Suffrage Extension and Financial Volatility: Reconsidering the Great

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Suffrage Extension and Financial Volatility: Reconsidering the Great Suffrage Extension and Financial Volatility: Reconsidering the Great Reform Act GARY COX∗ SEBASTIAN SAIEGHy November 23, 2020 Abstract We argue that Consol price movements during England’s reform era reflected spec- ulative activity spurred by continental revolutions and government instability, rather than market perceptions of a significant risk to the British regime’s survival. We first show that, controlling for cross-market linkages, Consol variability during the era reform was no different than it was in normal times. Next, we show that diversification using ex- clusively securities whose value depended on the British regime’s survival—which should not have been a good strategy in the face of a substantial revolutionary threat—still had considerable value. Finally, we use daily data to examine the relationship between major events and Consol prices. We find that investors did not view the reform process as a fundamental threat to the stability of property rights. Instead, “ordinary” polit- ical risk (i.e. a potential change in the partisan control of the government) explains much of the variability in Consol prices. We conclude with an analysis of land prices and agricultural rents—pointing out that neither suggested that investors perceived a revolutionary threat. Keywords: Democratization, Financial History, 1832 Reform Act JEL Codes: N4, N2, N430 ∗William Bennett Munro Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science, Stanford Uni- versity; Encina Hall West, Room 303, Stanford, CA 94305; (650) 723 4278; [email protected] yCorresponding Author.Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science, UC San Diego; Social Sciences Building 370, 9500 Gilman Drive, La Jolla, CA 92093; (858) 534-7237; [email protected] 1 Introduction As Przeworski (2009, p. 292) notes, prominent theorists have argued that “... extensions of [suffrage] rights are a response of the incumbent holders of rights to revolutionary threats by the excluded ...” Acemoglu and Robinson (2000, 2006) and Boix (2003) have been particu- larly influential exponents of this view, in which the franchise is granted only in extremis. Britain’s Great Reform Act is often cited as a case illustrating the importance of revolu- tionary threats. This tendency is natural given the wave of continental revolutions 1830-34; the wave of Swing (and other) riots on the domestic front 1830-32; and Lord Grey’s famous declaration that “... the principle of my reform is to prevent the necessity of revolution ...” (quoted in Quinault 1994, p. 392). To assess revolutionary threat perceptions, scholars have increasingly examined how se- curities markets reacted during suffrage reform episodes. For example, Dasgupta and Ziblatt (2015) report a significant spike in Consol yields during the first reform crisis, while Seghezza and Morelli (2018) find the second reform bill had no similar impact. In this study, we recon- sider the behavior of Consols (and other assets) during the first reform crisis. We highlight two factors—financial spillovers and government turnovers—that might confound our abil- ity to interpret a Consol yield spike (or other single-asset price swing) as stemming from increased threat perceptions. Financial economists routinely seek to control for financial spillovers (Rigobon 2019); and many scholars argue that a switch in which party controls government can substantially affect securities’ prices. Yet it has not become standard prac- tice in historical studies to control for these potential confounders.1 1Our paper also contributes to the broad literature studying how political uncertainty affects financial market volatility (e.g., Bittlingmayer 1998; Boutchkova et al 2012; Pástor, and Veronesi 2013; Rigobon and Sack 2005; Zussman, Zussman, and Nielsen 2008; Dube, Kaplan, and Naidu 2011; Girardi and Bowles 2018) and to the more specific literature focusing on the reaction of British securities to military and political crises in the nineteenth century (e.g., Ferguson 2006; Mitchell, Brown, and Easton 2002; Brown, Burdekin, and Weidenmier 2006; Campbell et al. 2020). 2 We show that, once one controls for financial spillovers using the standard methods in the empirical contagion literature (cf. Dungey et al. 2005; Rigobon 2019), there is no evidence of unusual price movements or co-movements in the Consols market. In contrast, the same tests do show abnormal behavior in the French Rentes market—which was affected by an actual revolution. These results suggest that investors saw no significant revolutionary threat to the British regime (and also suggest that controlling for financial spillovers may be important in other studies of suffrage expansion). As another test, we explore the value of diversifying a portfolio using only regime-dependent securities. If the British regime faced a serious risk of overthrow during the reform crisis, all regime-dependent securities should have declines in value, meaning that intra-regime diversification should not have been profitable. Yet, we show that such