Displacement in Cyprus
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Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?
CYPRUS CENTRE 2/2007 REPORT 2/2007 Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking? Shrinking? Cypriot Population Turkish Is the The demography of north Cyprus is one of the most contested issues related to the island’s division. In particular, the number of indigenous Turkish Cypriots and Turkish immigrants living in the north has long been a source of dispute, not only among the island’s diplomats and politicians but also among researchers and activists. Until recently, the political use of demog- raphy has hindered comprehensive study of the ethno-demographic make-up of the north, while at the same time making a thorough demographic study all the more imperative. The present report addresses this situation by providing an analysis of the results of the 2006 census of north Cyprus, comparing these fi gures with the results of the previous census. The report focuses mainly on identifying the percentage of the population of north Cyprus who are of Turkish-mainland origin and also possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship – an important factor given claims that such citizens play an signifi cant role in elections in the north. In addi- tion, the report examines the arrival dates of Turkish nationals in order to analyze patterns of migration. This, in turn, is indicative of the numbers of naturalized Turkish Cypriot citizens who have arrived in Cyprus as part of an offi cial policy. The report also presents estimates for Turkish Cypriot emigration to third countries, based on immigration and census fi gures from the two main host countries: the United Kingdom and Australia. Following analysis of these latter fi gures and the results of the 2006 census, it is argued that claims of massive emigration by Turkish Cypriots to third countries are largely misleading. -
Overview of the Constitution
CYPRUS PROBLEM: Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus file:///home/taygeti/Desktop/kupros/valmena/constitution... OVERVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION The Republic of Cyprus was born in the early hours of 16 August 1960. On that date the Republic´s constitution was signed by the lst Governor of the Colony of Cyprus, Sir Hugh Foot, the Consul-General of Greece, George Christopoulos, his Turkish counterpart, Turel, and Archbishop Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kutchuk on behalf of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. The range of signatories reflected the fact that the constitution of Cyprus did not emanate from the free will of its people, who were not consulted either directly or through their ad hoc elected representatives, but from the Zurich Agreement between Greece and Turkey. The terms of that agreement, outlined in the last chapter, were included in the constitution as fundamental Articles, which could not be revised or amended. The constitution was drafted by the Joint Constitutional Commission created under Part VIII of the London Agreement of 19 February 1959. It comprised representatives of Greece, Turkey, the Greek Cypriot community and the Turkish Cypriot community. But the structure of the constitution again reflected the Zurich Agreement, with various provisions from the 1950 Greek constitution also incorporated along with the provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights in respect of fundamental rights and liberties. Two main principles underpinned the constitutional structure agreed at Zurich. The first recognised the existence of two communities on the island - the Greek and the Turkish - who, despite their numerical disparity, were given equal treatment. -
The Northern Cypriot Dream – Turkish Immigration 1974–1980
The Northern Cypriot Dream – Turkish Immigration 1974–1980 HELGE JENSEHAUGEN1 Abstract After the division of Cyprus in 1974 into a Greek Cypriot south and a Turkish Cypriot north, approximately 30,000 immigrants from Turkey moved to north Cyprus. The period between 1974 and 1980 is the time during which these immigrants arrived in northern Cyprus, and may be referred to as the first wave of immigration. This article seeks primarily to answer the question: Why did they immigrate to northern Cyprus? There are a lot of misperceptions about the movement of so many people from Turkey to north Cyprus; therefore it is important that this study creates an accurate and much-needed debate. In short, the first wave of immigration should be viewed as a result of the employment of state mechanisms as well as traditional pull factors: work opportunities, and a need for labour in north Cyprus. Once in northern Cyprus, these immigrants received housing, land, and aid plus help with other necessities such as food and supplies. Keywords: immigration, Turkey, north Cyprus, settlers, Turkish Cypriots, refugees Introduction When Cyprus was divided in 1974, the leaders of the Turkish Cypriot community, with the help of Turkish authorities, initiated a policy of encouraging people from Turkey to move to northern Cyprus.2 In addition to the relatively high number of casualties and missing persons, a population vacuum was created through the vast numbers of internally displaced persons. UNHCR estimated that there were circa 240,000 internally displaced as a result of the division of the island, of which approximately 180,000 were Greek Cypriots who moved south, and 60,000 were Turkish Cypriots who went north.3 This obviously resulted in a vast amount of abandoned moveable and 1 This article is based on my master’s thesis: H. -
