Topological Spatial Relations and Frames of Reference in Santo Domingo De Guzmán Pipil: Typological and Historical Implications
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Toward a Comprehensive Model For
Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization JUSTYNA OLKO,a JOHN SULLIVANa, b, c University of Warsaw;a Instituto de Docencia e Investigación Etnológica de Zacatecas;b Universidad Autonóma de Zacatecasc 1 Introduction Nahuatl, a Uto-Aztecan language, enjoyed great political and cultural importance in the pre-Hispanic and colonial world over a long stretch of time and has survived to the present day.1 With an estimated 1.376 million speakers currently inhabiting several regions of Mexico,2 it would not seem to be in danger of extinction, but in fact it is. Formerly the language of the Aztec empire and a lingua franca across Mesoamerica, after the Spanish conquest Nahuatl thrived in the new colonial contexts and was widely used for administrative and religious purposes across New Spain, including areas where other native languages prevailed. Although the colonial language policy and prolonged Hispanicization are often blamed today as the main cause of language shift and the gradual displacement of Nahuatl, legal steps reinforced its importance in Spanish Mesoamerica; these include the decision by the king Philip II in 1570 to make Nahuatl the linguistic medium for religious conversion and for the training of ecclesiastics working with the native people in different regions. Members of the nobility belonging to other ethnic groups, as well as numerous non-elite figures of different backgrounds, including Spaniards, and especially friars and priests, used spoken and written Nahuatl to facilitate communication in different aspects of colonial life and religious instruction (Yannanakis 2012:669-670; Nesvig 2012:739-758; Schwaller 2012:678-687). -
Configurationality in Classical Nahuatl*
Configurationality in Classical Nahuatl* Jason D. Haugen Oberlin College Abstract: Some classic generativist analyses (Jelinek 1984, Baker 1996) predict that polysynthetic languages should be non-configurational by positing that the arguments of verbs are marked by clitics or affixes and relegating overt NPs/DPs to adjunct positions. Here I argue that the polysynthetic Uto-Aztecan language Classical Nahuatl (CN) was actually configurational. I claim that unmarked VSO order was derived by verb phrase (vP) fronting, from a base-generated structure of SVO. A vP constituent is evidenced by obligatory movement of indefinite object NPs with the vP, as in pseudo noun incorporation analyses given for VOS order in other predicate-initial languages such as Niuean (Polynesian) (Massam 2001) and Chol (Mayan) (Coon 2010). The CN case is interesting to contrast with languages like Chol, which lack head movement, in that the CN word order facts show the hallmarks of vP remnant movement (i.e., the fronting of the verb plus its determinerless NP object into a position structurally higher than the subject), while the actual morphology of the CN verb shows the hallmarks of head movement (including noun incorporation, tense/aspect/mood suffixes, derivational suffixes such as the applicative and causative, and pronominal agreement prefixes marked on the verb). Finally, in regard to the landing site for the fronted predicate, I argue that the placement of CN’s optional clause-introducing particle ca necessitates adopting the split-Comp proposal of Rizzi (1997), as is suggested for Welsh by Roberts (2005). Specifically, I claim for CN that ca is the head of ForceP and that the predicate fronts to a position in the structurally lower Fin(ite)P. -
Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: a Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California
Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: A Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California Jane H. Hill, William L. Merrill Anthropological Linguistics, Volume 59, Number 1, Spring 2017, pp. 1-23 (Article) Published by University of Nebraska Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/anl.2017.0000 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683122 Access provided by Smithsonian Institution (9 Nov 2018 13:38 GMT) Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: A Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California JANE H. HILL University of Arizona WILLIAM L. MERRILL Smithsonian Institution Abstract. The hypothesis that the members of the Proto—Uto-Aztecan speech community were maize farmers is premised in part on the assumption that a Proto—Uto-Aztecan etymon for ‘maize’ can be reconstructed; this implies that cognates with maize-related meanings should be attested in languages in both the Northern and Southern branches of the language family. A Proto—Southern Uto-Aztecan etymon for ‘maize’ is reconstructible, but the only potential cog- nate for these terms documented in a Northern Uto-Aztecan language is a single Gabrielino word. However, this word cannot be identified definitively as cognate with the Southern Uto-Aztecan terms for ‘maize’; consequently, the existence of a Proto—Uto-Aztecan word for ‘maize’ cannot be postulated. 