The Titulature of the Early Ghaznavids Author(S): C

The Titulature of the Early Ghaznavids Author(s): C. E. Bosworth Reviewed work(s): Source: Oriens, Vol. 15 (Dec. 31, 1962), pp. 210-233 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1579847 . Accessed: 21/12/2012 04:31

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This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE TITULATURE OF THE EARLY GHAZNAVIDS by C. E. Bosworth St. Andrews,Scotland I

During the course of the 4th/lothcentury, honorific titles became widespreadin the Islamic world,not merelyfor independentrulers, but also forprovincial governors and militarycommanders, and finally, forthe civilian officials of the diwdns. Previously, the principal honorifics knownin Islam had beenthose adopted on theiraccessions by theAbba- sid Caliphs,titles which usually expressed either dependence on God or else the desirefor divine aid in the businessesof rulingor of war; see the interestingstudy of A. Abel, Le Khalife,prdsence sacre'e, Studia Islamica,VII (1957), 29-45,in whichhe tracesthe changingpattern of Abbasid titulatureas it was facedwith the threatsof the Isma'ilis and Fatimids.J. H. Kramersmade an importantstudy of thosetitles which werecompounded with the elementdin "religion".He notedthat they wereespecially popular in easternIslam; that the worddin is connected withMiddle Persiandin and ultimately,with Old Persiandaind "religion"; and thatthe twinconcept of daula "secularpower" is also linked withthe exaltedideas of kingshipprevalent in ancientPersia. (Kramers, Les nomsmusulmans compose's avec din 53-4,56-61). 1 Kramers' list here of 94 titles,drawn mainlyfrom the period up to the 7th/I12th century,has now been added to by A. Dietrich, Zu den mit ad-din zusammenge- setzenislamischen Personennamen, ZDMG, CX (1960), 43-54, who brings92 further titles, mainly fromthe period after the 7th century.See also the recent general work of al-Bdshd, al-Alqdbal-isldmiyya ft t-ta'rix wa'l-wathd'iq wa'l-dthdr, who givesI.asan an historical survey of Islamic titulature (with particular referenceto the dynasties which reigned in Egypt) and then (Part II, 118-544) an analytical list of honorifictitles and formsof address.

It is thereforetempting to see thefrequent adoption in theIoth century of thesehonorific titles as a recrudescenceof older Iranian ceremonial and titularypractices. In theselast, a theocraticview of the God-Empe-

1 Those works most frequentlycited are usually referredto by author and/or title alone, or by abbreviations. Full bibliographicaldetails will be found at the end of the article.

210

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The titulatureof the early Ghaznavids 211 ror's powerwas expressed,and manyof the Islamic titleslikewise give theirholders cosmic r6les in upholdingthe commonfabric of religion and empire.The Sasanidshad a widevariety of titles which they bestowed on particularclasses of society,e.g. on those of the militarycommanders and the Zoroastrianpriesthood. Christensen quotes Sir AurelStein that the titledar-andarzbadh "counsellor, organiser of the court" designated in the 5th centurythe Emperor'schief minister, and he pointsout that this titleis analogousto the Islamic ones givento Viziers(L'Iran sous les Sassanides2 [Copenhagen 1944] 400 ff.,409-II; see also G. Widengren, The sacralkingship of Iran, in La regalitesacra [Supplementto Numen, Leiden 1959] 249-50). Moreover, it was the Dailami dynasty of the Buyids who played a prominentpart in the processof the adoptionof honorifictitles, assuming ones whichwere highly reminiscent of Sasanid usage like Shdhanshdh"Emperor of emperors"and Malik al-mulak "King of kings".The formertitle became so intimatelyconnected with the Buyidsthat Baihaqi oftenrefers to the dynastyas Shdhanshdhiydn (Baih. 41, 400, 438). The Buyid familywere in originmilitary advent- urers from the geographicallyinaccessible and culturallybackward Caspianhighlands, where Islam had onlyrecently penetrated and where Zoroastrianismand otherpre-Islamic beliefs lingered on; and the Buyid periodhas been seen in the generalcontext of easternIslamic history as one in which older Iranian ways enjoyed a certainresurgence. In particular,V. Minorskyhas stressedthe "Dailami interlude"in Iranian historyas a distinctand importantentity and as a period meriting sympatheticstudy. For easternIslam, the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdadwas theprime fount of honoursand titles.These weregranted in returnfor presents of cash and luxuryarticles, and such paymentscame in time to be regulated accordingto a definitetariff. There is a discussionin Baihaqi 293 on what was the customaryrate (rasm)for the presentsto be sent to the new Caliph al-Qd'im on his accessionin 422/10o31;on this occasion, Mas'cidof Ghazna expectedin returnCaliphal confirmation of the lands whichhe held. Duringthe ioth century,and underthe tutelagefirst of theirTurkish slave generalsand thenof the Buyid Amirs,the Abbasids werereduced to the positionof faine'ants, deriving what regularincome they had in the formof grantsfrom the Amirs,who were nominally theirsubjects but in facttheir masters. The degradationof the Caliphate is a constanttheme of contemporarywriters, and Abli Dulaf Mis'ar b. Muhalhil in his famous qasida as-Sdsdniyya humorouslyenumerates the Caliph al-Muti' (334-63/946-74)as one of the fellowshipof professional beggars (mukaddan):

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 212 C. E. Bosworth

"Another of our membersis the mainstay of religion,al-Mutic, whose fame is well-known; He begs his bread in periodic instalmentsfrom MuCizz ad-Daula"

(Thaclibi, Yatima, III, 357, 371; Mez, Renaissance 135-6). Whywere these titles so keenlydesired? The wishto appearimportant in the eyes of one's fellow-menis a universalone, and Qalqashandi tracesthe use of laqabsback to Abraham,the "Friendof God", and the Patriarchs(Subh, V, 440); but in the mediaevalOrient, in particular, the standingof a man (unlesshe wereknown to be an ascetic or Sifi) was in large part judged by his outwardappearance and dress,by the deferencewhich had to be shownin addressinghim and by the closeness ofhis relationshipto higherauthority. The possessionof robes of honour, sonoroustitles and otherinsignia of officeor militaryrank became, to use a contemporaryexpression, status symbols,outward and visible signs of a man's value to the state and society.These attitudeshave persisteddown to our own times.An Englishtraveller in the Nishapur districttowards the end of the last centuryrelates an amusingincident in whichhe was askedby theheadman of a village publiclyand ostenta- tiouslyto present him with a robeof honour; the headman himself supplied the robe,and the wholepantomime was meantto increasehis esteemin the eyes of the villagers(C. E. Yate, Khurasanand Sistan [Edinburgh 1900] 415). In the mediaeval Islamic east, the emphasis on publicising oneselfand one's rank clearlygoes back to the Byzantineand Sasanid empireswhich had ruledover the region in earliercenturies, and in which ceremonialand thesense of social hierarchy had beenstrongly developed; and in the Islamicperiod, the use of laqabs was consciouslylinked with the Persianisedeast, as the termal-alqdib al-mashriqiyya, used in dis- paraging referenceto them by Maghribiwriters, shows (Goldziher, 'Ali b. Mejmimnal-Ma gribi und sein Sittenspiegeldes oistlichenIslam. Ein Beitrag zur Culturgeschichte,ZDMG, XXVIII [1874], 306-1o). Thus subjects sought afterrespect and deferenceby acquiringtitles, and rulerssought similarly to boosttheir reputations and to shareindirectly in the religiousand moralinfluence of the AbbasidCaliphs. For the religiousprestige and charismaticpower of the Caliphs of Baghdad was still great,despite their reduced material circumstances. The importanceof the cachet of orthodox, Sunni approval even influenced the Buyids in theirkeenness to acquire theirtitles from the Caliphs, despitethe fact that theythemselves were Shi'is. Certainly,they were usuallycareful not to go too farin offendingthe Abbasids'sentiments; they were, for instance, careful to place the Caliphs' names on their coinage, and avoided putting on it the common Shi'i formula "'Ali is