diversification had more value, not less, during the reform era. Next, we use daily data to examine the relationship between major events and Consol prices. We find that investors did not view the reform process as a fundamental threat to the stability of property rights. Instead, “ordinary” political risk (i.e. a potential change in the partisan control of the government) explains much of the variability in Consol prices. Our results here are similar to those showing that the partisanship of electoral victors affects stock market returns (e.g., Leblang and Mukherjee 2004; Bialkowski, Gottschalk, and Wisniewski 2008; Sattler 2013). Finally, land is usually cited as particularly at risk in revolutionary take-overs. Yet we show that land prices were stable and agricultural rents were insensitive to local riot intensity (the variable most often used in the previous literature to proxy for revolutionary threats). The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. In Section 1, we discuss how cross- market linkages affected the Consol market in the early 1830s. Next, we evaluate the value of diversifying a portfolio using only regime-dependent securities. In Section 3, we examine how Consol prices responded to various types of non-commercial (i.e. political) risks. Section 4 discusses the land market; and a final section concludes. 3 1 Financial Volatility in the Reform Era What explains the variation of Consol prices during Britain’s reform era (1830-32)? Scholarly opinions differ. On the one hand, financial economists such as Mitchell, Brown, and Easton (2002) conclude that the Reform Bill was not perceived as a particularly important event by market participants. Instead, they argue that the fall of Wellington’s government and uncertainty in Europe had much more significant impacts on Consol prices. Campbell et al. (2018) reach a similar conclusion with regard to stock price movements on the London market between 1823 and 1870—finding that the vast majority of large movements can be attributed to European wars. On the other hand, recent work in political economy suggests a larger role for the Reform Bill. Dasgupta and Ziblatt (2015) report that, at the peak of the reform crisis, “investors discounted the value of Consols by 16.6 percent from the pre-crisis baseline” (p. 3). One might interpret this as showing that frightened elites reduced their demand for Consols— likely to become worthless if the regime were overthrown—thereby reducing Consol prices. In this section, we offer an alternative account—closer to Mitchell, Brown and Easton’s (2002)—according to which financial spillovers from the continent drove Consol fluctuations. We begin by providing some historical background. 1.1 Background In his seminal book, The Age of Revolution, Eric Hobsbawm highlighted the unique corre- lation between British and Continental politics during Reform Bill era. As he noted, the period was “. probably the only one in modern history when political events in Britain ran parallel with those on the continent . ” (1962: p. 110). The revolutionary wave of 1830-34—ignited by the overthrow of the Bourbons in France (1830)—affected many parts of Europe. Belgium (1830) won independence from Holland, Poland (1830-1) was suppressed 4 only after military operations, and parts of Italy and Germany also rebelled. In Britain, var- ious domestic events might have increased elites’ fears of revolution, including the initial onset of Swing rioting (August 1830); the peak of Swing rioting (November 1830); and the famous Days of May, a period of unrest precipitated when the House of Lords rejected the third Reform Bill (in 1832). Britain’s political and sanitary synchronicity with Continetal Europe during the early 1830s suggests that volatility in Consols may have been driven by market reactions to foreign, rather than domestic, risks. Bolstering this idea, strong cross-market linkages already existed between Britain and Continental Europe. Dutch and French investment capital flowed in and out of Britain throughout the reform era (Neal 1990); and investors could purchase a wide range of foreign securities in the London exchange (Rose 1979; Rutterford 2006).2 This account, published on July 30th, 1830 (two days after the French revolution of July 26-28) in the Money Market and City Intelligence section of the The Times , illustrates how quickly the London market reacted to continental events: The English funds are maintained with tolerable firmness, though the alarm at the events in France is spreading over a pretty considerable class of stockholders. The 3 closing price of Consols is 4 per cent. below that of yesterday...; while the fall of the French funds on the second day after the publication of the ordinances has been 3 per cent., and in the whole 7 or 8 per cent. Generally speaking, there is a disposition among the English capitalists to get rid of this latter stock as an investment, but there are also a few who have [bet on] the ultimate maintenance of public credit in France. 1.2 Inter-market connections Consider some mechanisms by which the French revolution might have put downward pres- sure on Consol prices, even if investors saw no threat of regime overthrow in Britain.
