Language Ideologies in Tirona Thesis Presented in the Partial Fulfillment
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Language Ideologies in TirOna Thesis Presented in the Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Carrie Ann Morgan, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Brian D. Joseph, Advisor Anna Babel Copyright by Carrie Ann Morgan 2015 Abstract As far back as the late Ottoman Empire, language ideologies have construed the two main dialects of Albanian, Geg in the north and Tosk in the south, as iconic of sociocultural figures representing the rural/undeveloped/closed and the urban/developed/open, respectively. These figures were reinforced by the Tosk- dominated socialist-era government’s codification of a Tosk-based standard language and its removal of literary Geg from the public sphere. The post-socialist period, however, has seen different ideologies surrounding Geg, Tosk, and Standard Albanian arise due to political changes and increased dialect contact, particularly in the capital city of Tirana. I argue that speakers’ language ideologies under contact conditions in contemporary Tirana posit two different models of difference, one between the Albanian north and south and another between the Albanian periphery and center largely represented by Tirana. The metaphors underlying these differences are importantly tied to Albania’s place in Europe. Furthermore, these models and the beliefs about European modernity that underlie them have implications for the social indexical meaning of dialects and features, in particular Standard Albanian and Geg as they are used in Tirana. Differences in the way dialect features are construed metalinguistically and the way they are used in everyday conversation depend on the models of difference speakers align with. Ultimately, I argue this suggests that standard language ideologies can be about more than the national and ii that etically defined dialect differences alone cannot explain the social significance of dialect features and communicative practices. iii Acknowledgements I extend my sincerest thanks to my advisor, Brian Joseph, for his support and guidance throughout planning, executing, and writing this project. Shumë faleminderit! I am also very thankful to my other committee member, Anna Babel, for the time she has generously dedicated to closely reviewing and commenting on my work. The final draft of this thesis would be noticeably different without her insights. Although she is not on my committee, Andrea Sims was indispensible in helping me figure out how to go about addressing the questions that motivate this thesis. I also thank Kathryn Campbell-Kibler, Morgan Liu, and Galey Modan, whose classes and/or advice have in one way or another contributed to my thinking about this project. Finally, I am indebted to my friends and consultants in Albania who have inspired me and helped me along every step of the way. iv Vita 2004……………………………………………………………...Hilton Head High School 2008……………………………………B.A. Philosophy, History, Ohio State Unniversity 2009-2011……………………………………………………………Peace Corps Albania Fields of Study Major Field: Slavic and East European Studies v Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….. ii Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………….. iv Vita……………………………………………………………………………………… v List of figures…………………………………………………………………………....viii List of Transcription Conventions……………………………………………………… ix Section 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………...1 Language ideologies and the ‘total linguistic fact’……………………………….2 Semiotics of rationalization………………………………………………………3 Standard language ideologies…………………………………………………….6 Sites of ideology and stance……………………………………………………...8 Summing it all up.………………………………………………………………..9 Section 2: Albanian Dialectology………………………………………………………..11 Geg and Tosk…………………………………………………………………….12 Central Albania…………………………………………………………………..15 Standard Albanian………………………………………………………………..16 Tirana and dialect contact………………………………………………………..17 Section 3: Methodology………………………………………………………………….20 Section 4: The History of Dialect Politics ………………………………………………24 The highlander and the bureaucrat: Ottoman origins of regionalisms…………..25 National awakening and socialist modernity: The rise of language-based nationalism, or internationalism? ……………………………………………….28 Post-socialism and the Geg renaissance…………………………………………34 Tirana as center………………………………………………………………….35 Summary……………………………………………..