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thetitulature ofthe early Ghaznavids 213 the Friendof God" ('Ali Wali Alldh).Powers newly-established on the fringesof the Islamic world, such as the Turkish Qaraxanids and Selcuqs, werealso desirousof openingrelations with Baghdad as soon as possible(see below, 222, 227). However,the spiritualclaims of the Shi'i who fromthe timeof the Mahdi 'Ubaidalldh (d. 322/934) had arrogatedF.timids,to themselvesthe titleof Caliphand whosecourt in Cairo came to eclipsein splendourthat of Baghdad, cast a shadow over the religiousauthority of the Abbasids. The powerof the Fdtimids challenged that of the Abbasidsin the realmof the grantingof titlesand honours, forthe formeralso grantedthem to theirclients, and it was possiblefor the Arab rulersof northern Syria, the Caziraand theArabian peninsula, strategicallyplaced as theywere between the two spheresof influence, to play offthe twosides in theirdemands for honours and consideration. All these factorsexplain the urge for titles visible duringthe ioth centuryand after,and show how they inevitablybecame cheapened. The poet Abi Bakr Muhammadb. al-'Abbds al-Xwdrizmisays in a satire:

"What do I care that the Abbasids have thrownopen the gates of kunyas and laqabs ? They have conferredhonorifics on a man whom their ancestorswould not have made doorkeepersof theirprivy. This Caliph of ours has fewdirhams in his hands, so he lavishes laqabs on people"

(Tha'dlibi, Yatima, IV, 130 = Mez, Renaissance87). At the opening of the iith century,Birilni moralisingly observed in his Athdiral-bdqiya that when the Abbasids startedindiscriminately rewarding courtiers, friendsand enemieswith vain daula titles,extending even to tripleones, theirempire perished: "In thisway, the matterbecame utterly opposed to common sense and clumsyto the highestdegree, so that he who mentionsthem gets tired beforehe has scarcelycommenced, he who writesthem loses his time and writing,and he who addressesthem runs the risk of missingthe time for prayer"(Chronology 129). Hildl as-Sabi' has a longpassage in his Kitdbal-Wuzard" (Cairo 1958) 166-74, in whichhe denouncesthe proliferationof titlesand pompousforms of address,chiefly on the groundthat theycause a blurringof social dis- tinctions:"Since theybecame equalled out and levelleddown, ranks and degreeshave inevitablybecome debased". He goes on to say that the Caliph al-Qd'imcomplained that therewas no rank or designationleft whichcould be givento a deservingperson (lam tabqa rutba li-mustalhiqq) (ibid. 169). By the end of the century, the process of debasement was complete, and the resultingworthlessness of titles is described scathingly by Ni~zm al-Mulk: "Nowadays, the meanest person has ten titles, and

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 214 C. E. Bosworth if any one of themis missedout in addressinghim, he becomesangry and abusive" (Siydsat-ndma158).

The Samanids of Transoxaniaand Xurasan, whose practices the Ghaznavids followedin many ways, observedthe older custom and wereabstemious in theuse of titles.Normally, the Amirs were addressed simplyby theirkunyas during their lifetimes, and aftertheir deaths theywere referredto by an epithetlike as-Sa'zd "the Fortunateone" or ar-Ridd "the Well-pleasingone". However,numismatic evidence suggeststhat otherepithets may have been used by the Amirsduring theirown lifetimes,if only perhapsfor the sikka: on coins of Nilh b. Nasr, after death called al-Hamfd,appears the legend al-Malik al- Mu'ayyad; on those of 'Abd al-Malikb. Nilh, afterdeath called al- Mu'ayyad, that of al-Malik al-Muwaffaq;on thoseof Mansfirb. Nilh, afterdeath called as-Sadid,those of al-Malikal-Muzaffar and al-Malik al-Mu'azzam;and on thoseof Nilh b. Mansfir,after death called ar-Ridd, that of al-Malik B. M. Ioo, al-Mansitr (Lane Poole, Catalogue,II, 105-6, 109-10, 115-16, Nos. 375, 391-2, 403-4, 407-9, 420, 425; IHasan al-Bdshd, al-Alqcb al-isldmiyya497, quotingDorn, Inventairedes monnaiesdes Khalifesorientaux et de plusieursautres dynasties [St. Petersburg1877] 123, 125). But the only fully-authenticatedassumption of a laqab by one of the Samanidsduring his own lifetimewas in 390/1000 whenthe last ofthe dynasty, the fugitive Ismd'il b. Nilh (d. 395/1005)assumed the title al-Muntasir ('Utbi, I, 320; Curb. 141; IA [Cairo], VII, 204, year 390 = Tornberg,IX, III). An authorityquoted by Spuler says that the Samanidsused the titleShdhanshdh, but no verifiablereference is given by this authority(Iran in friih-islamischerZeit 359-60); moreover, Nizdm al-Mulk'sassertion that Nilhb. Mansur(366-87/967-97) had this titleis unconfirmedby any otherliterary or any numismaticevidence (Siydsat-ndma158). The Samanids were in effectindependent rulers, althoughtheir nominal dependence on the Caliphs was shownin the title Mauld Amfral-Mu'minfn which appears on some of theircoins (cf. B. M. Catalogue,II, 96, 102, III, Nos. 352, 379, 411; Oliver, JRASB [1886], 129). Nevertheless,they did award laqabs to theirgenerals and governors, actinghere as independentsovereigns. Hence of theirTurkish military commanders in Xurasan in the second half of the ioth century, we find Abfi1-'Abbis Thsh Hicib withthe title ad-Daula (frequently found on Samanid coins, e.g. B. M. Catalogue,.HusdmII, 113-14, Nos. 416, 419);

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The titulatureof the early Ghaznavids 215

Abil 1-Hasan Fa'iq withthat of 'Amidad-Daula; Abil 1-Fawiris Begtuzunwith that X.ssa of Sindn ad-Daula; Abil Simciiriwith that of Ndsir ad-Daula; and his son Abfi 'Ali Simciiri1-.Hasanwith that of 'Imad ad-Daula. The AmirNfilh b. Mansfiralso gave the titleNisir ad-Daula to the commanderof the ghazis of Buxara, Abfi 'Abdalldhb. Hafs (Birfini,Chronology 130; 'Utbi, I, 155, 271; Curb. 79, 121; Gard. 48-9, = 53; Sam'ani, Ansab f. 323a; IA [Cairo], VII, Io8-9, year 371 Tornberg, IX, 8-9; Cizcdni tr. 44-5). Unfortunatelyfor the Samanids,their Turkish slave generalswished to followthe prevailingtrend and acquire more grandiosetitles. In 381/991Abfi 'Ali Simcfirimade himselfmaster of Xurasan, appro- priatedall the state revenuesthere and assumedthe loftydesignation of Amir al-Umard', al-Mu'ayyad min as-Samd' "the Divinely-aided SupremeCommander" ('Utbi, I, 155; Curb. 80; Gard. 53. Barthold's statementthat it was the SamanidAmir who grantedthe titles[Turke- stan 253] shouldtherefore be corrected;'Utbi and Gardizistate clearly that it was self-assumed,talaqqaba bi-, xwfshtan-rd...laqab kard). Furthermore,in returnfor help againstthe Qaraxanid invader Bughra Xan Harfinor IHasan,Abi 'All in 992 demandedof Nfihb. Mansfirthat he be addressedas an equal,by laqaband kunya,and notas a subordinate, and he also claimedthe titleof Mauld or Walfof the Commanderof the Faithful.The Amirwas obligedto concedethis, although as 'Utbi says, "his only relationshipof dependence(wald') was to the Samanids" ('Utbi, I, 173-4; Curb. 86). The local rulersin Caghaniyanof the Al-i Muhtdcwere vassals of the Samanids,and the last knownruler of this line,Abfi 1-Muzaffar Ahmad b. Muhammad,had in the earlyyears of the iith century,when the poet Farruxi was at his court,the honorific Faxr ad-Daula; it is unknownwhether this title was acquired directly fromthe Caliphs or whetherit was bestowedby one ofthe last Samanids, the nominal suzerains of the Muhtacids (Farruxi, Dfwdn 177, 221; cf. Nizami 'Arfitli,Cahdr maqdla 58-65, tr. 39-45,122-3).

