea of “Orientalism,” I am concerned 246 ● Notes

primarily with the implications, internal to Godwin’s thought, that his depic- tion of the East has on his own conception of virtuous liberty. The terms, as used here, are intended as descriptive of those aspects of his writings that engage with what he regards as an extra-European sphere, rather than as a way of invoking Said’s critique. See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1977 ). 8 . L a n g f o r d , A polite and commercial people , p. 621. 9 . B u l l , The anarchical society, p. 108. For an insightful reappraisal of the balance of power in IR, see Richard Little, The balance of power in international relations: metaphors, myths and models (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007 ). 10 . The fraternity decree was revoked five months later. 1 1 . M l a d a B u k o v a n s k y , Legitimacy and power politics: the American and French revolutions in international political culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002 ), p. 204. 12 . Adam Watson, “European international society and its expansion” in Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds.) The expansion of international society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985 ), p. 27. 1 3 . S c h r o e d e r , The transformation of European politics , p. viii. 14 . For the debate on the significance of Vienna based around Schroeder’s argument, see Paul W. Schroeder, “Did the Vienna settlement rest on a balance of power?” American Historical Review , Vol. 97, No. 3, June 1992 , pp. 683–706 and the forum papers published in the same edition of the journal. For the Concert of Europe, see also Ian Clark, The hierarchy of states: reform, resistance and the international order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 ) pp. 112–130. 15 . Gilbert, “The ‘new diplomacy’ of the eighteenth-century,” p. 6. 1 6 . G o d w i n , Political justice, p. 48. 1 7 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 2 . 1 8 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 2 . 1 9 . I b i d . , p p . 3 0 2 – 3 0 3 . 2 0 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 4 . 2 1 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 4 . 2 2 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 4 . 23 . Ibid., p. 304 2 4 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 4 . 2 5 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 5 . 2 6 . C l a r k , The philosophical anarchism of William Godwin , pp. 266–267. 27 . Indeed, Godwin himself had stated the limitations his work had imposed on him. See Godwin, “Autobiographical fragments,” p. 49. 2 8 . New Annual Register , Chapter IV, 1789, p. 73. 29 . Ibid., p. 75. 30 . Ibid., p. 75. 31 . Ibid., p. 75. 32 . Ibid., p. 85. 3 3 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 294. The same passage in the third edition of the work, published in 1798, is slightly amended and reads “Why should Notes ● 247

disingenuity and concealment be thought virtuous or beneficial on the part of nations in cases where they would inevitably be discarded with contempt by an upright individual? Where is there an ingenuous and enlightened man who is not aware of the superior advantage that belongs to a proceeding, frank, explicit and direct?” Godwin, Political justice: variants, p. 257. 3 4 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 80. 35 . Ibid., p. 80. 36 . Thus, in his discussion “Of the future history of political societies” Godwin asserted: “We ought therefore to desire that our neighbour should be inde- pendent. We ought to desire that he should be free; for wars do not originate in the unbiased propensities of nations, but in the cabals of government and the propensities that governments inspire into the people at large.” Ibid., pp. 301–302. Godwin also echoed this position in his “Essay against reopening the war with France” where he posed the question, “Does the government of England imagine that the people will more heartily support the war by being thus kept ignorant and at a loss respecting the motives for which it is under- taken?” Godwin, “Essay against reopening the war with France,” p. 42. 3 7 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 287. 3 8 . I b i d . , p . 2 8 6 . 3 9 . I b i d . , p . 2 8 7 . 40 . As Godwin wrote, “coercion has no proper tendency to prepare men for a state in which coercion shall cease.” Ibid., p. 390. 4 1 . G o d w i n , Political justice , Book IV, Chapter I, “Of resistance,” p. 112. 42 . See Godwin, Political justice: variants , pp. 124–130. 43 . This was also evident in his discussion of the dependence of sixteenth-century Hungary at the hands of the warring Ottoman and Austrian empires in St Leon . Godwin, St Leon , p. 300. 4 4 . New Annual Register , Chapter III, 1790, p. 47. 45 . Ibid., p. 55. 4 6 . New Annual Register , Chapter III, 1790, p. 55. 4 7 . G o d w i n , Political justice, p. 284. Godwin echoed this critique of the balance of power as perpetuating war under the rationale of defending against the preponderance of a single power, in his “Essay against reopening the war with France”: Godwin, “Essay against reopening the war with France,” p. 43. 48 . Thus, in his unpublished notes on Napoleon, Godwin wrote, “Define the nature of war—explain defence, the only just motive that can unsheath the sword.” MS. Abinger c. 35, fols. 64–107. In his discussion of crimes and punishments in Book VII, Godwin used the analogy of war to illustrate the permissibility of individual self-defense against criminal aggression, stat- ing “The duty of individuals is in this respect similar to the duty of inde- pendent communities upon the subject of war.” Godwin, Political justice , pp. 392–393. 4 9 . I b i d . , p . 2 8 3 . 50 . In the revised chapter “Of resistance” in the second and third editions of Political Justice, Godwin asserted, “No people are competent to enjoy a state 248 ● Notes

of freedom, who are not already imbued with a love of freedom.” Godwin, Political justice: variants , p. 128. 5 1 . G o d w i n , Political justice, p. 281. J. S. Mill, “A few words on non-intervention” (1859). 5 2 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 283. 53 . The term, utilitarian, only became commonly used to denote a particular approach to ethics into the nineteenth-century. As with the later use of the term, anarchist, Godwin would not at the time of writing Political justice, have described himself as a conscious proponent of either. 5 4 . C l a r k , The philosophical anarchism of William Godwin, pp. 93–126. For other discussions of Godwin’s utilitarianism, see, inter alia, Locke, A fantasy of reason, Marshall, William Godwin, Brian Barry, Justice as impartiality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995) and Singer, Cannold and Kuhse, “William Godwin and the defence of impartialist ethics.” Singer, Cannold and Kuhse have described Godwin’s modified position as a form of “two-level consequen- tialism” where “the impartial perspective provides, for Godwin, a boundary on our partial passions; but not an unreasonably constraining one.” Singer, Cannold and Kuhse, “William Godwin and the defence of impartialist ethics,” p. 80. 5 5 . P h i l p , Godwin’s Political justice , p. 86. 56 . Godwin, “Essay against reopening the war with France,” p. 35. 57 . Ibid., p. 45. Godwin’s defense of the English constitution is here a matter of relative liberty and not meant as a promotion of British dominance over other, less free, states which would contradict his position on the inviolable sphere of individual independence. This was graphically stated in his views on the union of England and Ireland in the Political Herald which he described as like “tying a living body to a dead one, and causing them to putrify and perish together.” William Godwin, Letter of Mucius “To the people of Ireland” in Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, Vol. 1, p. 301. 58 . Godwin, “Essay against reopening the war with France,” p. 45. 59 . Ibid., p. 50. 60 . Ibid., p. 49. 61 . Ibid., p. 60. 62 . Ibid., p. 50. 63 . Ibid., p. 52. 64 . Ibid., p. 46. 65 . Ibid., p. 49. 6 6 . T h e Letters of Verax comprise two essays in letter form. The first was published in the liberal Whig Morning Chronicle on 25 May 1815. The second letter was completed in June 1815 though not published in the newspaper. The letters were issued together in the same month as the Letters of Verax but never distributed. 6 7 . G o d w i n , Letters of Verax, p. 241. Having laid down the principle, however, he typically dismissed international law as relevant to what he regarded as the Notes ● 249