The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO. -
Ethnic Nationalism and Consociational Democracy in Cyprus
BUJSS 9/2 (2016), 99-115 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18221/bujss.33634 * ETHNIC NATIONALISM AND CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN CYPRUS 1 Pinar Erkem ABSTRACT The 1960 Cyprus Republic, which had a bi-communal power-sharing system, could not have lasted for long and it turned from consociational democracy to majoritarian in 1963 after ethnic conflict. Attempts to find a solution to Cyprus problem still focus on ethnic power-sharing but the conditions and bi-communal relations prior to 1960 system, which are conducive to its failure, are not adequately consumed. The paper argues that, the reasons for the prolonged conflict derive from ethnic rivalry and lack of an overarching loyalty. Modernization, kin-state relations and colonial policies are the contributing factors. This paper aims to contribute to future institutional designs for not only Cyprus but for all divided societies. Keywords: Cyprus; ethnic conflict; ethnic nationalism; consociational democracy; power-sharing; colonial policies KIBRIS’TA ETNİK MİLLİYETÇİLİK VE ORTAKLIKÇI DEMOKRASİ ÖZ İki topluluğun varlığını tanıyan ortaklıkçı demokrasiye dayalı 1960 Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti etnik çatışmalar sonrası 1963 yılında son bularak çoğunlukçu demokrasi uygulamaya konuldu fakat Kıbrıs sorununa çözüm çabaları halen ortaklıkçı demokrasi üzerinde durmaktadır. 1960 sisteminin çökmesine yol açan topluluk- lar-arası sorunlar henüz tam olarak ortadan kaldırılamamıştır. Bu çalışmayla, Kıbrıs’ta güç paylaşımı sistemi- nin çökmesinin arkasındaki milliyetçiliğe dayalı nedenler incelenecektir. Bu çalışmanın iddiası, uzun suren Kıbrıs çatışmasının nedeninin etnik rekabetin varlığı ve ortak bağlayıcı bir değerin yokluğudur. Anahtar sözcükler: Kıbrıs; etnik çatışma; etnik milliyetçilik; ortaklıkçı demokrasi; güç paylaşımı Cyprus has been under influence and administration of different civilizations throughout its history, centuries long Byzantium and Ottoman rules and 82 years of British colonial rule, until its independence in 1960. -
National Legal Measures to Combat Racism and Intolerance in the Member States of the Council of Europe
NATIONAL LEGAL MEASURES TO COMBAT RACISM AND INTOLERANCE IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE CYPRUS, Situation as of 1 December 2004 General Overview Preliminary Note: this table is accompanied by an explanatory note COUNTRY: Constitutional Specific Criminal Law Civil and CYPRUS provisions legislation Administrative Law Norms Yes. No statute. No case-law Law 57(I)/2004 concerning Article 6 found on this amending Law discrimination Article 28 § 1. subject. no. 127(I)/2000. in general Norms Yes. Law no. Yes. Equal concerning Article 28 § 2. 12/1967, as Laws no. 11 Treatment racism amended by (III)/1992, no. (Racial or Laws 11/92, 6 (III)/1995 and Ethnic Origin) 6(III)/95 and no. 28(III) Law no. 56 / 28(III)/99. /1999 2004. amending Law Law no. no. 12/1967. 58(I)/2004. Laws no. The combating 26(III)/ 2004 of racism and and no. 22 (II)/ other 2004. discrimination Equal (Commissioner) Treatment Law no. 59 / (Racial or 2004. Ethnic Origin) Law no Law no. 56 / 57(I)/2004 2004. amending Law Law no. no. 127(I)/2000. 58(I)/2004. Relevant Yes. No case-law No case-law No case-law jurisprudence Yiallourou v. found on this found on this found on this Evgenios subject. subject. subject. Nikolaou, (2001), Supreme Court of Cyprus, not published. EXPLANATORY NOTE CYPRUS / GENERAL OVERVIEW Cyprus has ratified most European and United Nations Conventions relating to discrimination. These include, for example, the Convention of New York on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination in 1967 (Law no. 12/1967), the CoE Convention on Cybercrime and its additional protocol on criminalization of acts of a racist and xenophobic nature committed through computer systems (Laws no. -
Inter-Communal Contact and Exchange in Cyprus' Higher Education Institutions: Their Potential to Build Trust and Cooperation