III

The foundersof the Ghaznavid kingdom,Abil MansfirSebiiktigin and his son Abfi1-QAsim Mahmfild, received their first laqabs fromtheir Samanid masters.According to Birfini,Chronology 130, Sebiiktiginhad originallythe honorificof Mu'in ad-Daula, but it is not knownwhen this was conferred.The description in Baihaqi 99 of the Ghaznavid kingdom as Mu'ini may be an echo of this. It is not recorded that Alptigin,Sebfiktigin's old master,had any laqabs, and the one coin of his

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 216 C. E. Bosworth whoseattribution is certain(cf. Thomas, JRAS [1848],295 ff.)gives no help here. In 384/994Sebiiktigin and Mahmildhelped Nfihb. MansUir score a mightyvictory over the rebelliousgenerals Abfi 'Ali and Fl'iq. As a reward,he gave Sebiiktiginthe titleNdsir ad-Daula and Mahmfid that of Saif ad-Daula (Birfini,Chronology 130; 'Utbi, I, 193; Curb. 93; Gard. 56; IA [Cairo],VII, 164, year384 = Tornberg,IX, 72; Clzcdni 8, tr. 75. Baih. 200 places the Amir'saward of the title Saif ad-Daula before the battle with Abfi 'Ali, at the time when Mahmild was entrustedwith a militarycommand in Xurasan). The sourcesdiffer over the exact formof Sebiiktigin'stitle; in Birflniand Gardizi it appears as Ndsir ad-Din wa'd-Daula (and in the much later source of Ctizcni 8, tr. 75 as Ndsir Din Alldh). Uncertaintysuch as thisis, of course,of frequentoccurrence from the iith centuryonwards. Often the componentsdin and daula seeminter- changeable;the two wordsmay be combinedin a titleto give a verbal effectof parallelismand alliteration,and in inscriptions,the exact form of a titlemay be alteredto fitthe space available or forartistic effect. But the daula titles are firstin chronologicalappearance; it is only withthe Selcuqs that the dzn ones becomepreponderant, although the Ghaznavidscontinued, on the whole,to favourthe older,daula ones (cf. Kramers,Les nomsmusulmans composes avec din 59 ff.).

A veryearly appearance of a daula titlewas whenthe Caliph al-Muktafihonoured his Vizier Abfi 1-Husain al-Qdsim b. 'Ubaidallah with the title Wali ad-Daula, and this appears on coins from 291/904. A generation later, in 319/931, al-Muqtadir awarded the title cAmid ad-Daula to Abfi 1-Husain's son, the Vizier al-Husain b. al-QAsim,and ordered that he should be addressed by his kunya (F. Rosenthal, EJ2 Art. "Dawla"; Miskawaih in Eclipse of the cAbbasidCaliphate, I, 223, tr. IV, 250).

Withregard to Sebtiktigin'stitle, Ndsir ad-Daula is probablythe ori- ginalform, and thedin componentmay have beenadded to it in popular usage soon afterhis death or even duringhis lifetime.A marthiyaon Sebiiktigin'sdeath by Abil 1-FathBusti, quoted by 'Utbi, begins "I said when Ndsir ad-Din wa'd-Daula died, 'May his Lord bestow His favouron him whenHe raiseshim to lifeagain!'" ('Utbi, I, 263; Curb. 118; Ibn Xallikan, III, 338). This changein the title,reflecting as it does Sebiiktigin'srrle in furtheringGod's work,may well be an aspect of the cult of him as the Amir-i'Adil whichsprang up veryearly (see the anecdotes on his piety and justice in Baih. 202-4, 450-1, and those listed in Niztmu'd-Din's Introductionto the ikdydt 199). fameas ofhis sonJawdmi'u'l-h. in Echoing Sebiiktigin's precursor raiding India, Nizm al-Mulk gives him the title of Ncsir ad-Din and says that it was awarded

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The titulatureof the Ghaznavids early 217 to him by the Caliphfor his exploitsthere (Siydsat-ndma126). Unfor- tunately,there is no epigraphicevidence on the exact formof the laqab. Sebiiktigin'stomb at Ghazna has on it a Kuficinscription and its work- manshipseems to be contemporarywith his death,but onlythe kunya and ism,Abil Mans&rSebiiktigin, are given,together with the military titleal-HIdcib al-Acall "Most exalted general", the formof addresswhich he had had as one of the Samanids' commanders(Flury, Syria [1925], 62-5). We have seen that Mahmildhimself received the titleSaif ad-Daula fromAmir Nilh, and thislaqab, togetherwith his ism,the name of the Caliph and that of the Samanid Amir,appear on the coins mintedby him at Nishapurduring his governorshipof Xurasan. A dirhamfrom Nishapurdated 385/995attributes to Mahmild,if its legendhas been read aright,the title Aba Laca' "Father of refuge",a title otherwise unknownand probablytherefore to be consideredsuspect (Thomas, JRAS [1848], 307, No. 8 = B. M. Catalogue,II, 131, No. 458). In 389/999 Mahmiidturned against the Samanidson the doublepretext of avenging thedeposed Amir Abil l-Harith Mansfir b. Nilh(387-9/997-9) and ofgetting the Caliphal-QAdir's name placed in thexutba in the Samanidterritories. The Samanids had refusedto recognisethe successionin 381/991of al-QAdir,considering him a meretool of the Buyids,and had continued to acknowledgehis deposedpredecessor (HilMas-Sabi' in Eclipse of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, III, 340-5, tr.at-T.'i' VI, 365-70). Despite Mahmilid's argumentsin thefath-ndma to al-QAdir,he had in factbeen quitecontent to followthe lead of the Samanidsin acknowledgingat-Td'i' and not al-QAdir;the coinsminted by himat Nishapurbefore 389 all bear at the side of the names of himselfand the Samanid Amir that of at-Th'i' (Thomas, JRAS [1848], 271-2 and 307, No. 8 = B. M. Catalogue, II, 131, No. 458; Oliver, JRASB [1886], 134). But now,in returnfor his recognitionof al-Qddir,Mahmild received a charter(manshair) granting him Xurasan, a standard, a splendid robe of honour,and his firsttitles from Baghdad, those of Yamin ad- Daula and Aminal-Milla, stressing his r6le as a mainstayof the Caliphate and as a trustydefender of orthodoxreligion ('Utbi, I, 317; Curb. 138; Gard. 62; Ibn al-Cauzi,VIII, 53, year421; Ibn Xallikdn,III, 337, 339). The title Yamfnad-Daula became the favouredone forMahmfid, very commonon his coins and much used by the historians,from 'Utbi onwards,when referringto him. From amongsthis laqabs, the poets 'Unsuri and Farruxi use those of Yamin ad-Daula and Amin al-Milla almost exclusively in their eulogies. Farruxi addresses the Sultan only once by his later title Ni~zm ad-Din (Diwdn 33), and may perhaps on