moral issue at stake. Ibid., p. 242. There is very little mention of the “law of nations” in Godwin’s writings. In Political justice, for example, he referred to the term specifically no more than three times. 6 8 . G o d w i n , Letters of Verax , p. 259. 69 . Pollin, “Godwin’s Letters of Verax,” p. 362. Pollin observes that Godwin’s increased social contact with John Thelwall and Robert Owen during this period, the former whom he described as “a well-known Bonapartist,” may also help to explain Godwin’s sympathies. Godwin’s deeper interest in Napoleon was also evident in his unpublished writings. His notes and fragments on historical subjects also include an ambitious draft prospectus for a “Biographical dictionary of history” in which Napoleon was to be included as an example of those great historical personalities “who did not pass through their days in obscurity, but were engaged in contentions and actions of extraordinary moment,” MS. Abinger c. 29, fols. 93–97. 7 0 . G o d w i n , Letters of Verax , p. 253. 7 1 . I b i d . , p . 2 6 0 . 7 2 . I b i d . , p . 2 6 0 . 7 3 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 280. 74 . Having attacked patriotism for negating individuality, he added the follow- ing brief caveat before continuing his critique, “Meanwhile let us beware of passing from one injurious extreme to another. Much of what has been usually understood by the love of our country is highly excellent and valuable, though perhaps nothing that can be brought within the strict interpretation of the phrase.” Ibid., p. 279. In this respect, Godwin can be understood as pre- senting a qualitative distinction between the endorsement of a patriotism that accorded with the demands of justice and the condemnation of the pursuit of national honor. 7 5 . G o d w i n , Letters of Verax , p. 255. 7 6 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 114. 7 7 . I b i d . , p . 1 1 4 . 7 8 . I b i d . , p . 2 7 8 . 79 . Ibid., p. 65. 80 . This also relates to Godwin’s view of gradual reform that pointed to the idea of nations in relatively different stages of enlightenment. In his correspondence with Shelley, he wrote of this with respect to Ireland warning Shelley against support for revolutionary change. “The people of Ireland have been for a series of years in a state of diseased activity” he wrote, “and, misjudging that you are, you talk of awakening them. They will rise up like Cadmus’s seed of dragon’s teeth, and their first act will be to destroy each other.” “William Godwin to Shelley, 14 March 1812” in Philp (ed.) Collected novels and memoirs, vol. 1, p. 74. Earlier, Godwin had compared the relative stage of development of Ireland with America in one of his seven “Letters of Mucius” published in the Political Herald. In his letter, “To the people of Ireland,” he asserted, “I do not therefore hesitate to tell you, that America holds the first place in the honourable 250 ● Notes

field, and that you are only entitled to the second rank. She began earlier and has done more. Ireland, however noble have been her beginnings, has not yet proceeded to the termination which she marked out for herself.” Philp (ed.) Political and philosophical writings, vol. 1, p. 298. 8 1 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 279. 82 . See Godwin, Political justice, Book III: Chapter II, “Of the social contract,” Chapter III, “Of promises,” and Book VII, Chapter VIII, “Of law.” 8 3 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 83. See also, David Hume, “Of the original contract.” 8 4 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 411. Godwin went on to make an explicit connection between law and promises. Ibid., p. 412. 85 . Ibid., p. 292. Godwin echoed this position in a passage from his unpublished notes, asserting, “If promises are wrong, alliances among nations must be so too.” MS. Abinger c. 35. 86 . Godwin, “Essay against reopening the war with France,” p. 37. 8 7 . G o d w i n , Political justice , p. 292. 8 8 . MS. Abinger c. 35. 89 . Recounting his travels, St. Leon recalls his love of glory as “an infantine taste for magnificence and expense.” Godwin, St Leon , p. 74. 90 . Ibid., p. 26. The siege of Pavia, October 1524–February 1525. 91 . Ibid., p. 35. 9 2 . I b i d . , p . 1 4 0 . 9 3 . I b i d . , p . 1 4 0 . 94 . This is not to imply that Godwin was entirely uncritical of patriotism in St Leon , only that he also conveyed a positive aspect to it that implied recognition of the value of partial attachments. 9 5 . MS. Abinger c. 35. fols. 64–107. 9 6 . MS. Abinger c. 29. Godwin’s philosophy also influenced Percy Bysshe Shelley’s The revolt of Islam (1818), a narrative poem set in the Ottoman Empire originally published as Laon and Cythna; or, the revolution of the golden city in December 1817. As St. Clair writes, “ Laon and Cythna is the successor to Political Justice , an attempt to adapt the truths of the old Enlightenment to the new post-revolutionary generation.” St. Clair, The Godwins and the Shelleys , p. 431. 97 . The journal entries register Godwin’s daily morning readings of the classics. Under the pseudonym Edward Baldwin, Godwin published The Pantheon, or the ancient history of the Gods of Greece and Rome. Intended to facilitate the understanding of the classical authors and of the poets in general (1806), The history of Rome: from the building of the city to the ruin of the republic (1809), and History of Greece: from the earliest records of that country to the time in which it was reduced into a Roman province (1821). 9 8 . G o d w i n , St Leon, p. 51. In his discussion of family affections, there is mention of an indeterminate “Eastern” despotism. Ibid., p. 144. In his only “Orientialist” encounter in the novel, St. Leon meets Muzaffar, the bashaw, or military gover- nor, of Buda, the Ottoman-controlled Hungarian province. Charged with high treason for helping the Hungarians, St. Leon pays the unscrupulous Muzaffar Notes ● 251

off in return for his protection, Muzaffar having extolled the virtues of the personal despotism of the Ottoman court. Ibid., p. 314. 99 . “What can be more contrary to European modes than the dread of disgrace, which induces the Brahmin widows of Indostan to destroy themselves upon the funeral pyre of their husbands?” Godwin, Political justice , p. 19. 1 0 0 . I b i d . , p . 4 0 5 . 1 0 1 . G o d w i n , St Leon , p. 196. 1 0 2 . I b i d . , p . 1 9 7 . Th is tension between these notions of virtue and liberty can also be seen in the words of Marguerite, St. Leon’s wife who Godwin character- ized as an ideal companion, bearing obvious affi nities to his own feelings for his recently deceased wife, Mary Wollstonecraft. Marguerite describes their rural existence in Switzerland: “Th e pleasures I would pursue and disseminate, though not dependent on a large property, are such as could not be understood by the rustic or the savage.” Ibid., p. 78. 103 . Ibid., p. 214. It is important to recognize the cultural or civilizational aspects of Godwin’s position here, as opposed to any racial element. At the time of the particular writings under question, the discourse of racial diff erence was underdeveloped ( St Leon was published in 1799 and Abbas completed in 1801). Despite his position, Godwin did not reject miscegenation as, for example, in the character of Sefi , the son of a Persian father and European mother in his play, Abbas , and the love between Hector and a local Swiss peasant girl in St Leon, regarding which Godwin made no adverse judgments. 1 0 4 . Th e privileging of this refi ned notion of liberty was also echoed in St. Leon’s critical view of the mercantile city of Constance where he links politeness to learning: “Th e society which the city of Constance aff orded had few charms for me. It had no pretensions to the politeness, elegance, the learning or the genius, an intercourse with which had once been familiar to me.” Godwin, St Leon, p. 150. Godwin’s location of this refi ned liberty in the classical worlds of Greece and Rome was echoed in his rewritten chapter “Of revolutions” in the second and third editions of Political Justice where he contrasted it with barbarism. Godwin, Political justice: variants , p. 138. 1 0 5 . Th e play has only recently been published in O’Shaughnessy (ed.) Th e plays of William Godwin. Coleridge’s comments are also published in Th e collected works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, vol. 12: Marginalia, Part 6: Valckenaer to Zwick, edited by H. J. Jackson and George Whalley (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001 ), pp. 270–285. Jackson and Whalley date the marginalia between March 25 and July 8, 1801: “On the former date, C agreed to comment on the ms, and on the latter he returned it to Godwin.” Ibid., p. 270. See also H. J. Jackson, Marginalia: readers writing in books (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001 ). 106 . O’Shaughnessy’s recent work on Godwin’s plays provides the fi rst substantive critique of Abbas . See O’Shaughnessy, William Godwin and the theatre . 107 . On the context of romanticism in the literature of the period in Britain see Marilyn Butler, Romantics, rebels and reactionaries: English literature and its background 1760–1830 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981 ). 252 ● Notes