Recommended publications
  • Introduction
    How did Britain Democratize? Views from the Sovereign Bond Market Aditya Dasgupta1 Daniel Ziblatt2 Abstract To assess competing theories of democratization, we analyze British sovereign bond market responses to the 1832, 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts, and to two failed Chartist agitations. Analyses of high-frequency 3% consol yield data and historical financial press suggest three conclusions. First, democratic reform episodes were preceded by increases in perceived political risk, comparable to democratizing episodes in other countries. Second, both democratic reform and repression were followed by yield de- clines. Third, the source of political risk in Britain was both social unrest and political deadlock. Together, the findings challenge the \Whig" characterization of British de- mocratization as exceptionally risk-free. Introduction The process of democratization in Britain { the franchise expansions legislated in the 1832, 1867, and 1884 Reform Acts in particular { has attracted a great deal of scholarly argument over how democracy emerged. One long-standing view, rooted in a classical \Whig" interpre- tation of history (see critique by Herbert Butterfield (1965)), is that Britain was distinctive in requiring little social and political conflict to democratize. Others argue that, whether driven by destabilizing constitutional crises or even the threat of mass revolution (Acemoglu and Robinson, 2005), the process of democratization in Britain was deeply conflictual. A key empirical issue at stake in this debate is this: what was the level of perceived political risk during each of Britain's major episodes of suffrage expansion? Scholars on both sides of 1PhD Candidate, Department of Government, Harvard University. Email: [email protected] 2Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University.
    [Show full text]
  • “FRESHER by FAR” PRODUCE Ple of Peace with Israel and .Ac­ Son of West Hartfrod
    .r • 'V*- r \ .. ^ \ V I • P A G E F O R T Y WEDNESDAY, 'JUNE 24, 1970 ittanrliratpr lEaatttng H^araUt A :\ Jfosf Manchester Stores Open Until 9 O^Clock Members of Scandla Lodge, About Town Vasa Order of America, will at­ Some Downtown Shoppers Average Daily Net Prem Run r h , Parents Without Partners, tend Vasa Field Day on Sun­ The Weather Manchester Chapter, will hold day starting at 9:80 a.m. at AN EXOmm PARTY IDGAI For The Week Kkided Vasa Park, South Meriden. To Receive Lucky Bucks June 99, 1970 Fair, unsenaonably oqdI an Informal coffee and conver­ CiMfemar flefc-Up nigtit; low about SS. Ttamorroav sation, at the home of Mrs. Ed­ There will be entertainment, games and dancing. Dinners sunny, low humkUity; Mgh na Geer, 80 W'etherell St. to­ “ Lucky Buck" cards will be tion was the Mystery Shopper. Hem* D«1lv«r*d liH M * of Swedish meatballs and sill distributed to shoppers in the 70a. Saturday’s ouUook-«taudy, night at 8. The meeting is open Next month, the promotion 15,770 herring wlU be served. Hoidogs Downtown business area tomor­ chance o< alwwrara. to interested persons. Hostess wilt focus on the mid-July Side­ in tmd hamburgers will alsO' be row through Saturday, entitling walk Sales. In August, actual- Mancheater— A City of Village Charm asks, to be notified by those available. the card holders to $6 worth of size antique cars will be dis­ planning to attend. retail merchandising. played in the Downtown busi­ i move VOL. LXXXIX, NO.
    [Show full text]
  • How Did Britain Democratize?1 Views from the Sovereign Bond Market
    How did Britain Democratize?1 Views from the Sovereign Bond Market Aditya Dasgupta2 and Daniel Ziblatt3 1 Acknowledgements: We thank Jim Alt, Ann Carlos, Jeff Frieden, Noam Gidron, Alexander Kuo, James Robinson, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, three anonymous reviewers and seminar participants at Harvard, the Juan March Institute, UCLA, and Yale for comments and Robert Brown and Stephen Easton for sharing data. All errors are our own. 2 PhD Candidate, Department of Government, Harvard University. 1737 Cambridge Street, Cambridge, MA, 02139. Email: [email protected]. 3 Professor of Government, Department of Government, Harvard University. 1737 Cambridge Street, Cambridge, MA, 02139. Email: [email protected]. 1 How Did Britain Democratize? Views from the Sovereign Bond Market Abstract To assess competing theories of democratization, we analyze British sovereign bond market responses to the 1832, 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts, and to two failed Chartist agitations for reform. Analyses of high-frequency 3% consol yield data and historical financial press suggest three conclusions. First, democratic reform episodes were preceded by increases in perceived political risk, comparable to democratizing episodes in other countries. Second, both democratic reform and repression were followed by yield declines. Third, the source of political risk in Britain was both social unrest and political deadlock. Together, the findings challenge the “Whig” characterization