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 218 C. E. Bosworth anotheroccasion allude to thatof Kahf ad-Daula wa'l -Isldm(Dfwdn 172: Kahf-iMuslimdin) (see for these later titles,below, 219). Yamfn ad- Daula and Aminal-Milla werealso used as laqabs by at least one later memberof the Ghaznavid dynasty, sc. Bahrdmshdhb. Mascfidb. Ibrdhim Mustafa A (512-47/111I8-52) (Gulam Khan, history of Bahram Shah ofGhaznin, Islamic Culture,XXIII [1949],79-80). Gardizi also adds that Mahmfidobtained the title Wali Amir al- Mu'minin,and thisindeed appears on a coin fromNishapur dated 389 (AhmedTevhid, Miize-yi Himdyin, Meskakdt-iqadime-yi isldmiyye-yi qataloghu, IV [Istanbul 1321/1903-41,42, No. 70). This formula, with eitherthe element Walf or Mauld, had alreadybeen used by theSamanids and by Mahmfid'srivals in the dismembermentof the Samanidempire, the Qaraxanids (see above, 214, and below, 222). An anecdote given by 'Aufi purportsto tell how Mahmfiddisliked being addressed from Baghdad as Mauld Amiral-Mu'minin (taking Mauld here in its sense of "client,dependent"), and so got the firstelement changed to Wali ("confidant,close friend"). What looks like a variantof the story appears in Daulatshdh,who quotesfrom the Tdc al-futah(of 'Unsuri?Cf. SultdnMahmaid i). In thisversion, the Caliphoffers the titleWali N.zim, Amir al-Mu'minin,but Mahmfidconsiders this to be ambiguousand wants it changed to WdlI Amir al-Mu'minin "Governoron behalf of the Commanderof the Faithful" ('Aufi 269-70 = Nizamu'd-Din, Introduction 181; Daulatshdh,Tadhkirat ash-shu'ard', ed. M. 'Abbdsi[Tehran 1337/ 1958], 40). Daulatshdh's story has more circumstantialdetail than 'Aufi's, e.g. that Mahmfid'senvoy to Baghdad was the author Abfi Mansir Tha'libi, and that the Caliphwas reluctantto grantthe Sultan any titlesbecause the latterwas a merebanda-zdda; nevertheless, these storiesmust be treatedas apocryphal,since no definitelycontemporary sourcesmention the incident.Nor can such exact shades of meaningbe read into the iith centuryusage of these various derivativesof the root wald. Certainly,contemporary usage of Mauld shows that it fre- quentlyimplied mastery and grandeur,and it is, forinstance, used with this denotationin the titulatureof Mahmfid'scoeval, the Fdtimid Caliph al-JHJkim(J.Jasan al-Bdshd, al-Alqdb al-isldmiyya2o8-Ii, 516-22). However,because of its ambiguity,Qalqashandi recommends that the termMauld is best avoidedin correspondence(Subh, VI, 31-2). Furthertitles expressingMahmfid's zeal in the cause of orthodox religion,those of Nizdm ad-Din and Ndsir al-Haqq, came to him from Baghdad in 403/1012-13 after the execution at Bust of the unfortunate Fitimid dd'i Taharti (Ibn al-Cauzi, VIII, 53, year 421; IA [Cairo], VII, 271, year 404 = Tornberg, IX, 171; Cfizcini 8, tr. 75. On the case of

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Tdharti,see Bosworth,The rise of theKardmiyyah in Khurasan,MW, L [1960], io-ii). In 417/1026Mahmfild made his famous expedition against the idol-templeof Somnath,and was rewardedby the Caliph withfresh honours. He himselfreceived at Balx the titleKahf ad-Daula wa'l-Isldm (Baih. 49 gives this as Kahf al-Isldm wa'l-Muslimin);his son Mas"fid,those of Shihdbad-Daula and Camdlal-Milla; his otherson, Muhammad,those of Caldl ad-Daula and Camdlal-Milla; and his brother AbfiYa'qfilb Yfilsuf b. Sebiiktigin,those of ad-Daula and Mu'ayyid al-Milla. In thisway each one of themhad 'Ad.ud mentioned in his titlesboth thedynasty's secular power and also its supportto thefaith. In addition, theCaliph sent the Sultan a charterconfirming his possession of Xurasan, India, Nimrfiz(sc. Sistan) and Xwirizm,and promisedto agree to the nominationof whicheverheir Mahmfid should chose (Gard. 87-8). In latertimes, Mahmfid was referredto as the greatGhdzi or warrior for the faithpar excellence;but the evidenceof contemporaryofficial documentsand of numismaticsshows that Ghadziwas not used as an officialtitle duringhis own lifetime,even thoughit is to a moderate extentapplied to the Sultan by his panegyrists'Unsuri (Diwdn2, 16o) and Farruxi (DTwdn 30, 46, 149, 207, 394). The old Iranian title Shdh- anshdhappears in Mahmfid'sreign, but again,only in eulogistic,poetical usage as a general,regal term. Farruxi applies it not merelyto Mahmlid but also to his brotherYfisuf b. Sebiiktigin;when Manfiihridescribes Mascid b. Mahmilidas Shdhanshdh-i'Irdq, he seems to be employing the phrase to combat Buyid pretentionsin westernPersia ('Unsuri, Diwdn 82, 96; Farruxi, Diwdn 2, 13, 93, 209, 258, 307, 419; Manicihri, Diwdn o20,69, tr. 170, 204). It may be brieflynoted that the designation al-Malik al-Mans~irappears on a fals of Mahmfidminted in the region of Ghazna in 405/1014-15; this seems to be an isolated imitation of Samanid practice(see above 6), and the designationwas not, so far as is known,used forany otherpurpose (Thomas, JRAS [1848],333, No. 54 [incompletelydescribed] = B. M. Catalogue, II, 152, No. 515). It is perhaps appropriateto mentionhere that the regal inscriptionon the so-called "Tower of near Ghazna may no longer be adduced as evidence for Mahm-id's titles.Mah.miid" This inscription was firstexamined by the British officerJ. A. Rawlinson during the First Afghan War of 1839 and published in JRASB, XII (1843), 77. Succeeding generationsof scholars have depended on the transcription given there, together with the correctionsof Flury in Syria (1925), 65-8; but recently,Mme. J. Sourdel-Thominehas shown clearly that the tower is to be attributed not to Mahmfid,but to Yamin ad-Daula Bahrdmshdh,who ruled a century later (Deux minaretsd'dpoque selioukide en Afghanistan,Syria, XXX Thus the title al-Maghczi Amir al-Mu'minin, which [I953], I1o-21). Ghazi appeared on a part of the tower which has since perished, cannot now be attributed to Ma1hmiid.As Mme. Sourdel-Thominepoints out, ibid. 113, n. 3, the formula is incomprehensibleand was almost certainlywrongly transcribed.

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So farwe have touchedonly on the Islamictitulature of Mahmfldand his father,for it is upon thisthat we are best-documented.The Ghazna- vids' opulent court life and ceremonialand their encouragementof Islamic learningand literature,shows that theywere undoubtedly,in Spuler'sphrase, "kulturell iranisiert" (Iran in friih-islamischerZeit III. The cultureof the early Ghaznavids is evaluatedat lengthin mydoctoral thesis The transitionfrom Ghaznavid to Seljuq rule in theIslamic East [Edinburgh1961, unpublished]).But they were still Turks, and the predominanceof Turkishghuldms in the army,especially in the higher ranks,meant that the Sultansstill used theirancestral tongue in day-to- day dealingswith theirTurkish commanders and courtiers.Certainly Mas'ild, and a fortiorihis father,always used Turkishwhen speaking informallyto these classes: cf. Baih. 163, 166, whereMas'ild speaks Turkish to one of his ghuldmgenerals in the presenceof some Thcik offendersin orderto frightenthem, and ibid. 450, whereSebiiktigin speaks in Turkishwhen secret communication is required. Unfortunately,the Islamic sources are rarelyexplicit about the Turkish side of the Ghaznavidheritage. We know that Mahmfidwas praised by his courtpoets forhis Turkishlineage. Badi' az-ZamdnHamadhdni says:

"The sun of Mahmfidhas overshadowedthe stars of Sdmdn,And the house of Bahrdm has become subject to the son of the Xdqdn"

(Tha'dlibi,Yatima, IV, 296, see also N6ldeke,(Iber das Kitdb Jamini des Abu'Nasr Muhammadibn 'Abd al-6abbdral-'Utbi, SBWAW Phil.- Hist. Cl., XXIII [1857],83-4). On theother hand, the fictitious genealogy elaboratedfor the Ghaznavids,probably during the courseof the iith century,links them with the PersianSasanid past, and not withsome ancient,princely family of the Turks,an affiliationwhich would have been just as easy to make and moreplausible (Nazim, The Pand-Ndmah of Subuktigin,JRAS [1933], 609-11, tr. 621-2 = Shabdnkdra'i, Macma' al-ansdbff. 167a-167b; Abili 1-Qdsim Muhammad b. 'Ali 'Imadi, Ta'rix-i mucadwalin Cfizcdni6, tr. 69-70).That Mahmfidwas addressedas "the Amirof Xurasan,Mahmtid Qara Xdn" in a letterarriving in 418/1027 fromthe rulerof Qitd (sc. fromthe dynastyin Chinaof the West Liao, who appear in Islamic historya centurylater as the Qara is an interestingusage ofTurkish qara "black" > "powerful"as aXit.y) designation implyingrespect and honour,but it cannot,of course, reflect the practice of the Ghaznavids themselves (Gard. 87; Minorsky,Sharaf al-Zamdn Marvazi on China, the Turks and India [London 1942] 19, 79; cf. .TdhirO. Pritsak, Qara, Studie zur tiirkischenRechtssymbolik, in 6o. dogum