1. Introduction. Speakers of Uto-Aztecan languages lived across much of western North America at the time of their earliest encounters with Europeans or Euro-Americans. Their communities were distributed from the Columbia River drainage in the north through the Great Basin, southern California, the American Southwest, and most of Mexico, with outliers as far south as Panama (Miller 1983; Campbell 1997:133—38; Caballero 2011; Shaul 2014). -
Phonetics and Phonology
46 2 Phonetics and Phonology In this chapter I describe the segmental and suprasegmental categories of CLZ phonology, both how they are articulated and how they fall into the structures of syllable and word. I also deal with phono-syntactic and phono-semantic issues like intonation and the various categories of onomatopoetic words that are found. Other than these last two issues this chapter deals only with strictly phonetic and phonological issues. Interesting morpho-phonological details, such as the details of tonal morphology, are found in Chapters 4-6. Sound files for most examples are included with the CD. I begin in §2.1 and §2.2 by describing the segments of CLZ, how they are articulated and what environments they occur in. I describe patterns of syllable structure in §2.3. In §2.4 I describe the vowel nasalization that occurs in the SMaC dialect. I go on to describe the five tonal categories of CLZ and the main phonetic components of tone: pitch, glottalization and length in §2.5. Next I give brief discussions of stress (§2.6), and intonation (§2.7). During the description of segmental distribution I often mention that certain segments have a restricted distribution and do not occur in some position except in loanwords and onomatopoetic words. Much of what I consider interesting about loanwords has to do with stress and is described in §2.6 but I also give an overview of loanword phonology in §2.8. Onomatopoetic words are sometimes outside the bounds of normal CLZ phonology both because they can employ CLZ sounds in unusual environments and because they may contain sounds which are not phonemic in CLZ. -
Universidaddesonora
U N I V E R S I D A D D E S O N O R A División de Humanidades y Bellas Artes Maestría en Lingüística Adverbial clauses in Veracruz Huasteca Nahuatl from a functional-typological approach TESIS Que para optar por el grado de Maestro en Lingüística Presenta Jesús Francisco Olguín Martínez 2016 CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABBREVIATIONS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1 Veracruz Huasteca Nahuatl: Some basic grammatical facts 5 1.1 Grammatical background 9 1.1.1 Phonological sketch 9 1.1.2 Word verb forms, noun phrases and adpositional phrases 10 1.1.2.1 Word verb forms 10 1.1.2.2 Noun phrases 13 1.1.2.3 Adpositional phrases 14 1.1.3 Simple clause 15 1.1.4 Alignment system 17 1.1.5 Primary object language 19 1.1.6 Head-marking language 20 CHAPTER 2 Adverbial clauses: Theoretical preliminaries 22 2.1 Function and form of adverbial clauses: Some basic notions 22 2.2 Adverbial clauses: A semantic and morphosyntactic analysis 30 2.2.1 Temporal clauses 30 2.2.1.1 Precedence 31 2.2.1.2 Subsequence 37 2.2.1.2.1 Subsequence: Chronological order 38 2.2.1.2.2 Subsequence: Cause/reason 40 2.2.1.3 Simultaneity 43 2.2.2 Conditional clauses 47 2.2.3 Concessive conditionals 51 2.2.4 Cause/reason 53 2.2.4.1 Agentive external cause for the event 54 2.2.4.2 Non-agentive external cause for the event 55 2.2.4.3 Eventive external reason for the action 55 2.2.4.4 Non-eventive external reason for the action 56 2.2.4.5 Eventive internal reason for the action 56 2.2.4.6 Non-eventive internal reason for the action 57 2.2.5 Concessive clauses 57 2.2.6 Purpose clauses 62 2.2.7 -
Language EI Country Genetic Unit Speakers RI Acatepec Tlapanec 5