of British democratization as exceptionally risk-free. Introduction The process of democratization in Britain – in particular the franchise expansions legislated in the 1832, 1867, and 1884 Reform Acts– has attracted intensive scholarly attention.4 One long-standing 4 In this paper we follow the dominant strand in the social scientific literature that refers to “democratization” as the process of introducing democratic political institutions that began in Europe largely in the nineteenth century, with some precursors earlier, along three main dimensions: 1) the expansion and equalization of the right to vote (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    THE IMPACT OF ILE ROYALE ON NEW ENGLAND 1713 - 1763 by Donald F. Chard LtMAA.Ci A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. in History UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA OTTAWA, CANADA, 1976 Chard, Ottawa, Canada, 1977 UMI Number: DC54008 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI® UMI Microform DC54008 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE CHAPTER TABLE OF CONTENTS i TABLES AND MAPS ii ABBREVIATIONS iii NOTE ON DATES iv INTRODUCTION vi I. CANSO, 1710-1721: FOCAL POINT OF NEW ENGLAND- ILE ROYALE RIVALRY 1 II. PATTERNS OF TRADE, 1720-1744 34 III. THE LOUISBOURG EXPEDITION OF 1745 67 IV. VICTORY AT LOUISBOURG: ECONOMIC EXPECTATIONS AND REALIZATIONS, 1745-1748 103 V. THE BITTER FRUITS OF VICTORY: MILITARY AND SOCIAL REPERCUSSIONS OF THE 1745 ASSAULT ON LOUISBOURG 139 VI. IMPERIAL SUBSIDIES AND CURRENCY ADJUTSMENTS.. 168 VII. NEW ENGLAND'S ROLE IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF HALIFAX AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOVA SCOTIA 1749-1755 188 VIII.
    [Show full text]
  • The Home Office and Public Disturbance, C.1800-1832
    The Home Office and Public Disturbance, c.1800-1832 Nathan Ashley Bend Submitted to the University of Hertfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of PhD. May 2018 ii Abstract This thesis examines the role of the Home Office in the machinery of order from c.1800-1832. It combines institutional enquiry with the study of popular protest by examining protest from the viewpoint of the Home Office. It looks at how the growth of the Home Office was stagnated due to efforts to economise, and how it transformed its systems to make them more efficient in response to peaks of administrative work caused by popular tumult. The different roles that each person performed in the Home Office is outlined, and by doing so the pivotal role of the permanent under- secretary of state, who remains underrepresented in histories of protest, is exposed. It also looks at what powers the home secretary had at his disposal, and how they were used to repress food riots, the Luddite disturbances, the movement for parliamentary reform, the Swing riots, political agitation leading to the Great Reform Act, and trade unions. It compares the different approaches of home secretaries and argues that although the use of powers was generally guided by established precedent, others such as domestic espionage were more divisive, and were influenced by the personality and experience of the home secretary. The thesis also examines the relationships between the Home Office hierarchy and government departments with authorities in the provinces. This thesis brings together all the available records which relate to the Home Office as an institution and those which relate to public disturbance.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Notices
    THE LONDON GAZETTE, 16TH MAY 1969 5169 Public Notices Any Public Notices received too late for classification appear on a later page; see Contents on first page BANK OF ENGLAND AN ACCOUNT pursuant to the Acts 7 & 8 Viet. ch. 32,18 & 19 Geo. 5. ch. 13 and 9 & 10 Geo. 6. ch. 74, for the Week ending on Wednesday, the 14th day of May 1969. Issue DEPARTMENT £ £ Notes issued: Government Debt ... 11,015,100 In Circulation 3,188,832,624 Other Government Securities 3,238,010,240 In Banking Department 61,587,026 Other Securities 714,660 Coin other than Gold Coin ... 260,000 Amount of Fiduciary Issue ... £3,250,000,000 Gold Coin and Bullion 419,650 £3,250,419,650 £3,250,419,650 Dated the 15th day of May 1969. J. S. Fforde, Chief Cashier. BANKING DEPARTMENT £ Capital 14,553,000 Government Securities 433,104,415 Rest 3,342,426 Other Securities 235,753,722 Public Deposits (including Exchequer, Notes 61,587,026 National Loans Fund, National Coin 827,719 Debt Commissioners and Dividend Accounts) 14,466,709 Other Deposits 698,910,747 Seven Day and other Bills £731,272,882 £731,272,882 Dated the 15th day of May 1969. J. S. Fforde, Chief Cashier. 14th May 1969, at the offices of the Board at WATER ACTS Bamford, Sheffield. A notice explaining the effect of the proposed Ministry of Housing and Local Government Order will be found in The Leicester Mercury, The May 1969 Sheffield Morning Telegraph, The Nottingham Guardian Journal and The Derby Evening Telegraph DERWENT VALLEY WATER BOARD of the 14th and 21st days of May 1969.
