Kids Across the Caucasus
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The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ...................................................................................... -
The North Caucasus Region As a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia
energies Article The North Caucasus Region as a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia José Antonio Peña-Ramos 1,* , Philipp Bagus 2 and Dmitri Amirov-Belova 3 1 Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Providencia 7500912, Chile 2 Department of Applied Economics I and History of Economic Institutions (and Moral Philosophy), Rey Juan Carlos University, 28032 Madrid, Spain; [email protected] 3 Postgraduate Studies Centre, Pablo de Olavide University, 41013 Sevilla, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +34-657219669 Abstract: The “European Green Deal” has ambitious aims, such as net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. While the European Union aims to make its energies greener, Russia pursues power-goals based on its status as a geo-energy superpower. A successful “European Green Deal” would have the up-to-now underestimated geopolitical advantage of making the European Union less dependent on Russian hydrocarbons. In this article, we illustrate Russian power-politics and its geopolitical implications by analyzing the illustrative case of the North Caucasus, which has been traditionally a strategic region for Russia. The present article describes and analyses the impact of Russian intervention in the North Caucasian secessionist conflict since 1991 and its importance in terms of natural resources, especially hydrocarbons. The geopolitical power secured by Russia in the North Caucasian conflict has important implications for European Union’s energy supply security and could be regarded as a strong argument in favor of the “European Green Deal”. Keywords: North Caucasus; post-soviet conflicts; Russia; oil; natural gas; global economics and Citation: Peña-Ramos, J.A.; Bagus, P.; cross-cultural management; energy studies; renewable energies; energy markets; clean energies Amirov-Belova, D. -
The Security of the Caspian Sea Region
17. The glitter and poverty of Chechen Islam Aleksei Malashenko I. Introduction Originally the separatist movement in Chechnya was unrelated to Islam. Its ideology was ethnic nationalism and its goal was the establishment of an inde- pendent national state. The Chechen separatists’ social base was limited: far from all members of Chechen society supported the idea of independence. Nor, it seems, did the leaders of the Chechen insurgents seriously believe that it was possible for Chechnya to attain true independence. The future president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeriya, Soviet Air Force Major- General Dzhokhar Dudayev, used to say that after Chechnya gained inde- pendence it would join the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and preserve its close economic and political ties with Russia. Before the beginning of the armed struggle for independence the Chechens aimed at maximum autonomy within the Russian Federation. The strategic tasks which the Chechen leaders set themselves were largely similar to those pursued, and realized for a period of time, by the ethno-political elite of Tatar- stan.1 In Chechnya, for a number of reasons (which are not the subject of the present study), the conflict between the centre and Grozny followed a different path—that of military–political confrontation, in which Islam became one of the main ideological and political vectors. In the Russian scholarly literature and other publications much has been written about the important role of Islam in the events of the 1990s in Chechnya. The more convincing work is that of Vakhid Akaev (a Chechen researcher),2 Alexei Kudryavtsev and Vladimir Bobrovnikov (two orientalists based in Moscow), and the journalist experts Ilya Maksakov and Igor Rotar.3 1 In 1993 only 2 republics—Tatarstan and Chechnya—refused to sign the Federation Treaty. -
The North Caucasus Insurgency and Syria: an Exported Jihad?