Language EI Country Genetic Unit Speakers RI Acatepec Tlapanec 5 Mexico Subtiapa-Tlapanec 33000 1 Alacatlatzala Mixtec 4.5 Mexico Mixtecan 23000 2 Alcozauca Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 10000 3 Aloápam Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 2100 4 Amatlán Zapotec 5 Mexico Zapotecan 6000 5 Amoltepec Mixtec 3 Mexico Mixtecan 6000 6 Ascunción Mixtepec Zapotec 1 Mexico Zapotecan 100 7 Atatláhuca Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 8300 8 Ayautla Mazatec 5 Mexico Popolocan 3500 9 Ayoquesco Zapotec 3 Mexico Zapotecan < 900 10 Ayutla Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 8500 11 Azoyú Tlapanec 1 Mexico Subtiapa-Tlapanec < 680 12 Aztingo Matlatzinca 1 Mexico Otopamean > < 100 13 Matlatzincan Cacaloxtepec Mixtec 2.5 Mexico Mixtecan < 850 14 Cajonos Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 5000 15 Central Hausteca Nahuatl 5 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 200000 16 Central Nahuatl 3 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 40000 17 Central Pame 4 Mexico Pamean 4350 18 Central Puebla Nahuatl 4.5 Mexico Uto-Aztecan 16000 19 Chaopan Zapotec 5 Mexico Zapotecan 24000 20 Chayuco Mixtec 5 Mexico Mixtecan 30000 21 Chazumba Mixtec 2 Mexico Mixtecan < 2,500 22 Chiapanec 1 Mexico Chiapanec-Mangue < 20 23 Chicahuaxtla Triqui 5 Mexico Mixtecan 6000 24 Chichicapan Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 4000 25 Chichimeca-Jonaz 3 Mexico Otopamean > < 200 26 Chichimec Chigmecatitlan Mixtec 3 Mexico Mixtecan 1600 27 Chiltepec Chinantec 3 Mexico Chinantecan < 1,000 28 Chimalapa Zoque 3.5 Mexico Zoque 4500 29 Chiquihuitlán Mazatec 3.5 Mexico Popolocan 2500 30 Chochotec 3 Mexico Popolocan 770 31 Coatecas Altas Zapotec 4 Mexico Zapotecan 5000 32 Coatepec Nahuatl 2.5 -
A New Approach to the Reconstitution of Thepronunciation of Timote-Cuica
A New Approach to the Reconstitution of the Pronunciation of Timote-Cuica (Venezuelan Andes) Matthias Urban Center for Advanced Studies ‘Words, Bones, Genes, Tools’ University of Tübingen Abstract This article concerns the extinct and poorly described native speech of the Venezuelan Andes conven- tionally known as Timote-Cuica, in particular its phonetics and phonology. While the available pre- phonemic and unsystematically transcribed corpus of data (consisting of about 900 words and 300 phrases and sentences) has already been analyzed using the method of reconstitution of imperfect data, remarks by the transcribers on the sound of Timote-Cuica have not been taken into account so far. Here, it is shown that these provide valuable clues to the reconstitution of Timote-Cuica pronunciation. In particu- lar, such observations in conjunction with a close analysis of the available data reinforce the idea of the presence of a high central vowel, but also suggest hitherto unrecognized properties, notably the presence of prenasalized stops that likely contrasted with their plain counterparts. 1 Introduction As the extinction of the world’s languages is continuing at an unprecedented pace, in the case of many lan- guages it is already too late for documentary efforts. As elsewhere, indigenous peoples of the Americas and their languages have come under extraordinary pressure ever since the European conquest. Driven by devas- tating population losses, it must in some cases have been within only very few generations of speakers that the language shift to Spanish was complete in. This scenario, for instance, probably applied to Quingnam, a once important language of coastal Peru. -
The Numeral System of Purepecha: Historical and Typological Perspectives Kate Bellamy
The numeral system of Purepecha: Historical and typological perspectives Kate Bellamy To cite this version: Kate Bellamy. The numeral system of Purepecha: Historical and typological perspectives. STUF, Akademie Verlag, In press, 4. halshs-03280910 HAL Id: halshs-03280910 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03280910 Submitted on 7 Jul 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Bellamy, Kate. 2021. The numeral system of Purepecha: Historical and typological perspectives. STUF - Language Typology & Universals 4. The Numeral System of Purepecha: Historical and Typological Perspectives1 Abstract The internal structure of numeral systems can shed light on processes of word formation, language contact and change. In this article I analyse the numeral system of Purepecha, a language isolate spoken in Michoacán (western Mexico), on the basis of historical and contemporary sources. The Purepecha system is unusual both typologically and areally since (i) it possesses monolexemic terms up to six, while seven to nine are compounds with five; and (ii) the forms for the base (20) and next power (400) have clear non-corporeal meanings, related instead to a configuration of objects and the notion of ‘living’, respectively. -
Hebrew and Egyptian Linkages
