The Sit-Ins of 1960
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Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q
Hastings Law Journal Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 3 1-1965 Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q. Sibley Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mulford Q. Sibley, Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration, 16 Hastings L.J. 351 (1965). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol16/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration By MuLorm Q. Smri.y* A MOST striking aspect of the integration struggle in the United States is the role of non-violent direct action. To an extent unsurpassed in history,1 men's attentions have been directed to techniques which astonish, perturb, and sometimes antagonize those familiar only with the more common and orthodox modes of social conflict. Because non- violent direct action is so often misunderstood, it should be seen against a broad background. The civil rights struggle, to be sure, is central. But we shall examine that struggle in the light of general history and the over-all theory of non-violent resistance. Thus we begin by noting the role of non-violent direct action in human thought and experience. We then turn to its part in the American tradition, par- ticularly in the battle for race equality; examine its theory and illus- trate it in twentieth-century experience; inquire into its legitimacy and efficacy; raise several questions crucial to the problem of civil disobedience, which is one of its expressions; and assess its role in the future battle for equality and integration. -
Greensboro Sit-Ins
Published on NCpedia (https://www.ncpedia.org) Home > Greensboro Sit-Ins Greensboro Sit-Ins [1] Share it now! Greensboro Sit-Ins by Alexander R. Stoesen, 2006 See also: Greensboro Four [2], Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee [3]. Joseph McNeil, Franklin McCain, Billy Smith and Clarence Henderson. Greensboro News and Record. The Greensboro [4] sit-ins of February 1960 launched the movement to integrate lunch counters and other eating establishments throughout North Carolina and the rest of the South. Sit-ins [5] had previously occurred in other places, but the Greensboro protests sparked widespread activism and media attention. The sit-ins began when four students from North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University [6]—Ezell A. Blair [7] (now Jibreel Khazan), Franklin E. McCain [8], Joseph A. McNeil [9], and David L. Richmond [10]—sat at the lunch counter of the Woolworth Store on Elm Street in Greensboro late on the afternoon of 1 Feb. 1960. At the time, Woolworth's only served African Americans [11] at a stand-up counter. Instead of having the students arrested for trespassing, the manager closed the lunch counter, intending to leave them stranded at closing time. The Greensboro store, one of the most profitable in the region, had a large black clientele-hence the need for prudence. However, by not filing charges, the manager left an opening for further nonviolent action. The next day, the number of demonstrators grew rapidly, and in the days and weeks that followed, sit-ins spread to other eating places in Greensboro's central business district. Some managers closed their operations, but by the end of the summer an agreement had been reached to end segregation [12] in public eating places. -
Have a Seat to Be Heard: the Sit-In Movement of the 1960S
(South Bend, IN), Sept. 2, 1971. Have A Seat To Be Heard: Rodgers, Ibram H. The Black Campus Movement: Black Students The Sit-in Movement Of The 1960s and the Racial Reconstih,tion ofHigher Education, 1965- 1972. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. "The Second Great Migration." In Motion AAME. Accessed April 9, E1~Ai£-& 2017. http://www.inmotion.org/print. Sulak, Nancy J. "Student Input Depends on the Issue: Wolfson." The Preface (South Bend, IN), Oct. 28, 1971. "If you're white, you're all right; if you're black, stay back," this derogatory saying in an example of what the platform in which seg- Taylor, Orlando. Interdepartmental Communication to the Faculty regation thrived upon.' In the 1960s, all across America there was Council.Sept.9,1968. a movement in which civil rights demonstrations were spurred on by unrest that stemmed from the kind of injustice represented by United States Census Bureau."A Look at the 1940 Census." that saying. Occurrences in the 1960s such as the Civil Rights Move- United States Census Bureau. Last modified 2012. ment displayed a particular kind of umest that was centered around https://www.census.gov/newsroom/cspan/194ocensus/ the matter of equality, especially in regards to African Americans. CSP AN_194oslides. pdf. More specifically, the Sit-in Movement was a division of the Civil Rights Movement. This movement, known as the Sit-in Movement, United States Census Bureau. "Indiana County-Level Census was highly influenced by the characteristics of the Civil Rights Move- Counts, 1900-2010." STATSINDIANA: Indiana's Public ment. Think of the Civil Rights Movement as a tree, the Sit-in Move- Data Utility, nd. -
“A Tremor in the Middle of the Iceberg”: the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Local Voting Rights Activism in Mccomb, Mississippi, 1928-1964