………………………….38 vi Section 5: Scales of Difference………………………………………………………..40 Reproducing north and south………………………………………………….41 Center-periphery models emerge……………………………………………...46 Dialect mixing…………………………………………………………………53 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………..56 Section 6: Ideaological Features……………………………………………………….58 Inflammatory infinitives……………………………………………………….60 Prominent particles…………………………………………………………….65 Shkurtime [shoternings] ……………………………………………………….66 Tirana O………………………………………………………………………..69 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………..72 Section 7: Ideologies in Interaction……………………………………………………74 Contextualizing relationships………………………………………………….76 Vilma – The prestige of Standard Albanian …………………………………..78 Lule – Indexing cosmopolitan center …………………………………………86 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………..92 Section 8: Conclusion………………………………………………………………….95 References……………………………………………………………………………...99 Appendix A: Interview script………………………………………………………….103 Appendix B: Stimuli…………………………………………………………………...104 vii List of Figures Figure 1 - Dialect and physical maps of Albania Figure 2 - Population distribution map of Albania Figure 3 - Images of Ottoman-era Tosk and Geg Figure 4 - Facebook meme “Pse o njeri, pse po e n’drron gjuhen sa shkon n’Tirane??’ Figure 5 - Meatball patty shop sign viii List of Transcription Conventions . falling intonation (.) short pause .. medium pause … long pause ? rising intonation : lengthening , continuing intonation = latching - truncated intonational unit or word ( ) unclear (H) inhale (Hx) exhale @@ laughing [ ] overlapping speech <Q Q> quotation quality speech <RH RH> rhythmic rising and falling intonation BOLD emphasis signaled by pitch or amplitude ix Chapter 1: Introduction Although ideology that equates one language with one nation has been the cornerstone of many, particularly Western, European national identities (Gal & Irvine, 2000), it has played a particularly significant role in Albania (Friedman, 2003: 284). Viewing religious divisions as problematic for the establishment of a national identity, leaders of the late 19th and early 20th century Albanian national awakening drew on language as a source of national unity. However, in doing this, these leaders ignored linguistic diversity among Albanian speakers, initiating a tradition of institutionally supported ideologies of linguistic homogeneity that would guide the now controversial process of language standardization during Albanian socialism. In contemporary Tirana, urban migration is bringing speakers of the two main Albanian dialects, Geg (north) and Tosk (south), into contact under a post-socialist political order where the legitimacy of the Tosk-based standard language has been challenged by explicit debate, weakened institutions, and increasing regionalism (Vehbiu, 1997). Recent studies of Standard Albanian vowels (Moosüller & Granser, 2006) and “post-standard” online Albanian (Vehbiu, forthcoming) suggest that these conditions are accompanied by potentially new linguistic practices. Garrett (2004: 50) notes that linguistic anthropologists have long been interested in language contact as a “socially situated, culturally mediated phenomenon that gives 1 rise to particular kinds of communicative practices” in politically and ideologically charged “contact zones” (Pratt, 1992 as cited in Garrett, 2006: 50). As the center of Standard Albanian, home to a local Geg dialect, and a magnet for Albanians from all over the country, Tirana is indisputably such a contact zone. Under these conditions, communicative practices are ideologically mediated through the contemporary manifestation of ubiquitous historic stereotypes about dialects and standard language. This study investigates that ideological mediation by analyzing language ideologies as they appear explicitly in the metalinguistic discourses as well as implicitly in the linguistic practice of young adults in Tirana. I argue that although it is important, the long discussed Geg-Tosk division is not the only model of linguistic and sociocultural division that is produced by language ideologies. Furthermore, I suggest that these ideologies are not exclusively about the national, but are also intimately tied to Albania’s conceived place in Europe and the West. Finally, I demonstrate that these ideologies influence the indexicality of Standard Albanian as well as dialect, contributing to a practice of dialect mixing in Tirana. Language ideologies and the ‘total linguistic fact’ Central to the framework of language ideologies is the conviction that language use is meaningful social action rather than just a system of referential meaning. In Silverstein’s (1979: 193) definition, language ideologies are conceptualized as “sets of beliefs about language articulated by users as a rationalization or justification for perceived language structure and use.” While Silverstein largely focuses on the effect of language ideologies on linguistic structure, other subsequent definitions (e.g. Irvine, 1989: 255; Wooldard, 1998: 3) are particularly interested in the power politics and social 2 relations that are embodied in and