1 0 8 . G o d w i n ’ s f o u r t h a t t e m p t , Faulkner, written between 1803 and 1807 and performed in 1807, fared slightly better though was performed only three times and not published. For Godwin’s plays, see O’Shaughnessy, Th e plays of Wil- liam Godwin . 1 0 9 . O ’ S h a u g h n e s s y , William Godwin and the theatre , p. 119. 110 . In a similar vein, O’Shaughnessy has discussed the signifi cance of the use of sectarian confl ict in the play. As he argues, “when Godwin was writing about Islam, he was also referring to Christianity and the fallacy of minor doctrinal diff erences provoking the type of exclusionary politics that he had suff ered under all his life.” O’Shaughnessy, William Godwin and the theatre , p. 127. 1 1 1 . S t . C l a i r , Th e Godwins and the Shelleys , p. 234. Isaac D’Israeli, Vaurien, a sketch of the times (1797). 112 . See Nigel Leask, British Romantic writers and the east: anxieties of empire (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992 ) and Saree Makdisi, Romantic imperialism: universal empire and the culture of modernity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ). Butler has also pointed to the pluralism inherent in romanticism, describing it as “a complex of responses to certain conditions which Western society has experienced and continues to experience since the middle of the eighteenth-century.” Butler, Romantics, rebels and reactionaries, p. 184. 113 . Godwin, “Essay of history and romance” (1797). In it, Godwin tied fi ction writing, which focused on the inner life of important individuals, to a form of truer history in that it more accurately related to common experience than the straightforward recounting of events that would, in any case, always be disputed. 114 . Abbas I, “the Great” (1557–1629), Shah of Persia (1587–1628). Godwin’s historical knowledge of the sporadic, intra–Islamic Ottoman-Safavid confl ict and his acute awareness of the doctrinal diff erences among the Sunni Ot- tomans and Shi’a Persians that in part ideologically underpinned the wars between them, is suggestive of a stronger engagement with the extra-European world that is rarely acknowledged. In a rare description of the play in com- mentaries on Godwin, St. Clair mistakenly inverts the accurate doctrinal affi liation Godwin actually presents by describing the Ottomans as Shi’a and the Persians as Sunnis. In doing so, he unwittingly reinforces the neglect by the additional impression that Godwin’s Orientalist knowledge was at best rather superfi cial and weak. Notwithstanding it being a work of fi ction, if Godwin had indeed made this blunder, it would certainly have suggested a fundamental lack of engagement with or knowledge of the Orient. See St. Clair, Th e Godwins and the Shelleys , p. 234. 1 1 5 . G o d w i n , Abbas, king of Persia , p. 163. 1 1 6 . MS. Abinger c. 33, fols. 31–42. Whether or not Abbas is fi nally redeemed in Godwin’s concluding, missing acts are not vital to the argument I am pursuing. Th ere is certainly a suggestion of change in Godwin’s scattered notes for the play. “Th ere is a contrast,” he asserted, “between the irritabil- ity of Abbas, act 3, and his invincible patience, act 5.” Ibid. It is probable Notes ● 253

that, as with St Leon, the play’s central protagonist would come to see the error of his ways, in keeping with Godwin’s wider notion of fi ction and history as being morally instructive to the reader. O’Shaughnessy has inferred Abbas’s “remorse” from Godwin’s synopsis of the play. O’Shaughnessy, Wil- liam Godwin and the theatre, p. 122. 117 . Godwin noted that his Cartzuga was based on Kustzugai Chan, General of Abbas I’s armies. In his notes for the play he wrote that Kustzugai Chan was “a native of Armenia, of Christian parents, and had been in his youth carried off , circumcised and sold to Shah Abbas, by the Tartars.” He referred to him also as a “venerable old man” as he did Cartzuga in the play. MS. Abinger c. 33 , fols. 31–42. 118 . At the end of act 2, Bulac’s insidious court fl attery is exposed in his private thoughts on Abbas: “I see the secret workings of his mind, [a]s plain as I dis- cern his outward semblance. Th is is the courtier’s proper art; to mark the foible of his master,” Godwin, Abbas, king of Persia , p. 183. 119 . Marguerite, St. Leon’s wife. Th e infl uence of Mary Wollstonecraft on Godwin is again evident here in the character of Irene. While the portrayal of Irene is also amenable to a feminist reading, this would not necessarily detract from the civilizational reading I am making here. 1 2 0 . I b i d . , G o d w i n , Abbas, king of Persia, pp. 163–164. She later remarks on the value of family life more directly: “Th is perfect harmony, this cordial friend- ship, is all my wishes e’er requir’d . . . Th is little circle of our love, will yet enjoy the pleasures of domestic life.” Ibid., p. 171. 1 2 1 . I b i d . , p . 1 6 4 . 1 2 2 . I b i d . , p . 1 6 4 . 1 2 3 . I b i d . , p . 1 8 0 . 1 2 4 . Th us, in his acrimonious exchange with Abbas, the ambassador warns, “the spirit of that Mahomet, who won the imperialist seat of Roman Constanti- nople, of the Solayman who rous’d the Christian from his den in Rhodes, has fallen on Ammurath. Th is let the eff eminate Persian learn.” Ibid., p. 181. Godwin’s references to Mustapha and Ammurath are likely historical allusions to the Ottoman sultans Mustafa I (r. 1617–1618 and 1622–1623) and Murad IV (r. 1623–1640). 1 2 5 . I b i d . , p . 1 9 8 . 1 2 6 . I b i d . , p . 1 9 9 . 1 2 7 . I b i d . , p . 1 9 9 . Th e reference is most likely to Heraclius (575–641), Byzantine emperor (610–641).

6 Polite Anarchy and Diplomacy 1 . Bull, for example, listed the “minimizing of friction” as one of the five func- tions of diplomacy. Bull, The anarchical society, pp. 165–166. The other four he listed were communication, negotiation, information, and its symbolic function. 254 ● Notes

2 . See, inter alia, Sofer, “Old and new diplomacy: a debate revisited,” Shaun Riordan, The new diplomacy (Cambridge: Polity, 2002). 3 . H a r o l d N i c o l s o n , Diplomacy (London: Oxford University Press, 1963 ). Nicolson, in fact, takes his definition directly from the Oxford English Dictionary where it defined as “the management of international relations by negotiation; the method by which these relations are adjusted and managed by ambassadors and envoys; the business or art of the diplomatist.” Ibid., p. 15. 4. E r n e s t S a t o w , Guide to diplomatic practice , edited by Sir Nevile Bland (London: Longmans, Green, 1957 ), p. 1. 5 . F r a n ç o i s d e C a l l i è r e s , De la manière de négocier avec les souverains (1716). See François de Callières, The art of diplomacy, edited by H. M. A. Keens-Soper and Karl W. Schweizer (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1983 ) and Maurice Keens-Soper, “François de Callières and diplomatic theory,” Historical Journal , Vol. 16, No. 3, 1973 , pp. 485–508. 6 . For a critique of the limitations of ES treatments of diplomacy from a different perspective, see Iver B. Neumann, “The English School and diplomacy” in Jonsson and Langhorne (eds.) Diplomacy, vol. 1. 7 . By “idealized,” I do not mean ideal in the sense of the “best possible” moral ideal. My notion of polite anarchy can be understood more in terms of Max Weber’s “ideal type” where it can be viewed as an analytical construct that captures the main elements of one dimension of, in this case, anarchistic state behavior, in most cases. See Max Weber, The methodology of the social sciences, edited by Edward Shils and Henry Finch (New York: Free Press, 1949 ), p. 90. 8 . From a different perspective that was not developed as a theory of international relations, the early-twentieth-century US diplomat, David Jayne Hill, used the term polite anarchy to describe interstate relations being “polite,” to a degree, in that force is not always used despite the permissive structural environment of global anarchy. His conception of global anarchy is conventional, that is, as a negative constraining absence. As Hill described, “the condition of the world, from an international point of view, has long been one of polite anarchy.” Quoted in Schmidt, The political discourse of anarchy , p. 94. 9 . Ideas of republicanism, virtue, and the political vocabulary of civic humanism have entered into IR from a variety of perspectives in recent years. See, inter alia, Nicholas Greenwood Onuf, The republican legacy in international thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ) and Michael Williams, The Realist tradition and the limits of international relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). 10 . See Bull, The anarchical society and Adam Watson, The evolution of international society ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 9 2 ) . 11 . See Alan James, “System or society,” Review of International Studies, Vol. 19, No. 3, 1993 , pp. 269–288. For a recent discussion of system and society in relation to diplomacy, though from a different perspective to my own, see Sharp, Diplomatic theory of international relations , pp. 105–122. Notes ● 255