“A Tremor in the Middle of the Iceberg”: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Local Voting Rights Activism in McComb, Mississippi, 1928-1964 Alec Ramsay-Smith A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN April 1, 2016 Advised by Professor Howard Brick For Dana Lynn Ramsay, I would not be here without your love and wisdom, And I miss you more every day. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................... ii Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One: McComb and the Beginnings of Voter Registration .......................... 10 Chapter Two: SNCC and the 1961 McComb Voter Registration Drive .................. 45 Chapter Three: The Aftermath of the McComb Registration Drive ........................ 78 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 102 Bibliography ................................................................................................................. 119 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I could not have done this without my twin sister Hunter Ramsay-Smith, who has been a constant source of support and would listen to me rant for hours about documents I would find or things I would learn in the course of my research for the McComb registration -
STANDING COMMITTEES of the HOUSE Agriculture
STANDING COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE [Democrats in roman; Republicans in italic; Resident Commissioner and Delegates in boldface] [Room numbers beginning with H are in the Capitol, with CHOB in the Cannon House Office Building, with LHOB in the Longworth House Office Building, with RHOB in the Rayburn House Office Building, with H1 in O’Neill House Office Building, and with H2 in the Ford House Office Building] Agriculture 1301 Longworth House Office Building, phone 225–2171, fax 225–8510 http://agriculture.house.gov meets first Wednesday of each month Collin C. Peterson, of Minnesota, Chair Tim Holden, of Pennsylvania. Bob Goodlatte, of Virginia. Mike McIntyre, of North Carolina. Terry Everett, of Alabama. Bob Etheridge, of North Carolina. Frank D. Lucas, of Oklahoma. Leonard L. Boswell, of Iowa. Jerry Moran, of Kansas. Joe Baca, of California. Robin Hayes, of North Carolina. Dennis A. Cardoza, of California. Timothy V. Johnson, of Illinois. David Scott, of Georgia. Sam Graves, of Missouri. Jim Marshall, of Georgia. Jo Bonner, of Alabama. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin, of South Dakota. Mike Rogers, of Alabama. Henry Cuellar, of Texas. Steve King, of Iowa. Jim Costa, of California. Marilyn N. Musgrave, of Colorado. John T. Salazar, of Colorado. Randy Neugebauer, of Texas. Brad Ellsworth, of Indiana. Charles W. Boustany, Jr., of Louisiana. Nancy E. Boyda, of Kansas. John R. ‘‘Randy’’ Kuhl, Jr., of New York. Zachary T. Space, of Ohio. Virginia Foxx, of North Carolina. Timothy J. Walz, of Minnesota. K. Michael Conaway, of Texas. Kirsten E. Gillibrand, of New York. Jeff Fortenberry, of Nebraska. Steve Kagen, of Wisconsin. Jean Schmidt, of Ohio. -
Nonviolent Resistance and Prevention of Mass Killings During Popular Uprisings
Special Report Series Volume No. 2, April 2018 www.nonviolent-conflict.org Nonviolent Resistance and Prevention of Mass Killings During Popular Uprisings Evan Perkoski and Erica Chenoweth Abstract What drives governments to crack down on and kill their own civilians? And how—and to what extent— has nonviolent resistance historically mitigated the likelihood of mass killings? This special report explores the factors associated with mass killings: when governments intentionally kill 1,000 or more civilian noncombatants. We find that these events are surprisingly common, occurring in just under half of all maximalist popular uprisings against states, yet they are strongly associated with certain types of resistance. Nonviolent uprisings that are free of foreign interference and that manage to gain military defections tend to be the safest. These findings shed1 light on how both dissidents and their foreign allies can work together to reduce the likelihood of violent confrontations. Summary What drives governments to crack down on and kill their own civilians? And how—and to what extent—has nonviolent resistance mitigated the likelihood of mass killings? This special report explores the factors associated with mass killings: when governments intentionally kill 1,000 or more civilian noncombatants. We find that these events are surprisingly common, occurring in just under half of maximalist popular uprisings against the states, yet they are strongly associated with certain types of resistance. Specifically, we find that: • Nonviolent resistance is generally less threatening to the physical well-being of regime elites, lowering the odds of mass killings. This is true even though these campaigns may take place in repressive contexts, demand that political leaders share power or step aside, and are historically quite successful at toppling brutal regimes. -