The North Caucasus Insurgency and Syria: An Exported Jihad? Europe Report N°238 | 16 March 2016 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Failure of Regional Jihad or How Syria Hijacked the Agenda ................................. 4 A. “A Thousand Times Harder than Syria” .................................................................... 5 B. From Regional to Global ............................................................................................ 7 C. Jihadists or New Muhajirun? .................................................................................... 9 D. Syria, Iraq and the North Caucasians ........................................................................ 12 III. Russian State Security Responses .................................................................................... 16 A. Controlling the Outflow: Before and After the Sochi Olympics ................................ 16 B. Clamping Down on Salafi Activism and Mosques .................................................... -
The Caucasus Emirate's Summer Offensive, 2009
Monterey Terrorism Research and Education Program (MonTREP) Monterey Institute for International Studies Islam, Islamism and Politics in Eurasia Report No. 2, 20 November 2009 CONTENTS: THE CAUCASUS EMIRATE’S NEW GROVE: THE 2009 SUMMER OFFENSIVES By Gordon M. Hahn Senior Researcher, Monterey Terrorism Research and Education Program and Visiting Assistant Professor, Graduate School of International Policy Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies, Monterey, California; Senior Researcher, Center for Terrorism and Intelligence Studies (CETIS), Akribis Group; and Analyst/ Consultant, Russia Other Points of View – Russia Media Watch, www.russiaotherpointsofview.com. Dr Hahn is author of two well-received books, Russia’s Islamic Threat (Yale University Press, 2007) and Russia’s Revolution From Above (Transaction, 2002), and numerous articles on Russian and Eurasian politics. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ THE CAUCASUS EMIRATE’S NEW GROOVE: THE 2009 SUMMER OFFENSIVE Pre-History In 2002, with the combined nationalist and jihadist forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI) defeated on the traditional battlefield, the Caucasus mujahedin absconded to the mountains and forests of the region to organize an underground government and active insurgency campaign against the Russian “occupiers” and “infidels.” From then on, the insurgent ChRI was increasingly dominated by radical Islamic jihadi-oriented fighters from within and outside the Caucasus, who expanded the jihad into Ingushetia, Dagestan, and other -
North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (IV): Economic and Social Imperatives
North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (IV): Economic and Social Imperatives Europe Report N°237 | 7 July 2015 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Economy of the Crisis Region ................................................................................... 4 A. Common Features ...................................................................................................... 5 B. Regional Differences .................................................................................................. 9 Chechnya .............................................................................................................. 9 Dagestan and Stavropol Kray ............................................................................... 10 Ingushetia and Karachay-Cherkessia ................................................................... 12 Kabardino-Balkaria and North Ossetia-Alania .................................................... 12 C. Agriculture ................................................................................................................ -
Russia Background
‹ Countries Russia Last Updated: September 18, 2012 full report Background Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second-largest coal reserves, and the ninth-largest crude oil reserves. Russia is a major producer and exporter of oil and natural gas and its economy largely depends on energy exports. Russia's economic growth continues to be driven by energy exports given its high oil and gas production and the elevated prices for those commodities. Internally, Russia gets over half of its domestic energy needs from natural gas. Russia was the world's second-largest producer of oil (after Saudi Arabia) and the second- largest producer of natural gas in 2011 (second to the United States). However, preliminary data through June 2012 indicate that Russia had surpassed Saudi Arabia as the top crude oil producer in four out of the six months. Russia's oil and gas sector continues to be affected by high taxes and export duties. While export duties for crude oil and petroleum products were lowered to 60 and 65 percent, respectively, in 2011, producers still face high mineral extraction taxes and a revenue-based tax system. Oil Russia was the second-largest producer of total petroleum liquids in 2011, second only to Saudi Arabia. During the year, production averaged more than 10 million bbl/d. Russia's proven oil reserves were 60 billion barrels as of January 2012, according to the Oil and Gas Journal. Most of Russia's resources are located in Western Siberia, between the Ural Mountains and the Central Siberian Plateau and in the Volga-Urals region, extending into the Caspian Sea. -
Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991
Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ian Thomas Lanzillotti Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Professor Nicholas Breyfogle, Advisor Professor Theodora Dragostinova Professor David Hoffmann Professor Scott Levi Copyright by Ian Thomas Lanzillotti 2014 Abstract The Caucasus mountain region in southern Russia has witnessed many of post- Soviet Eurasia’s most violent inter-communal conflicts. From Abkhazia to Chechnya, the region fractured ferociously and neighboring communities took up arms against each other in the name of ethnicity and religion. In the midst of some of the worst conflict in Europe since 1945, the semiautonomous, multiethnic Kabardino-Balkar Republic in the North Caucasus remained a relative oasis of peace. This is not to say there were no tensions—there is no love lost between Kabardians, Balkars, and Russians, Kabardino- Balkaria’s principal communities. But, why did these communities, despite the agitation of ethno-political entrepreneurs, not resort to force to solve their grievances, while many neighboring ones did? What institutions and practices have facilitated this peace? What role have state officials and state structures played in, on the one hand, producing inter- communal conflict, and, on the other hand, mediating and defusing such conflict? And why has land played such a crucial rule in inter-communal relations in the region over the longue durée? More than enhancing our knowledge of a poorly-understood yet strategically important region, the questions I ask of Kabardino-Balkaria are windows on larger issues of enduring global relevance. -