    [Show full text]
  • Pirate Articles and Their Society, 1660-1730
    ‘Piratical Schemes and Contracts’: Pirate Articles and their Society, 1660-1730 Submitted by Edward Theophilus Fox to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Maritime History In May 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 Abstract During the so-called ‘golden age’ of piracy that occurred in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, several thousands of men and a handful of women sailed aboard pirate ships. The narrative, operational techniques, and economic repercussions of the waves of piracy that threatened maritime trade during the ‘golden age’ have fascinated researchers, and so too has the social history of the people involved. Traditionally, the historiography of the social history of pirates has portrayed them as democratic and highly egalitarian bandits, divided their spoil fairly amongst their number, offered compensation for comrades injured in battle, and appointed their own officers by popular vote. They have been presented in contrast to the legitimate societies of Europe and America, and as revolutionaries, eschewing the unfair and harsh practices prevalent in legitimate maritime employment. This study, however, argues that the ‘revolutionary’ model of ‘golden age’ pirates is not an accurate reflection of reality.
    [Show full text]
  • Topic 2 Revision Sheet – Reform and Reaction 1830-1841
    Topic 2 Revision sheet – Reform and reaction 1830-1841 After Catholic Emancipation Act 1829: Tory split into Ultras, Canningites and Wellington supporters Background – King George died, poor harvests unemployment, rising prises and population The want for reform! • Whigs were pushing for parliamentary reform and the Tory Cannigites supported the Whigs • Middle class wanted reform and representation • King William IV more open to reform than his predecessor Whigs came to power in 1830 – a coalition of Whigs and Canningite Tories Who were they? . Prime minister = Earl Grey . Foreign Secretary = Viscount Palmerston . Lord Chancellor = Lord Brougham – a radical Whig keen on reform . Home Secretary = Lord Melbourne . Leader of house of commons/Paymaster of the forces = Lord John Russell. Swing Riots – 1830-1 (Got name from Captain Swing) Causes = poor harvests 1829 and 1830, rising prices and population and shortage of jobs - Riots erupted in rural areas of southern and eastern England - included agricultural labourers and craftsmen - Riots were not organised, but had common targets of new threshing machines/property of farmers - Riots not linked with demands in reform but caused political pressure Increase in number of political unions (e.g. BPU) – increased pressure for reform Problems with electoral system - Unequal constituencies - Open boroughs, pocket boroughs, rotten boroughs, pot wallopers - Elections only held if seat was to be contested - Men who owned land worth 40 shillings could only vote The Great Reform Bill 1st Bill March 1831
    [Show full text]
  • Manchester's Radical History How Hyde
    7/1/2021 Manchester's Radical History – Exploring Greater Manchester's Grassroots History Manchester's Radical History Exploring Greater Manchester's Grassroots History NOVEMBER 30, 2013 BY SARAH IRVING How Hyde ‘Spymasters’ looked for Commies on BBC Children’s Hour By Derek Paison Salford born folk singer and song- writer Ewan MacColl is remembered today more for his music than his agit-prop plays. But it was his political activities before the last war and his membership of the Communist Party that led to MI5 opening a file on him in the 1930s and why they kept him, and his friends, under close surveillance. Secret service papers released by the national archives, now in Ashton-under-Lyne central library, offer a clue into how British intelligence (MI5) spied on working-class folk singer Ewan MacColl and his wife playwright, Joan Lilewood, who lived at Oak Coage on Higham Lane, Hyde, Cheshire, during World War II. MI5 opened a file on James Henry Miller (MacColl’s real name) in the early 1930s when he was living in Salford. As an active Communist Party member, he had been involved in the unemployed workers’ campaigns and in the mass trespass of Kinder Scout in Derbyshire. Before enlisting in the army in July 1940, he had wrien for the radio programme Children’s Hour. In Joan Lilewood’s autobiography, she writes: “Jimmie was registered at the Labour Exchange as a motor mechanic, but he did beer busking, singing Hebridean songs to cinema queues. Someone drew Archie Harding’s aention to him and from that time on he appeared in the North Region’s features (BBC) whenever a ‘proletarian’ voice was needed.” As a BBC presenter for Children’s Hour and Communist Party member, Lilewood also came under the watch of MI5.