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Zeki Velidi yts miinasebetiyle Togan'a armagan[tstanbul 1955] 243).- If the early Ghaznavidshad been in the habit of usingTurkish titles, it seemsunlikely that the Islamic sourceswould be entirelysilent. But the establishmentof the dynastywithin the bordersof the Islamicworld as a successor-stateto the Samanids,placed the Sultanson a different footingfrom the Qaraxanidrulers, who remainedin closercontact with the CentralAsian steppes.Thus therewas amongstthe Ghaznavidsno double systemof Turkishand Islamic titulature,the systemwhich, as Pritsak'sresearches have shown,existed among the Qaraxanids. Consideringthe extentof Mahmiid'sachievement, the titlesof which he disposed at the end of a reignof some thirtyyears were modest, especiallywhen compared with those of his squabbling and oftenmutually hostile Buyid rivals,who felt the need to buttresstheir power with grandioseofficial titles like Malik al-Umam"King of the nations"and Shdhanshdh.It seems,indeed, that the desirefor these titlesand for the prestigewhich they gave variedinversely with the effectivepower of the holders.

The title Shahanshah was applied to cAdud ad-Daula as early as 363/973-4 (Ilasan al-Bdshd, al-Alqdb al-islamiyya 353, quoting the RCEA, V, No. 1831), and is foundon of Rukn in it the coins ad-Daula 374/984-5(Zambaur, WNZ [1904], 86-7, Nos. o104-6). Titles of this type were, however,considered by the theologians as objectionable (cf. Qalqashandi, Subh,VI, 16-17 with supporting1hadiths). When in 423/1032 theruler of Fars and Xfizistan,Abfi Kdlicdr b. Sultan ad-Daula, sought to assume the titles as-Sultan al-Mucapam and Malik al-Umam, it was protested that such titles belonged to the Caliph alone, and the second one had to be toned down to Malik ad-Daula; fiveyears later,the assumptionby the Amirof Baghdad, Caldl ad-Daula, of the titles Shahanshah al-A czam and Malik al-Mulzik also met opposition (Ibn al-Cauzi, VIII, 65, 97-8, years 423, 429; IA [Cairo], VIII, 16, year 429, cf. 48, year 440 = Tornberg,IX, 312-13, cf. 374; H. F. Amedroz, The assumptionof the titleShdhanshdh by Buwayhid rulers,Num. Chron. 4th Series, V [190o5],393-9, using Sibt b. al-Cauzi and Dhahabi; Mez, Renaissance 135-6). Because of Mahmfid'smoderation in regardto titles,it is unlikelythat the anecdote given by Nizdm al-Mulk,repeated in brieferform by 'Aufi,has any historicalfoundation. In it, Mahmfidcomplains to the Caliphthat he has onlyone laqab,whilst the Qaghan of the Qaraxanids has been giventhree; but the Caliphwill not give the Sultan anything morethan a grudgingsecond title. His defenceis that the Qaghanis an ignorantand unletteredTurk, and so needsthese factitious adornments (Siydsat-ndma 153-8; 'Aufi 270-1 = Nizimu'd-Din, Introduction181). It seems undoubtedlytrue that the Caliph was somewhatabstemious in grantingMahmfild laqabs, even if he was not as niggardlyas the above tale suggests.Some explanation forthis may lie in the factsjust indicated, that power was too real to require being propped up by a long Mah.mid's

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 222 C. E. Bosworth stringof titles.This is what Farruxiasserts in a qa~sda addressedto Mahmid:

"Your name drives out and overshadowsthe names of all otherkings; afterthis, the Shah-nama loses its supremacy. O noble one, Lord, you have no need forany laqab; yourown name is greaterand more exalted than three hundred laqabs. Whereverone speaks the name mfid",people know who is meant, because "Mah. of the immensescope of your activityand the noblenessof your deeds. I am convincedthat therecannot be any laqab betterthan the name "Malhmid"; this saying is self-evidentand well-knownto everyperson. Your name is linked with your own nature and your nature is bound up with your name; bravo for a name and a nature coupled togetherand pregnantwith meaning! There is no doubt that the glorywhich every [ordinary]monarch derives from his laqab would appear mere dishonourto you"

(Dfwdn81-2). Moreover, the Caliphswere under close Buyid surveillance and had to be circumspectin theirdealings with the Buyids'rivals, the Ghaznavids.Yet the basic reasonseems to be that the earlyGhaznavids werecontinuing, as in manyother things, the traditionof the Samanids, and werecontent with modest titles.

The Qaraxanid Qaghan who firstmoved against the Samanid empire,Bughra Xan Hriin or HIasan (d. 382/992), seems to have assumed his titles of Shihab ad- Daula and Zahir ad-Dacwa of his own accord; such is the assumption in Birilni, Chronology13i1, cf. Pritsak, Von den Karluk zu denKarachaniden, ZDMG, CI (195i), 297-8. Soon afterwards,other membersof the Qaraxanid dynasty are found with a profusionof laqabs which may have derived fromthe Caliph or may again have been self-assumed.R. Vasmer attemptedto sort out the multiplicityof titles found on the coins of the early Qaraxanids in his articleZur Miinzkundeder Qardhaniden, Studien From as as MSOS, XXXIII (1930), Westasiatische 83-104. early 390/ooo1000 the family'scoinage bears the name of the Caliph al-Qddir and the legend Mauld Amir al-Mu'minin (Barthold, Turkestan271-2; Pritsak, Die Karachaniden, Der Islam, XXXI [1953-41,27).

Finally,in regardto Mahmilid'stitles, we may mentionthe question of the title Sultdn.Barthold, Turkestan 271, and Kramers,EP Art. "Sultdn", decisivelyrefuted the assertionof several sources (e.g. IA [Cairo],VII, 184, year 387 = Tornberg,IX, 92, and Cfizcdni8-9, tr. 75-6, none of these,however, being contemporary)that Mahmfidwas the firstruler in Islam to stylehimself thus, and showedthat Sultdn was alreadyused in the ioth centuryfor even petty, local rulers.Accord- ing to Qalqashandi,the firstaward of the titleSultdn, which he says is one of the laqabs of the military,was to the VizierXlid b. Barmakby Of the Ghaznavid Hrftinar-Rashid (Subh, V, 447-8). contemporary sources, 'Utbi frequentlyrefers to Mahmiid as "the Sultan", but this does not imply that this was an officialdesignation; he also uses other