The Caucasus
Cooperation in the European Mountains 2: The Caucasus European Programme Established in 1987, the European Programme seeks to identify and analyse the economic and social forces impacting on biodiversity conservation, and apply the power of the constituency to address them. The Programme is active in species and ecosystem-based conservation within the agriculture, forestry, and fisheries sectors and supports regional and global policy analysis and recommendations. IUCN is present in 47 of the 55 countries of the Pan-European region. IUCN's European constituency, 325 governmental and non-governmental members, six expert Commissions, and the Secretariat, provides a broad-based democratic forum for exchanging views, and taking joint action. Over 3,000 experts, organised into six networks (on ecosystem management; education and com- munication; environmental law; environment, economy and society; species survival; and protected areas/Parks for Life), provide scientific weight to the policy formulated and disseminated by the European Programme in seeking to influence societies. Since 1997, the European Programme has been co-ordinated from the IUCN European Regional Office-ERO, (based in Tilburg, The Netherlands). There is also a Central European Office (in Warsaw, Poland), a Russian Federation and CIS Office (in Moscow, Russian Federation), and a joint IUCN-REC unit (in Szentendre, Hungary). European Regional Office Cooperation in the European Mountains 2: The Caucasus Edited by Martin F. Price Environmental Research Series 13 IUCN – The World Conservation Union 2000 The designation of geographical entities in this book, and the presentation of the material, do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IUCN or the Government of the Netherlands concerning the legal status of any country, territory, or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. -
Southern Russia: the Heartland Or Russia's Soft Underbelly?
Southern Russia: The Heartland or Russia's Soft Underbelly? Ivan Kurilla April 2000 PONARS Policy Memo 120 Volgograd State University The Heartland Southern Russia is undoubtedly of strategic importance. Its figures are not too impressive: with about 13% of Russia's total population, the region produces 15.5% of the country's agriculture and just slightly over 5% of its industry. Looking at a map (see below), however, we see that the two southernmost oblasts--Rostov and Volgograd-- shape the southern Russian "bottle neck." It is conveniently situated on the shortest possible transport route between Kazakhstan and Ukraine, which bypasses the unstable Caucasus. The Caspian Pipeline Consortium has designated that route for construction of an oil pipeline from Kazakhstan's Tengiz field. Furthermore, all routes from Russia to the Caucasus go through these regions. So, all traffic of weapons and drugs and possibly explosives carried to or from the North Caucasus must traverse either the Rostov or the Volgograd region. Incidentally, this geographic fact supports the argument that the fall 1999 explosions are of Caucasus origin. The last of those bombings took place in Volgodonsk, a city on the border of Rostov and Volgograd oblasts, and was probably precipitated by the fact that increased vigilance of the Russian population provided an obstacle to further northward transportation of explosives. Astrakhan, Volgograd, and Rostov also control all the waterways from the Caspian to the Black Sea, and from Caspian oilfields and Iran northward to Central Russia. Besides the oil traffic from foreign oilfields, Russia in late March 2000 started its own oil extraction at the north Caspian oil field Khvalynskoe. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Russia: the Impact of Climate Change to 2030 a Commissioned Research Report
This paper does not represent US Government views. This page is intentionally kept blank. This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. Russia: The Impact of Climate Change to 2030 A Commissioned Research Report Prepared By Joint Global Change Research Institute and Battelle Memorial Institute, Pacific Northwest Division The National Intelligence Council sponsors workshops and research with nongovernmental experts to gain knowledge and insight and to sharpen debate on critical issues. The views expressed in this report do not reflect official US Government positions. NIC 2009-04D April 2009 This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. This page is intentionally kept blank. This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. Scope Note Following the publication in 2008 of the National Intelligence Assessment on the National Security Implications of Global Climate Change to 2030, the National Intelligence Council (NIC) embarked on a research effort to explore in greater detail the national security implications of climate change in six countries/regions of the world: India, China, Russia, North Africa, Mexico and the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia and the Pacific Island States. For each country/region we are adopting a three-phase approach. • In the first phase, contracted research—such as this publication—explores the latest scientific findings on the impact of climate change in the specific region/country. • In the second phase, a workshop or conference composed of experts from outside the Intelligence Community (IC) will determine if anticipated changes from the effects of climate change will force inter- and intra-state migrations, cause economic hardship, or result in increased social tensions or state instability within the country/region.