1 2 . B u l l , The anarchical society , p. 11. Bull cites Morton Kaplan’s use of the term “system” here and argues that “what distinguishes Kaplan’s work is the attempt to use the concept of a system to explain and predict international behaviour.” Ibid., p. 11. See Morton A. Kaplan, System and process in international politics (New York: Wiley, 1957). 1 3 . B u l l , The anarchical society , p. 13. 1 4 . S a t o w , Guide to diplomatic practice , p. 3. 15 . Der Derian, On diplomacy, p. 32. Godwin himself referred to the practice in a critique of insincerity in an early statement of his rationalist mode of thought in his entry in the New Annual Register in 1789. See Chapter 5 , Part 2, in this volume. 16 . Der Derian, On diplomacy , p. 173. In terms of Satow’s claim, it should also be noted that Burke was the cofounder and a contributor to the Annual Register up until 1788. Rather confusingly, however, none of these authors (Satow, Nicolson and Der Derian) makes the explicit connection between Burke and the Annual Register’s earlier mention of diplomacy in 1787, unlike Maurice Keens-Soper and Karl Schweizer who have claimed, less ambiguously, how “two years before the outbreak of the French Revolution, Edmund Burke wrote of “civil, diplomatique, and mercantile affairs,” assisting thereby the verbal identification of a distinct political activity which emerged in early modern Europe.” Keens-Soper and Schweizer, The art of diplomacy , p. 41. The authors cite The Annual Register, 1787, I. Keens-Soper and Schweizer are also the only commentators on the issue that have traced Burke’s 1796 use of the term explicitly to his Letters on a Regicide Peace. 1 7 . H e n r y K i s s i n g e r , Diplomacy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994 ). 18 . Alan James, “Diplomacy and international society” in Jonsson and Langhorne (eds.) Diplomacy, vol. 1, p. 205. 19 . See, inter alia, Alexander Ostrower, Language, law and diplomacy: a study of linguistic diversity in official international relations and international law , 2 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1965 ), Robert Jervis, Perception and misperception in international politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976 ), Coral Bell, Communication strategies: an analysis of international signalling patterns (London: Council of Arms Control, 1983 ), and David. V. J. Bell, “Political linguistics and international negotiation,” Negotiation Journal , Vol. 4, No. 3, 1988 , pp. 234–246. 20 . See Chilton, “Politeness, politics and diplomacy.” 21 . See, inter alia, Jennifer Mitzen, “Reading Habermas in anarchy: multilateral diplomacy and global public spheres,” American Political Science Review , Vol. 99, No. 3, 2005, pp. 401–417 and the forum papers in “A useful dialogue? Habermas and International Relations,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 31, No. 1, January 2005 . See also Habermas, Theory of communicative action , vols. 1 and 2. 22 . Crister Jonsson and Richard Langhorne “Introduction” in Jonsson and Langhorne (eds.) Diplomacy, vol. 1, p. xiii. 2 3 . R i o r d a n , The new diplomacy . 256 ● Notes

2 4 . A b r a h a m d e W i c q u e f o r t , L’ambassadeur et ses fonctions (1681), Antione Pecquiet, Discours sur l’art de négocier (1736). As Keens-Soper has pointed out, prior to De Callières and, to a lesser degree, Wicquefort, diplomacy entered into writings mainly in terms of the legal status of envoys, on the one hand, or the character of the “perfect ambassador,” on the other, rather than in terms of a more direct political engagement with the place of diplomacy in relation to the actual existing workings of the emerging sovereign states system. As he has argued of Hugo Grotius, for example, “like most other writers on the subject the author of De Jure Belli ac Pacis was interested in the status of envoys and not in the activity of diplomacy.” Keens-Soper, “François de Callières and diplomatic theory,” p. 489. On this view, Wight’s transhistorical ES typology of Machiavellian, Grotian, and Kantian categories of international thought becomes all the more confusing as Wight termed classical diplomacy specifically “Grotian.” See Wight, International theory, p. 180. See also G. R. Berridge, Maurice Keens-Soper, and Thomas Otte, Diplomatic theory from Machiavelli to Kissinger (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001 ). 25 . James Der Derian, “Hedley Bull and the idea of diplomatic culture” in Rick Fawn and Jeremy Larkins (eds.) International society after the cold war (London: Macmillan, 1996 ), p. 93. 26 . Crister Jonsson and Martin Hall, Essence of diplomacy (London: Palgrave, 2 0 0 5 ) , p . 2 . 27 . Among the former diplomats who have published prominent scholarly works on diplomacy are Harold Nicolson, Adam Watson, Richard Langhorne, Henry Kissinger, and Shaun Riordan. 28 . For a statement of this neglect and an attempt to redress this theoretical scarcity within IR, see Jonsson and Hall, Essence of diplomacy. 29 . See, inter alia, Martin Wight, Power politics, edited by Hedley Bull and Carsten Holbraad (London: Penguin, 1979 ) and International theory: the three traditions, pp. 180–205, Herbert Butterfield, “The new diplomacy and historical diplomacy” in Butterfield and Wight (eds.) Diplomatic investigations , Bull, The anarchical society , pp. 156–178, and Watson, Diplomacy: the dialogue between states . 3 0 . W a t s o n , Diplomacy: the dialogue between states . 31 . In this regard, Der Derian has argued that Bull’s conception of diplomatic culture is premised on estrangement in that it “only becomes self-evident and subject to inquiry, when the values and ideas of one society are estranged from another.” From this perspective, it “abets the canonisation and imposition of alien cultures.” Der Derian, “Hedley Bull and the idea of diplomatic culture,” p. 92. 32 . See Geoffrey Wiseman, “Adam Watson and diplomacy,” unpublished paper presented to the Annual Conference of the International Studies Association (ISA), New Orleans, March 23–27, 2002, Iver B. Neumann, “The English School on diplomacy” in Jonsson and Langhorne (eds.) Diplomacy , vol. 1 and Paul Sharp, “Herbert Butterfield, the English School and the civilizing virtues of diplomacy,” International Affairs , Vol. 79, No. 4, 2003 , pp. 855–878. Notes ● 257

3 3 . S h a r p , Diplomatic theory if international relations . 34 . Ibid. and Costas M. Constantinou and James Der Derian (eds.) Sustainable diplomacies (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010 ). 35 . See Ian Hall, “History, Christianity and diplomacy: Sir Herbert Butterfield and international relations,” Review of International Studies, Vol. 28, 2002 , pp. 719–736 and Ian Hall, “Diplomacy, antidiplomacy and international society” in Richard Little and John Williams (eds.) The anarchical society in a globalized world (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006 ), pp. 141–161. 36 . See Bull, The anarchical society , pp. 165–166. 37 . For a rare example of applying the theoretical literature on linguistic politeness to addressing international diplomacy—albeit from outside the discipline of IR—see Chilton, “Politeness, politics and diplomacy.” 38 . Brown and Levinson, Politeness: some universals in language usage , p. 1. 39 . Roger D. Sell, “Literary texts and diachronic aspects of politeness” in Watts, Ide, and Ehlich (eds.) Politeness in language, p. 115. 40 . Konrad T. Werkhofer, “Traditional and modern views: the social constitution and the power of politeness” in Watts, Ide, and Ehlich (eds.) Politeness in language, p. 156. 4 1 . W i g h t , Power politics , p. 113. 42 . Sharp, “Herbert Butterfield, the English School and the civilizing virtues of diplomacy,” p. 856. For an account of the British Committee and origins and development of the English School, see Dunne, Inventing international society . 4 3 . B u z a n , From international to world society? p. 1. 44 . Andrew Hurrell, “Hedley Bull and diplomacy,” paper prepared for panel on “The English School and Diplomacy,” ISA, March 2002, p. 2. 4 5 . B u l l , The anarchical society , p. 164. 4 6 . I b i d . , p . 3 0 4 . 4 7 . G o o d y , Questions and politeness: strategies in social interaction , p. 1. 4 8 . B u l l , The anarchical society , p. 165. 4 9 . I b i d . , p . 1 7 6 . 50 . Der Derian, On diplomacy , p. 33. 51 . Thus, in departing from state-centrism in his treatment of diplomacy, Sharp has argued for the wider relevance of Butterfield’s approach to diplomacy asserting that “in his writings are to be found the elements of not just a theory of diplomacy between sovereign states, but what amounts to a theory of how human relations are and might be conducted between groups that seek to live separately from one another and hold this separation to be both good and desirable.” Sharp, “Herbert Butterfield, the English School and the civilizing virtues of diplomacy,” p. 857. 52 . For a critique of this assertion, given most forceful expression in the “recon- vening” of the ES as a distinct approach to IR theory, see Bell, “Back to school? Ethics and international society.” 5 3 . B u l l, The anarchical society , p. 39. 54 . Hall, “Diplomacy, antidiplomacy and international society,” p. 160. See also Robert Jackson, “Martin Wight’s thought on diplomacy,” Diplomacy and Statecraft , Vol. 13, No. 4, 2002, pp. 1–28. 258 ● Notes