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements Kathryn Abrams In August 2013, Maria Teresa Kumar, the executive director of Voto Lat mo, spoke aJongside civil rights leaders at the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington. A month earlier, immigrant activists invited the Reverend Al Sharpton to join a press conference outside the federal court building as they celebrated a legal victory over joe Arpaio, the anti-immigrant sheriff of Maricopa County. Undocumented youth orga nizing for immigration reform explained their persistence with Marlin Luther King's statement that "the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towardjustice." 1 The civil rights movement remains a potent reminder that politically marginalized groups can shape the Jaw through mobilization and col lective action. This has made the movement a crucial source of sym bolism for those activists who have come after. But it has also been a source of what sociologist Doug McAdam has called "cultural innova uons"2: transformative strategies and tactics that can be embraced and modified by later movements. This chapter examines the legacy of the Civil Rights Act by revisiting the social movement that produced it and comparing that movement to a recent and galvanizing successor, the movement for immigrant rights.3 This movement has not simply used the storied tactics of the civil rights movement; it has modified them 2 A Nation of Widening Opportunities in ways that render them more performative: undocumented activists implement the familiar tactics that enact, in daring and surprising ways, the public belonging to which they aspire.4 This performative dimen sion would seem to distinguish the immigrant rights movement, at the level of organizational strategy, from its civil rights counterpart, whose participants were constitutionally acknowledged as citizens. -
Implementation of the Helsinki Accords Hearings
BASKET III: IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE NINETY-SEVENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION THE CRISIS IN POLAND AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE HELSINKI PROCESS DECEMBER 28, 1981 Printed for the use of the - Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 9-952 0 'WASHINGTON: 1982 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida, Chairman ROBERT DOLE, Kansas, Cochairman ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah SIDNEY R. YATES, Illinois JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JONATHAN B. BINGHAM, New York ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York TIMOTHY E. WIRTH, Colorado CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island MILLICENT FENWICK, New Jersey PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont DON RITTER, Pennsylvania EXECUTIVE BRANCH The Honorable STEPHEN E. PALMER, Jr., Department of State The Honorable RICHARD NORMAN PERLE, Department of Defense The Honorable WILLIAM H. MORRIS, Jr., Department of Commerce R. SPENCER OLIVER, Staff Director LYNNE DAVIDSON, Staff Assistant BARBARA BLACKBURN, Administrative Assistant DEBORAH BURNS, Coordinator (II) ] CONTENTS IMPLEMENTATION. OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS The Crisis In Poland And Its Effects On The Helsinki Process, December 28, 1981 WITNESSES Page Rurarz, Ambassador Zdzislaw, former Polish Ambassador to Japan .................... 10 Kampelman, Ambassador Max M., Chairman, U.S. Delegation to the CSCE Review Meeting in Madrid ............................................................ 31 Baranczak, Stanislaw, founder of KOR, the Committee for the Defense of Workers.......................................................................................................................... 47 Scanlan, John D., Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs, Depart- ment of State ............................................................ 53 Kahn, Tom, assistant to the president of the AFL-CIO .......................................... -
What Made Nonviolent Protest Effective During the Civil Rights Movement?
NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 5011th Grade Civil Rights Inquiry What Made Nonviolent Protest Effective during the Civil Rights Movement? © Bettmann / © Corbis/AP Images. Supporting Questions 1. What was tHe impact of the Greensboro sit-in protest? 2. What made tHe Montgomery Bus Boycott, BirmingHam campaign, and Selma to Montgomery marcHes effective? 3. How did others use nonviolence effectively during the civil rights movement? THIS WORK IS LICENSED UNDER A CREATIVE COMMONS ATTRIBUTION- NONCOMMERCIAL- SHAREALIKE 4.0 INTERNATIONAL LICENSE. 1 NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 11th Grade Civil Rights Inquiry What Made Nonviolent Protest Effective during the Civil Rights Movement? 11.10 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE/DOMESTIC ISSUES (1945 – PRESENT): Racial, gender, and New York State socioeconomic inequalities were addressed By individuals, groups, and organizations. Varying political Social Studies philosophies prompted debates over the role of federal government in regulating the economy and providing Framework Key a social safety net. Idea & Practices Gathering, Using, and Interpreting Evidence Chronological Reasoning and Causation Staging the Discuss tHe recent die-in protests and tHe extent to wHicH tHey are an effective form of nonviolent direct- Question action protest. Supporting Question 1 Supporting Question 2 Supporting Question 3 Guided Student Research Independent Student Research What was tHe impact of tHe What made tHe Montgomery Bus How did otHers use nonviolence GreensBoro sit-in protest? boycott, the Birmingham campaign, effectively during tHe civil rights and tHe Selma to Montgomery movement? marcHes effective? Formative Formative Formative Performance Task Performance Task Performance Task Create a cause-and-effect diagram tHat Detail tHe impacts of a range of actors Research the impact of a range of demonstrates the impact of the sit-in and tHe actions tHey took to make tHe actors and tHe effective nonviolent protest by the Greensboro Four. -