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The titulatureof the early Ghaznavids 223 inflatedphrases for Mahmfid,such as al-Amiras-Sayyid al-Malik al- Mu'ayyad,Malik ash-Sharqbi-Canbaihi and Malik ash-Sharqwa-Sayyid al-Gharbwa-Huccat Alldh fi i-Ard,which were not officialtitles in the sense that the laqabs fromthe Caliph were ('Utbi, I, 31, II, 355). In parallel with the title Malik ash-Sharqit is notable that Xusrau-yi Mashriqis a favouritetitle for Mahmilid with the poets. In Baihaqi the title Sultan is frequentlyused in referringto the ruler,and extended formslike Sultdn-iA'zam, Sultdn-iBuzurg or as-Sultdnal-Mu'azzam are used,for example, in the headingsof officialdocuments and treaties dating from lo029-30 and 1035, which Baihaqi quotes verbatim (2, 127, 138, 470; thesephrases are oftenalso linkedwith the designationWali an-Ni'am).But forordinary court and familiarusage he normallyspeaks of "the Amir". In his sectionon the Ghaznavids,Gardizi invariably uses the titleAmir when referring to Mahmildand othermembers of the royal family,and this title is generallyreserved for them alone; the generalsand commandersare simplycalled Hidcib, except that Mahmfild's favouriteAydz b. Aimaq is once called Amir,perhaps because of his particularlyclose relationshipto the family.The sole timethat Gardizi uses the titleSultdn is whenhe refersto the reigningsovereign, under whom he was writing,as Sultdn-iMu'azzam 'Abd ar-Rashid; this is also how Baihaqi refersto the reigningmonarchs, Farruxzdd and Ibrd- him b. Mas'id (Gard., 61, 93; Baih. iio, 114, 136, 178, 378, 380 and passim). The poets use the title Sultdnincessantly, but in theirverses it is merelyone amongstother regal titlesemployed, like Xuddvand, Xusrau and Shdhanshdh. The officialadoption of the titleSultdn may wellhave been prompted by the extensiveuse whichthe Selcuq Sultans made of it from1038 onwards(see below226 f.). The evidencefrom Ghaznavid coins confirms that the title did not achieve fullofficial status till the middleof the iith century.Thomas, JRAS (1848),343 listsafals withthe name "Mas- 'id" and the titlesas-Sultdn al-Mu'azzam Malik al-cAlam,but the coin is wornand datelessand shouldprobably be ascribedto Mas'fidIII b. Ibrfhim (492-508/1o99-111I4). According to Zambaur, WNZ (1914), 130-1,No. 454, the word appears on a coin as earlyas Mas'id's reign but I (421-33/Io030-41), cannot, as does Zambaur, accept this as evidence forthe earlyappearance of the title.The coin itselfhas no decipherable date or mint,and on the reverse,Mas'fid's kunya Abfl Sa'id and the singlelaqab Ndsir Din Alldhappear, but not his ism. The word sultdn (without the definitearticle) appears on the obverse above the Surely this should be taken not as a title,but as the originalsense tauh.d. of the word, the abstract "power, authority"? In its position on the coin

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 224 C. E. Bosworth it formsan exact parallelwith the term'izz "might"on a dirhamof Mahmiid,that of zafr "victory"on a dinar of Mas'id, and the very common'adl "justice" whichappears, for instance, on severalof Zam- baur's dirhamsof Mahmfildand Mas'fid(B. M. Catalogue,II, 156, No. WNZ 521; Khedivial Library Catalogue 333; Zambaur, [1914], 128-30, Nos. 440-5,447, 450, 453). The earliestcoin knownto bear the legend as-Sultanal-Mu'azzam as an officialtitle is one of Farruxzddin the HermitageMuseum at Leningrad;in the earlypart of the next reign, that of Ibrahimb. Mascfid,the titlebecomes standard (Sourdel, Inven- tairexiii-xiv, citing Markov, Inventory-catalogue oJthe Muslim coinsin theImperial Hermitage [St. Petersburg1896-8, in Russian]189, No. 38). On Mahmilid'sdeath in Ghazna in 421/1030, the throne passed for a fewmonths to the less experiencedand effectiveof his two sons, Abi AhmadMuhammad. In additionto thetwo laqabs which he had received fromthe Caliphin lo26 (see above 218), Muhammadis given by the Mucmal at-tawdr~ix,Mustaufi and Saif ad-Din Fa

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Baghdadsetting forth his claim to thethrone. Now, in returnfor Masild's of in the the envoy rich recognition al-Qddir xu.tba, brought presents, togetherwith what was to be an importantideological weapon for Mas'iid's comingstruggle with his brother,a resplendentstring of fresh laqabs. These nu'iit-isultini are givenby Baihaqi as Ndsir Din Alldh, 'Ibdd and Zahir Hadfiz (or 'Ubbdd)Alldh, al-Muntaqim mrin A'dd' Alldh xalifatAllah Amir al-Mu'minin.Mas'ild's joy was such that he com- manded that these marks of Caliphal favour,which extendedto him emphaticrecognition as Mahmild'strue successor, should be extensively publicisedin the regionof Xurasan and Tuxaristan,for he was hoping to win theseover to his own allegiance:"The Sultan orderedthat des- patchesshould be sentto Herdt,Pilshang, Tils, Saraxs,NasA, Abiward, Bddghisand Ganc Rustdq announcingthese latest actionson the part of the Caliphate.They put up copiesof the patentof investitureand of the Caliph'sletter, and set forththe Sultan's laqabs,so that the people mightaddress this mightyruler by them and proclaimthem in the xu.tba"(Baih. 48-9). The propagandavalue of these titles and the moral advantagesof possessingCaliphal favourat criticaltimes such as in this succession dispute,are well demonstratedhere, and in this instanceMas'ild was obviouslyaware of the advantagewhich he had gained. Ibn Xallikdn, III, 343 also stresseshow the Caliph'sfavour caused people to rallyto Mas'ild's side at the expenseof his brother.The news of the Caliph's awardsmust have travelledeastwards very rapidly, for Farruxi alludes to the laqabs and to the Caliph's supportfor Mas'ild in an ode which he wrotewhilst still at Muhammad'scourt in Ghazna, incitingMas'ild to returnand claimhis father'spower. He addressesMas'ild (whomust at the time have been somewherebetween Nishapur and Balx) thus (Diwdin 302): Ndsir-i din-i Xuddy u xalq-i Xuddy, nd'ib-i paighambar u pusht-i Amir al-Mu'minin .hfip-i "Supporter of God's religionand protectorof God's creation,vicegerent of the Prophet and mainstayof the Commanderof the Faithful" All these laqabs appear frequentlyon Mascfid'scoins: cf. Thomas, JRAS (1848), 335-7, 340-2, Nos. 58-60, 67-73, JRAS (1860), 167-8; B. M. Catalogue, II, 155-7, Nos. 520, 521, 523; Additions to the Oriental Collection, I, 219, No. 521Y; Sourdel, Inventaire52-63. Variants of the title Ndsir Din Allah are given in Guzida 401, tr. 80 (Nasir ad-Daula) and Atharal-wuzard' f. 87b (Nasr ad-Daula). A furtherproof of the importanceof thesehonours in the sphereof diplomacy occurred a year or so later, when the Caliph al-QAdir died and his son al-QA'im bi-amri'llah succeeded, and Mas'ild's allegiance had to be renewed. One of the Sultan's stipulations for this renewal Oriens15 15

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 226 C. E. Bosworth was that the Caliph shouldnot communicatedirectly with the Qara- xanids in Transoxaniaand Eastern Turkestan,and in particular,that new laqabsand robesof honourshould not be forwardedto themexcept by the intermediacyof the Ghaznavids(Baih. 291; fora consideration in greaterdetail of thisepisode, and on the generaltopic of the Sultan's relationswith the Caliphate,see the author'sstudy, The Imperialpolicy of theearly Ghaznavids, in Islamic Studies,the Journalof the Central Instituteof IslamicResearch [Karachi], 1/3). At thistime, the northern fringesof the Ghaznavidempire along the upperand middleOxus and in Xwirizm were being stronglycoveted by the Qaraxanids. It was thereforethe Sultans' policyto keep the two most powerfulmembers of the dynasty,Yfisuf Qadir Xdn of Xotan and Kdshghar(d. 1032) and 'Ali b. Bughra Xdn, knownas 'Alitigin,of Buxara and Samar- qand, dividedI.asan and mutuallyhostile, and to cut them offfrom direct contactwith and supportfrom the Caliphate (on the relationsof the earlyGhaznavids and the Qaraxanids,see Barthold,Turkestan 263-304 and Mahmfid Sul.tdn 47-56). AfterN.zim,receiving the laqabs at Nishapur,Mas'Tid received no further ones fromBaghdad; nor does it seem that he ever soughtfor more, althoughthe accession of al-QA'imwould have been an appropriate time for this. Zambaur, WNZ (1914), 133, No. 458, considered that a dirham dated 423/1032 and minted at Hamadan revealed a new title for Mas'id, but his tentativeinterpretation of a somewhatunclear legendas al-Hifiz IthdrAlldh "le gardiendes liberalitesde Dieu" is unconvincing;it is saferto treatit as beingthe well-knownHdfiz 'Ibdd Alldh. In the second half of his reign,Mas'id's controlover the outlying parts of the empiregrew weaker under the attacks of the Qaraxanid B6ritigin(the later Tamgha6 Xdn Ibrahim, d. io68), of rebellious vassals in Xwhrizm,and above all, of the Oghuzin Xurasan.The power of the Ghaznavidsin the west was decisivelybroken in 1040 by the victoryof the Selcuqs at Danddnqan,and therewere fewsuccesses in Mas'cld'slast yearsto make himrejoice or seek freshlaqabs. The power of the Selcuq familyand theirnomadic followers was in the ascendant, and the invadersthemselves quickly saw the value of Caliphalsupport. As early as 426/1035,when large Turkmengroups crossedthe Oxus into Xurasan, the Selcuq leaders Toghril,Caghri and Milsa Yabghu styledthemselves Mawdlf Amfr al-Mu'minfn, perhaps not fullyaware of the implications involved and yet realising that this claim brought them in some way closer into the world of Sunni Islam which they were just entering. Furthermore,when Toghril first occupied Nishapur in