08 HIGHER EDUCATION FOR PRINT.qxp_Layout 1 18/11/2019 2:43 PM Page 1 In all the years of search for a comprehensive settlement to reunify the island under Inter-Communal a bi-communal federal government, one unchanging fact – which also constitutes Contact and Exchange the main barrier to the negotiation process – has been the deep distrust between in Cyprus’ Higher the two sides. As part of a broader project which recognizes this fact, this thematic Education Institutions: report on Higher Education seeks to explore possible structures of genuine Their Potential to Build cooperation that may both alleviate distrust and foster substantial collaboration Trust and Cooperation across the dividing line promoting a logic of interdependence that can be constructive to peace building. This Report focuses on inter-communal contact and Gregoris Ioannou exchange in Cyprus’ Higher Education Institutions and its potential to build trust Sertac Sonan and cooperation. After a brief mapping of the Cyprus’ Higher Education field in the two parts of the island, the Report reviews the relevant international literature on universities as sites of cooperation, exchange and peace-culture-building in conflict ridden societies. Subsequently, some examples of past and existing academic cooperation in Cyprus are mentioned in the fields of research and teaching. The Report then discusses the obstacles, opportunities and possibilities that currently exist given the prevailing political as well as structural conditions. The Report is based on a series of anonymous interviews and focus groups with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot academics from various disciplines currently working in several universities across the dividing line. -
The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: an Overall Assessment
The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: An Overall Assessment Andreas Theophanous Odysseas Christou Since its creation the Republic of Cyprus has had a very turbulent history. From the outset the geopolitical implications of the Treaty of Establishment, the Treaty of Alliance, and the Treaty of Guarantee on the one hand and the particular characteristics of the Cold War on the other were not fully understood. Domestic tensions as well as foreign interventions led eventually to the cataclysmic events of the summer of 1974. Fifty years after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, this island-state faces critical problems and multidimensional challenges.1 The greatest challenge remains the reestablishment of the territorial integrity and unity of the country. Prior to the Turkish invasion of 1974, the basis of the intercommunal negotiations revolved around the establishment of a unitary state with elements of local and communal, self-administration on issues of low level politics. Since the latter part of the 1970s, the model for the solution to the Cyprus problem, according to conventional orthodoxy, has essentially been a bizonal bicommunal federation.2 Yet despite successive and repeated rounds of intercommunal negotiations under the auspices of the UN and the support of the international community there has not been an agreement.3 In fact, the problem remains unresolved while the gap between the two sides is widening. Thus, it is not surprising that to the present day the bizonal bicommunal federation does not yet have a commonly accepted precise definition. Besides it is indeed doubtful whether the implementation of such a model could lead to stability and cooperation.4 Historical Background and Context Cyprus is the third largest island in the Mediterranean, located approximately 70 km to the south of Turkey. -
IDENTITY, IMMIGRATION and CITIZENSHIP in NORTHERN CYPRUS a Thesis Submitted to Lancaster University for the Degree of Doctor Of
IDENTITY, IMMIGRATION AND CITIZENSHIP IN NORTHERN CYPRUS A thesis submitted to Lancaster University for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences December 2016 Mustafa Cirakli, MA, BA Department of Politics, Philosophy and Religion TABLE OF CONTENTS1 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ABSTRACT DECLARATION ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. The Case Study ................................................................................................. 1 1.2. Focus and Timeframe....................................................................................... 5 1.3. The Conceptual Framework ............................................................................. 9 1.4. Methodology ................................................................................................... 10 1.5. Scope, Limitations and Contribution.................................................................... 16 1.6. Thesis Overview ............................................................................................. 18 2. IDENTITY CONTESTATION AND SETTLER POLITICS IN THEORETICAL CONTEXT 2.1. Introduction ................................................................................................... 21 2.2. Collective Identity: A Review of the literature .............................................. 22 2.2.a. The Social Constructivist Paradigm ................................................. 23 2.2.b. Discursive Approaches ................................................................... -
THE CYPRUS PROBLEM in an ERA of UNCERTAINTY: Establishing a Culture of Engagement