55 . Hall, “Diplomacy, antidiplomacy and international society,” p. 158. 56 . For an attempt to address the issue from within the philosophy of language, see Mark Kingwell, “Is it rational to be polite?” Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 90, No. 8, 1993 , pp. 387–404. 57 . Sofer, “Old and new diplomacy,” p. 397. 58 . See ibid., p. 398 and Gilbert, “The new diplomacy of the eighteenth-century.” In terms of tying interpretations of old and new diplomacy to the debate on republicanism, Lockean-liberalism and the intellectual origins and development of American politics, Gilbert also played an early role in the revival of civic humanism in his work, Machiavelli and Guicciardini: politics and history in sixteenth-century Florence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965 ). 59 . See Andrew Linklater, “Dialogic ethics and the civilising process,” Review of International Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1, 2005, pp. 141–154 and Klein, Shaftesbury and the culture of politeness . See also Norbert Elias, The civilizing process and The Germans (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1996 ). There is, however, ironically, little dialogue between the international theorists of discursive civility and intellectual historians of politeness. 6 0 . B u l l , The anarchical society , p. 163. 6 1 . I b i d . , p . 1 6 3 . 62 . Gudrun Held, “Politeness in linguistic research” in Watts, Ide, and Ehlich (eds.) Politeness in language , p. 150. 63 . As Adam Watson has argued, “the central task of diplomacy is not just the management of order, but the management of change, and the maintenance by continual persuasion of order in the midst of change.” Watson, Diplomacy: the dialogue between states , p. 223. 64 . For an innovative view of the Taliban as adaptive “popular intellectuals,” see Robert D. Crews, “The Taliban and nationalist militancy in Afghanistan” in Jeevan Deol and Zaheer Kazmi (eds.) Contextualising Jihadi thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012 ), pp. 343–369. See also Paul Sharp, “Mullah Zaeef and Taliban diplomacy: an English School approach,” Review of International Studies , Vol. 29, No. 4, 2003 , pp. 481–498 and Abdul Salam Zaeef, Alex Strick Van Linschoten, and Felix Kuehn, My life with the Taliban ( L o n d o n : H u r s t , 2 0 1 1 ) . 65 . Maurice Keens-Soper, “The liberal disposition of diplomacy,” International Relations , Vol. 5, 1973, pp. 908–916. 6 6 . I b i d . , p . 9 0 9 . 6 7 . I b i d . , p . 9 1 1 . 6 8 . W e n d t , Social theory of international politics , p. 308. 69 . Der Derian’s otherwise innovative body of work on diplomacy is notable, however, for its conventional treatment of anarchism in relation to diplomacy. Anarchism, Der Derian has argued, is a form of “antidiplomacy” that he situates under the rubric, “terror,” one of the three forces, along with “spies” and “speed,” that he sees as challenging traditional diplomacy. “The common Notes ● 259

element of anarchism is violence against the state,” he asserts. Skirting over the wealth of diverse anarchist ideas, he typically invokes Nechaev’s Catechism of the revolutionary. He does, however, qualify his treatment by rejecting the “false equation” of anarchism with terror and acknowledging that “any elision of anarchism and terrorism risks simplifying the subject of a major political debate among some very heavy thinkers of nineteenth-century radicalism.” But his notion of “anarchoterrorism” is revealing for its typically cursory treatment of anarchist ideas and its singular focus on the most conventional understanding of it. Der Derian, Antidiplomacy, pp. 100–101. 7 0 . S a t o w , Guide to diplomatic practice , p. 254. 7 1 . I b i d . , p . 2 5 4 . 7 2 . I b i d . , p . 2 5 4 . 73 . Keens-Soper, “François de Callières and diplomatic theory,” p. 499. 7 4 . I b i d . , p . 4 9 9 . 75 . See Sharp, “Herbert Butterfield, the English School and the civilizing virtues of diplomacy” and Hall, “History, Christianity and diplomacy: Sir Herbert Butterfield and international relations.” 76 . On this, Hall has noted of Butterfield the significance accorded to the accu- mulated wisdom in both its practice and in the works of Callières, Heeren, Gentz, Metternich, and Bismarck in “the maxims and principles which acknowledged, for Butterfield, the necessity of forgiveness for former ene- mies, the impossibility of absolute security, the need for the acceptance of all states, regardless of their regime, into the diplomatic system, and for flex- ibility in diplomacy, and an absolute prohibition on crusades.” Hall, “History, Christianity and diplomacy,” p. 731. 7 7 . I b i d . , p . 7 3 6 . 7 8 . I b i d . , p . 7 3 5 . 7 9 . I b i d . , p . 7 3 0 . 8 0 . I b i d . , p . 7 3 0 . 81 . For a discussion of Butterfield’s “Augustinian realism,” see Dunne, Inventing international society, pp. 73–78. See also Charles Jones, “Christian realism and the foundations of the English School,” International Relations , Vol. 17, No. 3, 2003 , pp. 371–387. 82 . As Jones has argued, citing Butterfield’s “The tragic element in modern conflict,” “in the first place, predicament arose from human sinfulness. It would not exist “if human nature in general were not streaked with cupidities.” In the second place, escape from structural predicament lay in personality rather than economic interdependence or clever institutions. To be more specific, it was to be looked for in the ability of the historical mind to transcend contemporary predicaments.” Jones, “Christian realism and the foundations of the English School,” pp. 379–380. See also Herbert Butterfield, “The tragic element in modern conflict” in Herbert Butterfield, History and human relations (London: Collins, 1951 ), p. 22. Cornelia Navari’s reading of Butterfield as a “civic republican” is also pertinent in light of my own characterization of 260 ● Notes

polite anarchy as a kind of anarchistic “republicanism without the state” and my drawing on the civic humanist tradition in elucidating Godwin’s thought. Cornelia Navari, “English Machiavellism” in Cornelia Navari (ed.) British politics and the spirit of the age: political concepts in action (Keele: Keele University Press, 1996 ), pp. 107–137. 83 . As Sharp has argued, “the war to rid Iraq of Saddam Hussein and weapons of mass destruction provides weighty evidence for the rightness and reason- ableness of Butterfield’s conception of good diplomacy.” Sharp, “Herbert Butterfield, the English School and the civilizing virtues of diplomacy,” p. 878. 84 . Hall, “History, Christianity and diplomacy,” p. 735. 85 . Jones, “Christian realism and the foundations of the English School,” p. 17. 86 . As Hall has noted, “the reality of sin demanded that society—including the Church and political institutions—be ordered to channel the ‘cupidity’ and self-interest it generates towards moral ends.” Hall, “History, Christianity and diplomacy,” p. 725. 8 7 . N i c o l s o n , Diplomacy , p. 119. 8 8 . I b i d . , p . 1 1 0 . 8 9 . W i g h t , International theory , pp. 186–188. 9 0 . I b i d . , p p . 1 8 6 – 1 8 7 . 9 1 . B u l l , The anarchical society , p. 166.

Conclusion 1 . E d m u n d B u r k e , A vindication of natural society, or a view of the miseries and evils arising to mankind from every species of artificial society (1756). 2 . Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751). In the revised version, issued in 1757, which included Burke’s preface, the work was again published anonymously. See also Bolingbroke, Political writings , edited by David Armitage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997 ). 3 . See Murray N. Rothbard, “A note on Burke’s Vindication of the natural society ,” Journal of the History of Ideas , Vol. 19, No. 1, 1958 , pp. 114–118 and Murray N. Rothbard, “The alleged irony of Burke’s Vindication : a reply,” Rothbard papers , Ludwig von Mises Institute. See also John C. Weston, Jr., “The ironic purpose of Burke’s Vindication vindicated,” Journal of the History of Ideas , Vol. 19, No. 3, June 1958 , pp. 435–441. 4 . Rothbard, “A note on Burke’s Vindication of the natural society, ” p. 114. 5 . Godwin described Burke’s Vindication as “a treatise, in which the evils of the existing political institutions are displayed with incomparable force of reasoning and lustre of eloquence, while the intention of the author was to shew that these evils were to be considered as trivial.” Godwin, Political justice, p. 8. Notes ● 261

6 . Robert W. Cox, “Social forces, states and world orders,” Millennium , Vol. 10, No. 2, 1981 , p. 128. 7 . See also Levy, Gramsci and the anarchists . 8 . See, for example, Michael C. Williams (ed.) Realism reconsidered: the legacy of Hans J. Morgenthau in international relations (Oxford: Oxford University P r e s s , 2 0 0 7 ) .