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1038, he assumed the title as-Sultdnal-Mu'azzam (which does not, however,appear on his coinstill after438/1046-7, cf. Sourdel,Inventaire xvi-xvii),received with respect an envoyfrom the Caliphand sentback an envoyof his own to Baghdad (Baih. 470; Bundari,Zubdat an-nusra, ed. Houtsma in Recueilde textesrelatifs a l'histoiredes Seldfoukides,II [Leiden 1889],7-8; IA [Cairo],VIII, 25, year432 = Tornberg,IX, 328; cf. Cl. Cahen,Le Malik-Ndmehet l'histoire des originesseliukides, Oriens, II [I949], 57-9, 62-3). Thus began the r6le of the Selcuqs in Islamic historyas liberatorsof the Caliphs fromthe Shi'i Buyids and as the seculararm of the orthodoxSunni revival.

Amongstthe Buyids,it was the practicefor Viziers and seniorofficials to have honorificsand titleshardly less exaltedthan thoseof the Amirs themselves.Birfini stigmatises the Buyids' excesseshere as worsethan those of the Caliphswhom they imitated, and calls the titlesgiven to Viziers like Kdfi al-Kufdt,al-Kdfi al-Auhad and Auhad al-Kufdtas "nothingbut one greatlie" (Chronology131. Cf. Mez, Renaissance86-8, 96). Especiallyfavoured were bombastic dual titleslike Dhfi r-Riydsatain and DhI l-Kifdyatain,which imputed to theirholders equal prowess in the spheresof Sword and Pen, and those like Shaix ad-Daulatain and Nizdm al-Hadratain,applied to officialsequally in the confidence of the Buyid Amirsand AbbasidCaliphs.

See on these dual titles, Goldziher, UeberDualtitel, WZKM, XIII (1899), 321-9 esp. 326-9, French r6sum6by G.-H. Bousquet, lEtudesislamologiques d'Ignaz Gold- ziher. Traductionanalytique (III), Arabica, VII (I960), 254-5. Titles in Hadratain became especially common later amongst the Selcuqs, e.g. Thiqat al-IHadratain for a person in the confidenceof both Sultan and Caliph. The earlyGhaznavids scorned such rank verbiagefor their servants. Their Vizierswere usually referredto simplyas Xwdca or Xwdca-yi Buzurg,and in the timeof Mahmfild and Mas'fid,Xwdca was regardedas an exaltedtitle; cf. Baihaqi 357, who complainsthat at the timehe was writing(sc. 1059), the titlehad becomedisused. The famousVizier Abfi 1-QdsimAhmad b. Maimandi (d. 423/4032) was later frequently called Shams al-KufdtHI.asanbecause of his administrativeand secretarial excellence,just as the equally celebratedVizier of Faxr ad-Daula, the S;hib Ismicilb. 'Abbhd (d. 385/995)was called Kfi- al-Kufdt.The title Shams al-Kuftt was certainly coined during Maimandi's own lifetime, but was used as a purely informalexpression of praise and not as an officialdesignation. 'Utbi, Gardizi and Baihaqi never attributeit to him,

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 228 C. E. Bosworth but usuallyrefer to himsimply as ash-Shaixal-Calil or Xwdca-yiBuzurg. The honorificShams al-Kufdtis found,as one mightexpect, in the panegyricsaddressed to him by Farruxi (Diwdn 24, 155 and passim), but not, curiouslyenough, in those dedicatedto him by 'Unsuriand Mani~ihri.In the eulogiesof the latter two poets, no titlesmore compli- cated than those of Xwdca, Wazdrand 'Amid are given to Maimandi and to the successoras Vizierafter his death,Ahmad b. 'Abd as-Samad. Farruxi also gives the title Sayyid al-Kufdtto anotherof Mahmfid's Viziers, Hasanak (Dfwdn 194-5). Consequently,we do not come across any of the early Ghaznavids' officialswith formal laqabs such as theirBuyid counterpartspossessed. Is is not untilMaudfid b. Mas'fid'sreign that we have whatis apparently thefirst example of an officialreceiving a laqab fromthe Caliphin Bagh- dad. One Bil Sa'id 'Abd al-Ghaffar,a friendand contemporaryof the historianAbfi 1-Fatdl Baihaqi, was muchemployed on diplomaticmissions, and afterone of theseembassies to the Caliphhe was rewardedwith the titleHami4d Amfr al-Mu'minin (Baih. iio). In the reignof Ibrdhimb. Mas'fidwe hear of a courtofficial, a nephewof Baihaqi's old masterin theDiwdn-i Rasd'il, Abil Nasr-iMishkan, who was calledThiqat al-Mulk Thhirb. 'Ali b. Mishkan;the adoptionof such titlesin the latterhalf of the iith centurymust be attributedto the influenceof Selcuq practice (Cahdrmaqdla 72, tr. 51).- What the earlyGhaznavids did do was to singleout theirgreat com- mandersand governorsby a formof address which (muxd.taba) conveyed the idea of intimacywith the Sultan or the enjoymentof his trust.This was formallygranted to the holderand used in officialand personal communicationwith him. The XwhrizmshdhAltuntash, an old and trustedghuldm commander whose service to the Ghaznavidswent back to Sebiiktigin'stime, was addressedby Mas'id as Hldcib-iFadil, 'Amm "ExcellentCommander, Uncle". In 1032 Altuntashwas killedfighting the Qaraxanid 'Alitigin,and Mascid's youngand favouriteson Sa'id was appointedXwhrizmshdh with Altuntash's son Harin as his deputy (xalbfatad-ddr). In the patent of investiture,Sa'id was given a laqab, but Hdrfingot the muxdftaba ofWalad, Mu'tamad "Son, TrustedServant" (Baih. 83, 328, 355). Viziersand civilofficials also various got muxd.tabasindicating degrees of honour.For his partin the battleat Dabfisiyyain 1032 against'Ali- tigin,Ahmad b. 'Abd as-Samad was grantedthe muxdfabaof Shaix, Mu'tamad, and then when he was chosen to succeed Maimandi as Vizier, that of 'Amid "Mainstay, support" (Baih. 354). This title of 'Amid was the highest one to which a civil officialin the Ghaznavid administration

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The titulatureof the early Ghaznavids 229 could attain,being reserved for such personagesas the Vizier,the 'Arid, the civil governorof Xurasan and a fewothers in the top rank of the bureaucracy.It seems originallyto derivefrom Abbasid practice,and oftenappears as an elementin the nomenclatureof Buyid officials. From Baghdad it passed into Samanid usage, and Narshaximentions the Diwin of the 'Amidal-Mulk as one of the governmentdepartments at Buxara in the time of Nasr b. Ahmad (301-31/913-43); it seems here to have been the Departmentof the ChiefSecretary, corresponding to the GhaznavidDi~wdn-i Rasd'il (Barthold,Turkestan 229-30. Schefer's text of Narshaxiis corrupthere; cf. R. N. Frye,The historyof Bukhara [Cambridge,Mass. 1954]123-4. On the 'Amid,see Cahen'sarticle in El2). The term'Amid al-Mulkis not attestedin the contemporaryhistorical sourceson the earlyGhaznavids, but Farruxidoes use the titlefor two officialsto whomhe addresses the Bakr high qasidas, 'Ari