    [Show full text]
  • Thomas Drummond, the Boundary Commission and the 1832 Reform Act*
    ‘One of the best men of business we had ever met’: Thomas Drummond, the boundary commission and the 1832 Reform Act* Martin Spychal Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/histres/article/90/249/543/5603617 by guest on 27 September 2021 Institute of Historical Research/History of Parliament Abstract As one of Britain’s landmark constitutional reforms, the 1832 Reform Act has attracted considerable historical attention. However, only cursory notice has been paid to the extensive work completed by the 1831–2 boundary commission to reform the nation’s parliamentary boundaries. Drawing on previously unused archival material, this article provides the first sustained analysis of the boundary reforms that took place in England’s ancient boroughs in 1832, revealing the significance of Thomas Drummond, a previously obscure royal engineer and chair of the English and Welsh boundary commission, to the ‘Great Reform Act’. As well as revealing the wider importance of parliamentary boundaries to the passage of reform by 1832, Drummond and the boundary commission established significant precedents for the expansion of the reformed British state and future parliamentary reform. On 1 December 1831, as political union activity surrounding the reform bill reached fever pitch and the government of the second Earl Grey was making preparations to introduce its third reform bill of the year, Staffordshire M.P. Edward Littleton sat down for dinner in London with several prominent whigs. Conversation turned to the topic of Thomas Drummond – a royal engineer who since August that year had been supervising the operations of the English and Welsh borough boundary commission as part of the government’s preparations for electoral reform.
    [Show full text]
  • The Aesthetics of Global Protest: Visual Culture and Communication
    PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Jenzen & Korkut (eds) Jenzen McGarry, Erhart, Eslen-Ziya, The Aesthetics of Global Protest Edited by Aidan McGarry, Itir Erhart, Hande Eslen-Ziya, Olu Jenzen, and Umut Korkut The Aesthetics of Global Protest Visual Culture and Communication The Aesthetics of Global Protest Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them. This series aims to further our understanding of the origins, dealings, decisions, and outcomes of social movements by fostering dialogue among many traditions of thought, across European nations and across continents. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. Books in the series typically combine theory with empirical research, dealing with various types of mobilization, from neighborhood groups to revolutions. We especially welcome work that synthesizes or compares different approaches to social movements, such as cultural and structural traditions, micro- and macro-social, economic and ideal, or qualitative and quantitative. Books in the series will be published in English. One goal is to encourage non- native speakers to introduce their work to Anglophone audiences. Another is to maximize accessibility: all books will be available in open access within a year after printed publication. Series Editors Jan Willem Duyvendak is professor of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam. James M. Jasper teaches at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. The Aesthetics of Global Protest Visual Culture and Communication Edited by Aidan McGarry, Itir Erhart, Hande Eslen-Ziya, Olu Jenzen, and Umut Korkut Amsterdam University Press Cover illustration: With permission of Seamus Travers, Travers Photography, Dublin, Ireland.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Reflections on Student Movements of the 1960S and Early
    Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 81 | 2008 Memória e actualidade dos movimentos estudantis Some Reflections on Student Movements of the 1960s and Early 1970s Some Reflections on Student Movements of the 1960s and Early 1970s Quelques réflexions sur les mouvements étudiants des années soixante et du commencement des années soixante-dix Colin Barker Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rccs/646 DOI: 10.4000/rccs.646 ISSN: 2182-7435 Publisher Centro de Estudos Sociais da Universidade de Coimbra Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2008 Number of pages: 43-91 ISSN: 0254-1106 Electronic reference Colin Barker, « Some Reflections on Student Movements of the 1960s and Early 1970s », Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais [Online], 81 | 2008, Online since 01 October 2012, connection on 10 December 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rccs/646 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/rccs. 646 Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, 81, Junho 2008: 43-91 COLIN BARKER Some Reflections on Student Movements of the 1960s and Early 1970s this article considers the rise and decline of student movements in Europe and america during the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing on materials on student movements in a number of countries, it assesses their historical significance, in the context of a larger ‘protest wave’ with which the student movements of the period intersected. Relating these movements to students’ changing position within advanced capitalism, it suggests that their dynamics were shaped both by the specific characteristics of students as political actors and by the patterns of their inter‑relations with other contemporaneous move‑ ments. the article concludes by noting more recent developments, suggesting that the story of student movements still offers interesting new possibilities.
    [Show full text]