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A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details ‘Campaigning in poetry, governing in prose?’ The development of Conservative Party immigration policy in government and in opposition since 1945 Rebecca Partos Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics University of Sussex September 2016 2 Statement I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature: 3 University of Sussex Rebecca Partos Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics ‘Campaigning in poetry, governing in prose?’ The development of Conservative Party immigration policy in government and in opposition since 1945 Summary This thesis seeks to explain the development of the British Conservative Party’s immigration policy from 1945 to 2015. It draws on Gamble’s contrasting of the ‘politics of power’ versus the ‘politics of support’ to consider the extent to which Conservative immigration policy is influenced by periods in government and periods in opposition. Harmel and Janda’s three ‘drivers’ of party change – electoral motivations, the leadership of the party, and factions within the party – are built upon to explain changes to the Conservatives’ immigration policy. An interpretivist approach is conducive to the making of an empirically-rich ‘thick descriptive’ account of the Conservative Party’s immigration policy-making. The account is based on interviews with key actors – including current and former politicians and senior civil servants – combined with analysis of archive material and contemporary media sources and memoirs. This thesis concludes that periods in government and periods in opposition do influence the making of immigration policy in different ways. During the 70-year period, what was implemented by the Conservatives in office was less far-reaching – and less restrictionist – than what had been proposed in opposition. Within this key contextual difference, a modified version of Harmel and Janda’s three drivers of change is useful in explaining the development of Conservative immigration policy – with some exceptions. Through tracking changes to the Conservative Party’s immigration policy over many parliaments, this thesis provides three main contributions. First, it emphasises the significance of political parties to the development of immigration policy. Second, in focusing on periods in opposition – which are often overlooked – as well as periods in government, this work offers a basis for reconceptualising policy-making. Third, in bringing together existing theories into a synthesis framework of party policy-making, this thesis offers a new approach to the theoretical literature, which could be modified and tested in other contexts. 4 Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the expertise and guidance of my supervisors, Paul Webb and James Hampshire and for one year, Tim Bale. I am indebted to them for their enthusiasm (even when mine was low) and their – always timely and necessary – criticism. I could not have hoped for better supervisors. If I had not been awarded the the University of Sussex Junior Research Associate (JRA) studentship during my undergraduate years, I would not have had the opportunity to carry out research, let alone undertake a PhD. Thanks also to Mark Bennister and Ed Maxfield, my seminar tutors as an undergraduate, and who have encouraged my interest in politics ever since. My thanks are due to the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). If it had not been for their financial support, this research would never have got off the ground. I was fortunate to be a member of the Department of Politics at the University of Sussex, who part funded my stipend. I am obliged to the politicians, civil servants, researchers and scholars who took the time to speak with me, several of whom I spent many hours with. Their support has been critical to this research. The interviews (see Appendix for ‘List of Interviewees’) were one of the most enjoyable parts of the research process. My thanks are also due to the staff at the National Archives, Kew and the Conservative Party Archive, Oxford. If I had not been Chair of the (now defunct) Postgraduate Network (PGN) of the Political Studies Association, this thesis would likely have been completed some time ago. Nonethless, the experience was invaluable, and I was privileged to meet with established and early-career scholars who passed on tips and polling data that made me look at my research in a new way. Thanks go to my colleagues and friends at Sussex: Monika Bil, Paul Calcroft, Erica Consterdine, Liljana Cvetanoska, Sahil Dutta, Jess Garland, Satoko Horii, Dan Keith, Roxana Mihaila, Sam Power, Pedro Salgado and Jake Watts. In 2014, the Home Office took me on for six months as a Research Officer within the Migration & Border Analysis Unit. A break from the thesis was invaluable. I was also fortunate to be able to present my doctoral research, and I received useful insights into immigration policy-making. I was lucky to receive the support of several members of faculty while at Sussex. Thanks to Emily Robinson for her guidance and her encouragement to take on new roles, to Aleks Szczerbiak for his humour and his help navigating the bureaucracies of Sussex, and to Luke Martell for his kind words and encouragement to take on the UCU rep and Senator roles. And last but not least, I owe a debt of gratitude to my family, all of whom shared the pain of proof-reading – my father, Gabriel Partos (who was always keen to hear my progress), my step- father, Peter Main (who kept me on my toes by repeatedly asked why I had not finished yet), and my mother, Vesna Main (who – among other things – cut out and collected newspaper articles related to immigration for me). Thank you for your support and encouragement. And to Tom Martin, whose cynicism and sweetness and theoretical knowledge continues to surprise me. I will never make you watch Question Time again. 5 This thesis is for my grandma, Judit, who came to this country to make a new life in the same year as the moon landing (1969). 6 Table of contents Summary ............................................................................................................................ 3 Timeline ............................................................................................................................. 9 List of acronyms ............................................................................................................... 10 - 1 - Introduction ....................................................................................... 12 1.1 Field of research ......................................................................................................... 12 1.2 Research questions ..................................................................................................... 15 1.3 Main contribution and relevance ................................................................................ 16 1.4 Outline of thesis ......................................................................................................... 18 - 2 - Party Positions on Immigration ........................................................ 23 2.1 Political economy models .......................................................................................... 24 2.2 Institutionalist accounts .............................................................................................. 29 2.3 Public opinion as a driver of policy-making .............................................................. 31 2.4 Political parties and policy-making ............................................................................ 36 2.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 40 - 3 - Theoretical and Methodological Frameworks .................................. 47 3.1 Conceptual framework ............................................................................................... 48 3.1.1 Interpretivism ...................................................................................................... 48 3.1.2 Relevance to research .......................................................................................... 49 3.2 Theoretical framework: hybrid .................................................................................. 50 The ‘politics of power’ versus the ‘politics of support’ ............................................... 51 The drivers of (policy) change in political parties ....................................................... 52 The ‘gap hypothesis’ in policy preferences ................................................................. 53 3.2 The working propositions .......................................................................................... 54 3.3 Research