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Index

Abbas, King of Persia: an Historical a c t i o n s 8 9 – 9 3 , 1 3 3 – 4 , Tragedy 1 4 1 , 1 6 4 – 9 153–6 , 160 academic study of anarchism 18 , British Committee on the Theory of 19 , 36–50 , chapter 2, chapter International Politics 189 6 , 2 0 7 – 1 0 Brown, Penelope and Stephen A f g h a n i s t a n 1 9 6 L e v i n s o n 1 1 , 1 8 8 A f r i c a 1 9 Bukanovsky, Mlada 143 American Revolution and War of B u l l , H e d l e y 4 – 5 , 4 7 , 5 8 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 7 , I n d e p e n d e n c e 9 1 , 1 0 0 , 1 4 2 1 8 8 , 1 9 0 – 2 , 2 0 3 a n a r c h i s t s u b c u l t u r e s 5 3 – 4 , 6 8 – 7 5 , B u r g h , J a m e s 9 9 1 7 8 – 9 , 1 8 2 , 2 0 9 B u r k e , E d m u n d 8 1 – 5 , 9 0 , 9 3 , 1 0 5 , “ a n a r c h o c a p i t a l i s t s ” 3 , 2 8 1 1 9 – 2 0 , 1 8 5 , 2 0 0 , 2 0 7 – 8 a n a r c h o s y n d i c a l i s m 2 6 – 7 , 3 5 B u t t e r f i e l d , H e r b e r t 6 6 , 1 8 7 , Antonio, or The Soldier’s Return 1 6 5 199–202 A r i s t o t l e 9 7 , 9 8 Buzan, Barry 190 Association for the Preservation of Liberty and Property against Caleb Williams (Th ings as Th ey Are, or Republicans and Levellers 90 Caleb Williams) 8 , 9 2 , A u s t r i a 1 5 2 , 1 6 3 129–32 , 165 C a l l i è r e s , F r a n ç o i s d e 1 7 5 , 1 8 6 , B a a d e r - M e i n h o f G a n g 3 4 1 9 5 , 2 0 3 B a k u n i n , M i k h a i l 1 9 – 2 0 , 2 1 , 2 4 , C a l v i n i s m 1 0 7 , 1 2 6 2 6 , 3 5 , 4 3 , 4 6 , 4 8 C a r r , E . H . 5 8 Battle of Algiers 3 5 Catechism of a Revolutionary 3 4 B e r k m a n , A l e x a n d e r 2 7 Catherine, Empress 149 Berry, Christopher 109 C a t h o l i c C h u r c h 8 3 , 9 4 BISA Working Group on C a t o 1 1 1 Diplomacy 187 C G T 2 7 B o l i n g b r o k e , L o r d 2 0 7 Characteristics of Men, Manners, B o l o g n a 2 6 Opinion Times 1 1 5 – 1 6 B r e w e r , J o h n 1 3 6 C h e s t e r t o n , G . K . 2 3 Britain passim, especially chapter Chilton, Peter 185 3; government policies and C h o m s k y , N o a m 3 5 – 6 , 4 0 – 2 284 ● Index

C h r i s t i a n i t y 4 3 , 2 0 0 , 2 0 1 , Dissenters (from Church of see also Church of England; E n g l a n d ) 8 2 , 9 9 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 7 , 1 2 1 , D i s s e n t e r s 1 3 6 – 8 , 1 4 8 C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d 8 7 , 8 9 , 9 9 , 1 3 6 C i c e r o 1 1 8 – 1 9 E a s t w o o d , D a v i d 8 9 C i n c i n n a t i 2 9 Elias, Norbert 194 c i v i c h u m a n i s m / c i v i c v i r t u e 9 5 – 9 , E n g e l s , F r i e d r i c h 2 2 1 0 8 , 1 1 7 – 1 8 , 1 2 0 , 1 7 7 E n g l i s h S c h o o l 1 1 – 1 2 , 5 2 , 5 5 , 5 8 – 6 1 , civil anarchy 180–2 7 0 , 7 2 , 1 7 5 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 7 – 8 , 1 9 0 , C l a e y s , G r e g o r y 8 , 1 0 , 8 6 , 1 0 8 1 9 5 , 1 9 9 C l a r k , J . C . D . 8 7 E n l i g h t e n m e n t 2 5 , 4 8 , 1 0 7 , 1 6 5 , 1 7 6 , C l a r k , J . P . 1 4 7 1 9 4 , 2 0 7 C l e m i t , P a m e l a 1 3 0 Enquirer, The 8 1 , 1 2 1 – 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 7 , C N T 2 6 , 2 7 1 8 1 , 1 8 8 C o h n - B e n d i t , Enquiry concerning PoliticalJustice D a n i e l 3 3 and its Influence on Virtue and C o l e r i d g e , S a m u e l T a y l o r 8 , 1 6 4 – 5 Happiness, An 8 – 9 , 1 3 , 9 0 , 1 0 0 , C o l l e y , L i n d a 9 1 1 0 3 – 1 5 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 7 , C o m f o r t , A l e x 3 2 159–60 , 207 c o m m u n i s m 2 7 e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s s u e s 3 6 Community, Anarchy and Liberty 3 7 e q u a l i t y a n d i n e q u a l i t y 7 4 , 7 5 – 6 , Conquest of Bread, The 2 4 , 2 5 8 5 – 6 , 1 1 0 – 1 1 , 1 3 7 , 1 9 5 – 6 C o n r a d , J o s e p h 2 3 Eyre, Lord Chief Justice 133–4 c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e o l o g y 3 7 , 8 2 – 4 , 8 7 , 1 1 9 – 2 0 , 1 3 2 F A I 2 7 Considerations on Lord Grenville’s and F é n e l o n , A r c h b i s h o p 9 , 1 2 8 Mr Pitt’s Bills 1 0 5 , 1 3 3 , 1 3 4 First International Working Men’s c o n t r a c t , i d e a s o n 4 6 – 9 , 1 5 9 A s s o c i a t i o n 2 1 , 2 2 , 2 3 – 4 c o o p e r a t i o n 2 4 , 2 8 – 9 , 1 1 1 – 1 2 , Fleetwood 1 3 0 114 , 147 F l e m i n g , M a r i e 2 6 C o x , R o b e r t 2 0 8 F l e t c h e r , A n d r e w 1 1 8 c u l t u r e o f a n a r c h y / a n a r c h i s m 5 7 , 6 3 , F l o r e n c e 9 6 , 9 7 6 4 – 7 6 , 1 7 8 F o x , C h a r l e s J a m e s 8 3 , 9 2 , 9 5 Cursory Strictures 1 0 5 , 1 3 3 F r a n c e 2 6 – 7 , 3 4 , 4 6 , 7 9 , 8 0 , 8 1 – 6 , 9 0 – 1 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 6 , 1 3 7 , 1 3 9 , D a r w i n , C h a r l e s 2 4 1 6 0 , 1 6 2 ; M a y 1 9 6 8 3 2 – 3 D e b o r d , G u y 3 3 f r e e - m a r k e t i d e o l o g y 2 8 – 9 , 3 1 – 2 D e n m a r k 1 5 2 F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n 4 8 , 7 9 , 8 1 – 6 , D e r D e r i a n , J a m e s 1 2 , 1 8 4 , 1 8 6 , 9 0 – 1 , 9 3 , 1 3 7 , 1 4 2 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 5 1 8 7 , 1 9 1 Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes 5 G 8 3 6 D i c k i n s o n , H . D . 8 7 G e o r g e I I I 9 1 d i p l o m a c y 1 1 – 1 2 , 1 7 4 – 6 , G e r m a n y 3 4 184–207 Gilbert, Felix 194 Index ● 285