05 CYPRUS PROBLEM FOR PRINT.qxp_Layout 1 18/11/2019 2:42 PM Page 1 For over fifty years, the international community, led by the United Nations, has The Cyprus attempted to find a settlement to the so-called Cyprus Problem. Following the Problem in an Era collapse of the latest talks in 2017, there is real concern that the island is now drifting towards a permanent and irrevocable division as the communities become of Uncertainty: ever more estranged. To this end, urgent steps are needed to try to forge greater Establishing a Culture contacts between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. However, many initiatives are being held back over fears of recognition. This report argues that such concerns, while of Engagement understandable, are threatening to make reunification impossible. Building on a growing understanding in academic and policy circles that the concept of ‘engagement without recognition’ is a valuable tool of conflict management in James Ker-Lindsay secessionist disputes, the report outlines a number of tangible steps that can be taken to promote a ‘culture of engagement’ between the island’s communities. These range from making the political case for greater communal interaction and offering official funding such activities through to implementing already agreed initiatives and addressing the legacy of the past. While such steps should be locally driven, the international community has a crucial part to play. In future, the leaders of the two communities should not merely be judged on their willingness to engage in settlement negotiations. They should also be judged on their willingness to create the wider conditions for reunification and future cohabitation. -
Protracted Occupation That Leads to De Facto State Creation: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, an International Legal Evaluation
Global Journal of Politics and Law Research Vol.8, No.2, pp.30-64, March 2020 Published by ECRTD-UK ISSN: ISSN 2053-6321(Print), ISSN: ISSN 2053-6593(Online) PROTRACTED OCCUPATION THAT LEADS TO DE FACTO STATE CREATION: THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS, AN INTERNATIONAL LEGAL EVALUATION Sanford R. Silverburg, Ph.D Professor Emeritus Department of History and Politics Catawba College Salisbury, NC [email protected] ABSTRACT: The history of Cyprus is replete with foreign invasions and occupation. Modern history has Great Britain in control over the island, betwixt a long-term period of antagonism and hostility over the island’s control between Greece and Turkey. Greek Cypriots have for many years sought enosis, or union with Greece, while the minority Turkish community’s ethnic community goal has been taksim (partition) between the two ethnic groups. A crucial temporal dividing point came in 1974 when following a coup d’etat against the Greek Cypriot leadership leading to some instability which was then followed by a Turkish military invasion in order to protect the island’s Turkish population. Once order was restored and with Ankara’s backing, the Turkish Cypriots created the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Because of the manner in which the political action occurred, only Turkey provided diplomatic recognition, thus bringing up the legal issue of non-recognition and a discussion of the use of force to achieve a political objective. KEY WORDS: Cyprus, Turkish republic, northern Cyprus, Turkish foreign policy, Greek foreign policy, occupation, international law, de facto state INTRODUCTION Occupation in its varied forms1 has taken on increased interest in the post-World War II era, at multiple legal2 and political levels. -
Greek-Turkish Relations and US Foreign Policy
GREEK-TURKISH RELATIONS AND U.S. FOREIGN POLICY Cyprus, the Aegean, and Regional Stability Tozun Bahcheli Theodore A. Couloumbis Patricia Carley UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE CONTENTS Key Points v Foreword ix 1 U.S. Foreign Policy and the Future of Greek-Turkish Relations 1 Patricia Carley 2 Cyprus in the Post–Cold War Era: Moving Toward a Settlement? 20 Tozun Bahcheli 3 Prospects for Greek-Turkish Reconciliation in a 30 Changing International Setting Theodore A. Couloumbis and Louis J. Klarevas Conference Participants 42 About the Authors 43 About the Institute 44 v space limit. The Turks believe they are seeking only to ensure Turkey’s freedom of access to the high seas and international airspace. - Greece claims that several international treaties have provided an acceptable territorial regime in the Aegean and that Turkish actions in the 1970s challenged this status quo by claiming additional KEY POINTS airspace and seabed rights. The January 1996 cri- sis over the islet of Imia/Kardak intensified Greek apprehensions about Turkey’s aims to undermine the territorial integrity of Greece. The Greeks be- lieve that all the Aegean issues are legal matters that can best be arbitrated in international courts; the Turks insist on viewing them as political mat- ters requiring bilateral negotiations. - Regarding Cyprus, the three main issues in the UN-sponsored negotiation process have been the nature of a federated settlement, security arrange- ments, and territorial adjustments. Turkey claims U.S. FOREIGN POLICY AND THE to seek a bicommunal, bizonal, federal settlement FUTURE OF GREEK-TURKISH based on the sovereign equality of the Turkish RELATIONS and Greek Cypriot communities.