Congressional Record—House H572
H572 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE January 28, 2020 regulated. Ninety-nine percent of The four young men—Ezell Blair, Jr.; ing Woolworth’s and other establish- Pennsylvania was swept under these David Richmond; Franklin McCain; ments to change their discriminatory overreaching WOTUS regulations. and Joseph McNeil—were students policies. On July 26, 1960, the Wool- In addition to taking away States’ from North Carolina A&T College, now worth’s lunch counter was finally inte- authority to manage water resources, known as North Carolina A&T State grated. Today, the former Woolworth’s the 2015 WOTUS rule expanded the University. I might add that A&T now houses the International Civil Clean Water Act far beyond the law’s State University is now the largest Rights Center and Museum, which fea- historical limits of navigable waters HBCU in the country. tures a restored version of the lunch and the long-held intent of Congress. Mr. Speaker, I would also mention counter where the Greensboro Four Instead of providing much-needed clar- that Congresswoman ALMA ADAMS is a sat. Part of the original counter is on ity to the Clean Water Act, WOTUS graduate of A&T State University and display at the Smithsonian National created even more confusion. served as a college professor across the Museum of American History here in Thankfully, the negative impact of street at Bennett College for more than Washington. WOTUS was brought to an end when 40 years. On Saturday of this week, February the Trump administration repealed it The Greensboro Four students were 1, the museum will commemorate the this past fall. -
A Guide to the African American Heritage of Arlington County, Virginia
A GUIDE TO THE AFRICAN AMERICAN HERITAGE OF ARLINGTON COUNTY, VIRGINIA DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNITY PLANNING, HOUSING AND DEVELOPMENT HISTORIC PRESERVATION PROGRAM SECOND EDITION 2016 Front and back covers: Waud, Alfred R. "Freedman's Village, Greene Heights, Arlington, Virginia." Drawn in April 1864. Published in Harper's Weekly on May 7, 1864. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division. Table of Contents Discover Arlington's African American Heritage .......................... iii Lomax A.M.E. Zion Church & Cemetery .......................... 29 Mount Zion Baptist Church ................................................ 30 Boundary Markers of the District of Columbia ............................ 1 Macedonia Baptist Church ................................................. 31 Benjamin Banneker ............................................................. 1 Our Lady, Queen of Peace Catholic Church .................... 31 Banneker Boundary Stone ................................................. 1 Establishment of the Kemper School ............................... 32 Principal Ella M. Boston ...................................................... 33 Arlington House .................................................................................. 2 Kemper Annex and Drew Elementary School ................. 33 George Washington Parke Custis ...................................... 2 Integration of the Drew School .......................................... 33 Custis Family and Slavery ................................................... 2 Head -
“From 'Dead Wrong' to Civil Rights History: the Durham 'Royal Seven,' Martin Luther King's 1960 'Fill up the Jails
“From ‘Dead Wrong’ to Civil Rights History: The Durham ‘Royal Seven,’ Martin Luther King’s 1960 ‘Fill Up the Jails’ Speech, and the Rhetoric of Visibility.” Victoria J. Gallagher, Jeff Swift, and Kenneth Zagacki Summary This chapter focuses on an early example of direct action (a sit-in at the Royal Ice Cream Company in Durham, NC in June of 1957) led by Reverend Douglas Moore. Despite the fact that Moore picked an ice cream parlor located in the middle of the black community, and despite his connections to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., this initial attempt at a sit-in campaign in North Carolina was thwarted and Moore and his companions were given scant support by the local black community after their arrest. Yet, as we will demonstrate, the actions of the “Royal Seven” functioned rhetorically to make visible public knowledge about the conditions of life in the segregated South and to illustrate the moral challenges facing its citizens. The far-reaching rhetorical consequence of this groundbreaking attempt at direct action may be seen, we argue, in King’s Durham speech in February of 1960, in which Dr. King, at Moore’s invitation, first endorses sit-ins and other forms of direct action. The chapter describes and analyzes this initial attempt to visibly provoke new ways of thinking about the nature of democratic citizenship, illuminating the causes and implications of its initial less-than-positive reception and its actual consequence. On June 23, 1957, nearly three years before the famous sit-in at the Woolworth’s store in Greensboro, North Carolina, Reverend Douglas Moore, the pastor of Asbury Temple United Methodist Church in Durham, organized a protest at the Royal Ice Cream Company.