This content downloaded on Fri, 21 Dec 2012 04:31:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 230 C. E. Bosworth de l'Islam (Hanover 1927) 282-3, and by Halil Edhem in his Diivel-i islcmiye (Istanbul 1345/1927) 448-54, some furtherdetails are given hereon the chronology,names and titlesof the Sultansup to the reign of Ibrahimb. Masild. Othergenealogical tables can be foundin Lane Poole, The Mohammadandynasties (London 1893) 285-90; in Justi, IranischesNamenbuch (Marburg 1895) 444; and in CambridgeHistory of India, III: Turksand Afghans(Cambridge 1928) 688. Abi 1-FathMaudfid b. Mas'cid (432-41/*041-50) succeeded his murdered fatherand revengedhis death by killinghis uncle b. who had been placed on the thronefor a briefsecond Muh.ammadreign by Mahm.id, Mas'id's rebelliousgenerals (Cizcdni 15, tr. 95 attributesto Maudiidthe kunya Abil Sa'd [? Sa'id]; it is possiblethat he had two kunyas,as not infre- quently happened). Accordingto Gardizi iio (cf. Athdral-wuzard' f. Maudiid had the Shihdbad-Din wa'd-Daula and 87b), laqabs Qu.tb al-Milla, and some of Maudfid'scoins bringthe furthertitles Camdl ad-Daula and Faxr al-Umma,with the variant ad-Din forthe one Qu.tb givenby Gardizi(Thomas, JRAS [1848],348, No. 87; B. M. Catalogue, II, 163-4, Nos. 536-7, 541-2; Sourdel, Inventaire63-5). Maudfid'sson Mascid II, a small child,reigned only fora few days in 441/1050, and then one of Masfid I's sons, Abi 'Ali, ruled foranother short period in the same yearwith the laqab 1-Hl.asanBahd' ad-Daula.

Cizcdni 16, tr. 99-1oo gives a very briefand confusedaccount of the reign of Mascld II and that of his uncle Abfi1-Hasan cAll.Their exact lengthsand chronology are still uncertain,and no coins fromthem seem to be extant, at least in the British collections. In the Mucmal at-tawdrix'stables of the Ghaznavid Sultans, 405, 428-9, Mascld II is not mentioned. Ibn Bdbd mentions the five-year-old Mascid b. Maudfid as being left in Ghazna as his father'sregent whilst Maud-id was away campaigning,and being set aside by Abai 1-Hasan cAll.Maudfid's brother cAbd ar-Rashid was also involved in these intriguesand was jailed when Maudfid returnedand resumedpower. But Ibn Bdbd goes on to say that Maudid died, at the age of 29, on Wednesday, 21st Racab 441, and that cAbd ar-Rashid ascended the throneon 27th Shacbdn 441 (K. Ra's mal an-nadimff. 208a-b). On this recko- ning, the ephemeral reigns of MascfidII and Abi cAll must be placed withinthe five weeks' intervalbetween the two dates1-H.asan (Caizcdni loc. cit. makes the total forthe two reignstwo months).

The next Sultan, Abii Mansfir'Abd ar-Rashidb. Mahmid (441-4/ 1050-3)is givenby Gardizithe titles of Sultdn-i Mu'azzam 'Izz ad-Daula wa-Zainal-Milla Saif AllahMu'izz Din Alldh.Ibn al-Athiradds thoseof Shams Din Alldh and Saif ad-Daula, with a reportedvariant of the latter as Camdl ad-Daula; and the Mucmal at-tawdrix,Mustaufi and Saif ad-Din Fa~tli add that of Macd ad-Daula (Gard. 63, who is the authority for the kunya; IA [Cairo], VIII, 53, year 441 = Tornberg, IX, 382; Clizcini 16, tr. 98; Mucmalat-tawarnx 429; Guzida403; tr. 81;

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Athdral-wuzard' f. 87b). 'Abd ar-Rashid'sreign was violentlyterminated in 1053 by the usurpationof a formerghuldm of Sultan Mahmfidcalled Toghril,usually given in the sourcesthe epithetsMal'in "Accursed" or Kdfir-ini'mat "Ungrateful".He massacredthe Sultan and several othermembers of the royalfamily and ruledin Ghazna forforty days beforethe legitimateline was restored,the people havingrefused, it is said, to toleratethe rule of a non-Ghaznavid(K. Ra's mdlan-nadfm ff. 208b-209a; IA [Cairo], VIII, 61-2, year 444 = Tornberg, IX, 398-401; Cizc5ni 17-18, tr. 99-1oo). A dirham coined by Toghril is extant, the onlycoin of his whichseems to be known;it has no date or mint,but bearsthe legend "Qiwdm ad-Daula AbfiSa'id Tughril",showing that the usurperhad thoughtit necessaryto assumea laqab as one ofthe appur- tenancesof kingship(Sourdel, Inventaire 67). Anotherson of Mas'fidI now succeeded,Abfi Shuc5' Farruxz5d,who reigned 444-51/1053-9 with the laqabs Camdl ad-Daula and Kamdil al-Milla (Mucmalat-tawarix 429; Guzfda404, tr. 81; Athdral-wuzard' f. 87b; Thomas,,JRAS [1848],353-7, Nos. 97-107; B. M. Catalogue,II, 166-7,Nos. 546-8; Sourdel,Inventaire 68). Accordingto the K. Ra's mdl an-nadimf. 209b, Farruxzdddied on 27thSafar 451. On his deathbegan the fortyyears' rule of Abfi1-Muzaffar Ibrahim b. Mas'fidI (451-92/ 1053-99),"duringwhich a modusvivendi was reachedin thewest withthe Selcuqs and a periodof prosperityand peace began forthe Ghaznavid empire,now reducedto easternAfghanistan and northernIndia. Numis- matic and literarysources give his titlesas as-Sultdnal-A'zam (or al- Mu'azzam), Zahfrad-Daula, Zahir al-Milla, Ndsir (or Nasir) ad-Daula, Ndsir (or Nasir) al-Milla, Nizdm ad-Daula, Radi ad-Din, Sayyid as- Malik al-Isldmand al-Mulik, to which evi- Sald.tin, Qdhir epigraphic dencefrom the regionof Ghazna adds thoseof Mu'ayyid ad-Din,Mu'cn al-Musliminand Malik Riqdbal-Umam (Mucmal at-tawdrix 429; Cizcinf 19, tr. 102-3; Guzida 404, tr. 81; Athdral-wuzard' f. 88a; Thomas, JRAS [1848], 358-66, Nos. 1o8-32; B. M. Catalogue, II, 168-72, Nos. 550-9; Additionsto theOriental Collection, I, 239-40, Nos. 558d,e, f, 56ok; Zam- baur,WNZ [1904], 84, No. 93; Flury,Syria [1925], 70-5; Sourdel,Inven- taire70-80). The K. Ra's mdl an-nadimf. 2ioa puts Ibrthim'sdeath in Dhii 1-Qa'da 492. It thus appearsthat the territorialshrinkage of the Ghaznavidempire was notaccompanied by anydiminution in theSultans' claims and titulature;indeed, with the successorsof Mas'fidI, these titlesgrow richer and moreprolific.

A divergent chronology for these later rulers is found in the Axbctr ad-daula as-Salci~qiyya of Sadr ad-Din Husaini, ed. M. Iqbal (Lahore I933), 14-15. Maudild's death is placed in Rabic II 440/Sept. 1049; no mention is made of Mascild II and

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Abil 1-IHasancAll; Toghril'susurpation is placed in 442/1050-1, and his assassination and the accession of Farruxzddin Dhfi 1-Qacda 443/MarchO1052; and Farruxzdd's death is placed on 16th Safar 451.

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