g l o b a l i s a t i o n 3 2 , 3 6 International Revolutionary G l o r i o u s R e v o l u t i o n 8 0 , 8 3 , 8 4 A s s o c i a t i o n 2 2 – 3 G o d w i n , W i l l i a m 2 – 4 , 7 – 1 1 , 1 4 , 1 7 , intervention in other countries 152–7 4 4 , 4 9 , 5 0 , 5 2 , 6 2 , 7 4 , 9 0 , 9 9 , I r a q W a r 3 6 , 6 7 , 2 0 1 1 0 0 , c h a p t e r 4 , c h a p t e r 5 , 1 7 3 – 4 , I r e l a n d 9 4 1 7 6 – 8 2 , 1 8 4 , 1 8 8 , 1 9 1 , 1 9 4 – 5 , I t a l y 3 4 2 0 4 , 2 0 7 – 8 , 2 0 9 – 1 0 G o l d m a n , E m m a 2 7 J a c o b i t e s 9 1 G o o d m a n , P a u l 3 2 J a m e s I I 8 3 G o o d w a y , D a v i d 4 0 J a m e s , A l a n 1 8 5 Gorbachev, Mikhail 185 J o h n s o n , C h r i s t e r 1 8 5 G o r d o n , T h o m a s 9 7 , 1 1 8 J o l l , J a m e s 3 9 G r e e c e , a n c i e n t 9 8 , 1 0 0 , 1 1 8 , 1 6 2 J o n e s , C h a r l e s 2 0 1 , 2 0 2 G u é r i n , D a n i e l 3 5 Journal of Peace Research 4 0 G u s t a v u s I I I 1 4 8 – 9 j u s t i c e 1 1 1 , 1 4 6 – 7

H a b e r m a s , J ü r g e n 1 1 9 , 1 8 5 , 1 9 4 – 5 K a n t , I m m a n u e l 3 7 , 4 5 , 6 0 , 6 4 H a l l , I a n 1 8 7 , 1 9 3 , 1 9 9 – 2 0 2 K e e n s - S o p e r , M a u r i c e 1 9 7 , 1 9 9 , 2 0 2 H a l l , M a r t i n 1 8 6 K e l l y , G a r y 1 3 2 H a m p s h e r - M o n k , I a i n 1 1 7 – 1 8 , 1 2 0 K e o h a n e , R o b e r t 5 6 H a r d y , T h o m a s 9 2 K i p p i s , A n d r e w 1 0 7 , 1 3 9 H a r r i n g t o n , J a m e s 9 6 , 9 8 , 1 1 8 Kissinger, Henry 185 Hazlitt, William 105 K l e i n , L a w r e n c e 3 , 1 0 , 9 5 , H e l d , D a v i d 6 0 , 7 4 9 6 , 9 7 – 8 , 1 0 3 – 4 , 1 1 5 – 1 9 , H e l d , G u d r u n 1 9 5 177 , 195 History of the Commonwealth of K r o n s t a d t R e b e l l i o n 2 7 England 8 K r o p o t k i n , P e t e r 2 1 , 2 4 – 6 , 4 6 , 4 8 H o b b e s , T h o m a s 4 5 , 6 4 , 1 9 0 , K u k u t h a s , C h a n d r a n 7 0 2 0 1 , 2 0 5 H o f f m a n n , S t a n l e y 4 , 4 9 L a n g f o r d , P a u l 8 6 H o l c r o f t , T h o m a s 8 , 1 0 1 Langhorne, Richard 185 Homage to Catalonia 2 7 League of Nations 185 H o x t o n A c a d e m y 1 0 7 , 1 3 9 L e f t - l i b e r t a r i a n i s m 3 , 1 8 , 3 5 , 3 9 – 4 0 h u m a n r i g h t s a g e n d a 7 4 L e r n e r , M i c h a e l 3 4 H u m e , D a v i d 9 9 , 1 1 4 , 1 2 6 , 1 5 9 Letters of Verax 1 3 9 , 1 5 7 H u r r e l l , A n d r e w 1 9 0 Letters Written during a Short H u x l e y , T h o m a s H e n r y 2 4 Residence in Sweden, Norway and Denmark 1 3 2 i n d i v i d u a l i s t a n a r c h i s m 3 , 2 8 – 3 1 , 4 5 , L e v y , C a r l 4 0 1 4 7 , 1 8 0 L e v y , J a c o b 7 0 I n n e s , J o a n n a 8 9 liberal rationalism 194–5 International Alliance of Social l i b e r t a r i a n a n a r c h i s m 3 , 4 , 2 8 , 3 1 , D e m o c r a c y 2 3 3 5 , 7 3 I n t e r n a t i o n a l C r i m i n a l C o u r t 7 6 L i b e r t a r i a n P a r t y 3 1 286 ● Index

l i b e r t y 4 , 7 , 1 2 , 2 0 , 2 2 , 2 9 , 3 5 , 3 8 – 9 , N e u m a n n , I v e r 1 8 7 , 1 9 2 7 1 , 7 3 , 9 2 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 5 – 2 4 , 1 2 9 , New Annual Register 1 3 9 , 1 4 8 , 1 3 1 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 1 , 1 8 4 1 6 3 – 4 , 1 6 7 – 9 , 1 7 6 , 1 7 7 , 1 7 9 – 8 2 New International Economic Liberty 3 0 Order 196 L i n k l a t e r , A n d r e w 1 9 4 – 5 N e w L e f t 3 2 L o c k e , J o h n 3 0 , 6 4 , 7 5 , 9 8 , 1 0 7 N e w R i g h t 3 1 L o n d o n C o r r e s p o n d i n g S o c i e t y 8 , 8 8 , N e w t o n , S a m u e l 1 0 7 , 1 3 5 9 2 , 1 3 3 – 4 N i c o l s o n , H a r o l d 1 7 4 , 1 8 4 , 1 8 6 , L o u i s X V I 9 0 , 1 0 6 202 , 204 L o u i s X V I I I 1 4 4 N o z i c k , R o b e r t 3 , 3 1 l u x u r y 1 0 9 – 1 0 , 1 2 4 – 5 , 1 3 8 O ’ G o r m a n , F r a n k 8 7 M a c h i a v e l l i , N i c c o l o 9 6 , 9 7 , 1 1 8 , O r i e n t / O r i e n t a l i s m 1 6 3 – 9 125 , 205 O r w e l l , G e o r g e 2 7 M a l a t e s t a , E r r i c o 2 6 O ’ S h a u g h n e s s y , D a v i d 1 3 5 , 1 6 5 M a l m e s b u r y , L o r d 9 3 O t t o m a n E m p i r e 1 5 7 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 6 – 8 M a l t h u s , T h o m a s 8 O w e n , R o b e r t 2 9 Mandeville, Bernard 109 M a n s o n , C h a r l e s 4 0 P a i n e , Th o m a s 8 2 , 8 4 – 6 , 9 5 , 9 6 , 10, M a r x , K a r l / M a r x i s m 2 1 – 2 , 3 3 , 1 0 5 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 9 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 4 3 , 4 6 P a r i s C o m m u n e 2 2 , 2 6 , 3 3 M a y a l l , J a m e s 5 8 , 5 9 Pecquier, Antoine 186 M c C a n n , A n d r e w 1 3 3 P e r s i a 1 6 4 – 9 M e t h o d i s m 8 9 Philomathean Society 135 M i l l , J o h n S t u a r t 1 5 3 P h i l p , M a r k 7 9 , 8 6 , 8 7 , 1 3 2 – 3 Modern Science and Anarchism 2 4 P i t t , W i l l i a m 8 , 8 9 – 9 0 , 9 1 , 9 2 , 1 2 0 , M o l e s w o r t h , R o b e r t 1 1 8 1 3 3 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 6 m o n a r c h y 8 3 , 9 0 – 1 , 1 1 1 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 3 P o c o c k , J . G . A . 9 6 , 9 8 – 9 , 1 1 8 M o n t e s q u i e u 1 0 6 , 1 6 5 P o l a n d 1 5 1 – 2 M o r e , H a n n a h 8 9 polite anarchy passim, especially 2 – 4 , M o r g e n t h a u , H a n s 6 5 – 6 , 2 0 9 1 1 – 1 2 , 6 3 , 6 5 , 7 5 , 8 0 , c h a p t e r 6 M o y l e , W a l t e r 1 1 8 p o l i t e l i b e r t y 1 7 9 – 8 2 m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m 7 0 – 1 p o l i t e s o c i a b i l i t y 1 2 , 7 2 , 1 1 5 , 1 7 6 , 1 7 9 , M y e r s , V i c t o r i a 1 2 0 – 1 182–4 p o l i t e n e s s 2 – 4 , 9 – 1 2 , 1 0 4 , 1 1 5 – 2 3 , N a p l e s 2 3 1 2 7 , 1 3 4 – 5 , 1 8 9 – 9 0 N a p o l e o n 1 3 9 , 1 4 3 – 4 , 1 5 6 Political Herald and Review 1 3 9 N A S P I R 4 0 Political Justice (William n a t u r a l r i g h t s t h e o r i e s 3 0 , 8 2 – 6 , 9 2 , G o d w i n ) , see Enquiry concerning 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 0 0 , 1 3 7 PoliticalJustice and its Influence on N e c h a e v , S e r g e i 2 3 , 3 4 Virtue and Happiness, An n e o l i b e r a l i s m 5 6 P o n t e c o r v o , G i l l o 3 4 – 5 n e o r e a l i s m 5 5 , 5 6 – 6 0 P o r t l a n d , D u k e o f 9 2 Index ● 287

P r i c e , R i c h a r d 8 2 , 9 1 , 9 2 , 9 9 , 1 0 1 Seven Years’ War 142 P r i c h a r d , A l e x 4 1 S h a f t e s b u r y , T h i r d E a r l o f 3 – 4 , 1 0 , P r i e s t l e y , J o s e p h 9 9 9 5 , 9 7 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 – 1 9 , Principles and Organization of the 1 2 0 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 8 , 1 7 7 , 1 9 5 Revolutionary Brotherhood 2 3 S h a r p , P a u l 1 8 7 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 2 , P r o c l a m a t i o n S o c i e t y 8 9 199–200 , 201 “propaganda by the deed” 34–5 S h a t z , M a r s h a l l 2 4 p r o p e r t y 2 9 , 4 5 , 8 6 , 9 5 , 1 0 9 – 1 0 s i n c e r i t y 1 2 1 – 3 , 1 3 4 – 5 , 1 4 8 – 5 1 , P r o u d h o n , P i e r r e - J o s e p h 1 9 , 2 0 , 203–5 2 3 , 2 6 , 2 9 , 4 3 , 4 4 – 5 0 S i t u a t i o n i s m 3 3 – 4 P r u s s i a 1 5 2 S k i n n e r , Q u e n t i n 1 3 s l a v e r y 8 9 Q u a d r u p l e A l l i a n c e 1 4 4 s o c i a l c o n t r a c t i d e a s 4 6 – 9 , 1 1 3 , 1 2 6 , 1 5 9 R a n d , A y n 3 1 Social Theory of International R a w l s , J o h n 4 5 Politics 5 7 R e a d , H e r b e r t 3 2 s o c i a l i s m 1 7 , 2 1 , 2 8 , 3 2 , 3 5 , R e a g a n , R o n a l d 1 8 5 3 9 – 4 0 , 4 3 , 4 6 r e a l i s m / r e a l i s m 4 5 , 5 5 – 6 , 6 5 – 8 , 7 5 , Society for Constitutional 1 2 8 , 1 3 7 , 1 9 7 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 3 Information (SCI) 88 , 133 R e d A r m y F a c t i o n 3 4 S o f e r , S a s s o n 1 1 , 1 9 4 R e d B r i g a d e s 3 4 South Sea Company 97 Rees, Abraham 107 S p a i n 2 6 R e e v e s , J o h n 9 0 Spirit of the Age, The 1 0 5 Review of International Studies 4 0 S p o o n e r , L y s a n d e r 2 9 , 3 0 R e v o l u t i o n S o c i e t y 8 8 St Dunstan 1 6 5 Revolutionary Catechism 2 3 St Leon 1 3 0 – 1 , 1 3 9 , 1 6 1 – 4 Rights of Man, The 8 2 , 8 4 – 5 s t a t e l i b e r t y 7 2 – 5 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 3 , 1 9 6 – 8 , R i n g m a r , E r i c 5 7 2 0 0 , 2 0 3 , 2 0 4 , 2 0 8 , 2 0 9 R i t t e r , A l a n 3 8 – 9 “ s t a t e o f n a t u r e ” 5 , 4 4 , 4 5 , 1 9 3 , R o c k e r , R u d o l f 3 5 203 , 208 R o m e , a n c i e n t 1 1 8 – 1 9 , 1 6 2 s t a t e - c e n t r i c t h e o r y 6 – 7 , 5 4 – 9 , 6 2 – 9 , R o t h b a r d , M u r r a y 2 8 , 3 1 , 2 0 7 1 8 0 , 1 9 2 , 2 0 5 – 6 , 2 0 9 – 1 0 R o u s s e a u , J e a n - J a c q u e s 4 8 , 1 5 8 Statism and Anarchy 2 2 R u s s i a 1 4 8 – 9 , 1 5 1 – 2 S t i r n e r , M a x 2 8 – 9 S u g a n a m i , H i d e m i 4 4 S a n d e m a n , R o b e r t 1 0 7 S w e d e n 1 4 8 – 9 S a t o w , E r n e s t 1 7 4 , 1 8 6 S w i f t , J o n a t h a n 1 0 6 S c h m i d t , B r i a n 6 6 S w i t z e r l a n d 2 6 S c h o f i e l d , T . P h i l i p 8 7 , 8 8 S e d i t i o u s M e e t i n g s A c t 1 7 9 5 9 2 T a y l o r , M i c h a e l 3 8 S e e d , J o h n 1 3 7 T e r r o r ( F r a n c e ) 8 3 , 9 3 s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n 1 5 1 – 7 t e r r o r i s m 2 3 – 4 , 2 5 – 7 , 3 4 – 5 , 4 1 Sell, Roger 188 T h a l e , M a r y 8 8 288 ● Index

T h e l w a l l , J o h n 8 , 9 2 , 1 3 3 W a l t z , K e n n e t h 5 , 5 2 – 6 1 T h o m p s o n , E . P . 8 6 – 7 , 9 4 W a r o n T e r r o r 3 6 Thoughts Occasioned by the W a r d , C o l i n 2 6 , 3 7 Perusal of Dr Parr’s Spital W a r r e n , J o s i a h 2 9 – 3 0 Sermon 1 2 6 , 1 2 8 w a r s 1 4 2 – 4 , 1 4 9 – 5 6 T o l a n d , J o h n 1 1 8 W a t s o n , A d a m 1 8 3 , 1 8 7 T o l s t o y , L e o 4 3 W e a t h e r m e n 3 4 T o o k e , J o h n H o r n e 9 2 W e n d t , A l e x a n d e r 5 2 – 4 , 5 7 – 6 9 , t r a d e u n i o n s 2 6 7 5 , 1 9 7 T r e a s o n a b l e P r a c t i c e s A c t 1 7 9 5 9 2 W e r k h o f e r , K o n r a d 1 8 9 t r e a t i e s 1 5 9 – 6 0 W h e e l e r , N i c h o l a s 5 8 T r e n c h a r d , J o h n 9 7 , 1 1 8 Wicquefort, Abraham de 186 T u c k e r , B e n j a m 2 9 , 3 0 – 1 W i g h t , M a r t i n 5 , 1 8 7 , 1 8 9 , 193 , 203 U n i t e d I r i s h m e n , S o c i e t y o f 9 4 W i l b e r f o r c e , W i l l i a m 8 9 U n i t e d N a t i o n s 6 7 , 7 4 , 7 6 W i l l i a m a n d M a r y 8 3 U S A 2 7 – 3 2 , 3 4 , 3 5 – 6 , 4 1 , 4 5 , 6 7 , 7 6 , Wilson, Woodrow 185 , 204 8 5 , 9 1 , 1 0 0 , 1 4 2 , 1 9 4 W i s e m a n , G e o f f r e y 1 8 7 , 1 9 2 U S S R 2 7 , 3 5 W o l f T o n e , T h e o b a l d 9 4 W o l f f , R o b e r t 3 , 3 7 V i e n n a , C o n g r e s s o f 1 4 3 – 4 W o l l s t o n e c r a f t , M a r y 8 , 1 0 1 , Vienna Conference on Diplomatic 131–2 , 137 Intercourse 185 Wordsworth, William 8 V i e t n a m W a r 3 2 W o r l d B a n k 3 6 Vindication of Natural Society, A 2 0 7 World War, First 27 , 185 v i o l e n c e b y a n a r c h i s t s 2 5 – 7 , 3 4 – 5 W T O 3 6

W a l t e r , N i c h o l a s 3 6 – 7 Z e r z a n , J o h n 1 9