Where are the Descendants of the Book of Mormon People Today? A Comprehensive Study Links the Uto-Aztecan Languages of Western North America to Egyptian and Hebrew Lynn and David Rosenvall, June 2014 The Lord in a revelation to the Prophet Joseph Smith in 1833 declared that, “The Book of Mormon is a record of the forefathers of our western Tribes of Indians, … By it we learn that our western tribes of Indians are descendants from that Joseph that was sold into Egypt, and that the land of America is a promised land unto them, …” (History of the Church 1:315). Significant numbers of native Americans in western North America are found within what linguists call the Uto- Aztecan extended language family— stretching from the Shoshone of Montana, Wyoming, Oregon and Idaho and the Utes of Utah and Colorado south to the Aztecan (Nahuan) people of Mexico and the Pipil of El Salvador, Guatemala and Panama. In between are numerous Uto-Aztecan language groups such as the Hopi of Arizona, the Comanche of Oklahoma and the Tarahumara of northern Mexico. All these native American groups and subgroups share the same basic language and origin. Portraits of Uto-Aztecan people. Hebrew and Egyptian in Uto-Aztecan Languages | 1 A study by linguist Brian D. Stubbs has found the Uto-Aztecan language and its various subgroups impressively consist of more than 1,500 Egyptian, Hebrew and other Semitic words (cognates). Linguists trace a source region of these Uto-Aztecan people and their language to an area of southern California and northwest Mexico. -
Proto-Uto-Aztecans on Their Way to the Proto-Aztecan Homeland: Linguistic Evidence*
Albert Davletshin Russian State University for the Humanities (Moscow) Proto-Uto-Aztecans on their way to the Proto-Aztecan homeland: linguistic evidence* The Uto-Aztecan language family is one of the largest genetically related groups of the Americas, whose speakers inhabited a vast territory, extending from the state of Oregon to Panama. The paper is based on the observation that six Proto-Uto-Aztecan animal names re- ceived the augemnt *yoː in Proto-Aztecan. This augment can be interpreted as a suffix of ab- stract possession which derives abstract nouns and indicates possession of the object or quality. Thus, Proto-Aztecan ‘coyote’ *koyoː- literaly means ‘one of the coyote’s, somewhat like the coyote’, ‘owl’ *tkoloː- ‘one of the owl’s, somewhat like the owl’, etc. This change in meaning implies that the Proto-Uto-Aztecan homeland must have been ecologically different from the place to which speakers of Proto-Aztecan later migrated. Keywordsː Uto-Aztecan languages, Aztecan languages, Mesoamerican linguistics, prehistoric migrations, original homeland reconstruction. The Uto-Aztecan language family is one of the largest genetically related language groups of the Americas (Campbell 1997: 133–137). According to conservative estimates, it consists of over 30 individual languages, whose speakers inhabited the vast territory extending from the state of Oregon to Panama (Fig. 1). The distance as the crow flies between the two places is over 5500 km. One glottochronological estimate places the break-up of Proto-Uto-Aztecan at around 5,000 years ago (48 minimum centuries of divergence according to Terrence Kaufman 1976: 73; see also Miller 1984), while the estimate of Holman, Brown et al. -
Nahuatl As a Classical, Foreign, and Additional Language: a Phenomenological Study
The Qualitative Report 2012 Volume 17, Article 78, 1-23 http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR17/defelice.pdf Nahuatl as a Classical, Foreign, and Additional Language: A Phenomenological Study Dustin De Felice University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, USA In this study, participants learning an endangered language variety shared their experiences, thoughts, and feelings about the often complex and diverse language-learning process. I used phenomenological interviews in order to learn more about these English or Spanish language speakers’ journey with the Nahuatl language. From first encounter to their current state in their journey, participants described their challenges with gaining access to the language through courses, materials and institutions, their language observations and their sustaining motivations. In addition to those descriptions, my analysis showed many participants shared two underlying motivations for studying this language: (a) using the Nahuatl language for specific purposes, and (b) using Nahuatl as a connection to an historical or cultural past. Both of these motivations were driven by a higher purpose in ensuring the survival of speakers of this language group. Keywords: Nahuatl, Endangered Language, Language Learning, Phenomenology According to Nettle and Romaine (2000), the diversity of the world’s languages is rapidly disappearing as speakers of minority language groups face mounting pressures to abandon their mother tongues. One of these languages, the Nahuatl language (primarily spoken within the borders of Mexico) is undergoing a shift in attitudes and interests among non-native speakers as a surge in both participants and programs have appeared with technology continuing to offer access to even the remotest locations (Abley, 2005; Eisenlohr, 2004). -
Lecture Notes and Other Handouts for Introductory Phonology
Lecture Notes and Other Handouts for Introductory Phonology: A Course Packet Steve Parker GIAL and SIL International Dallas, 2013 Copyright © 2013 by Steve Parker and other contributors Preface This set of materials is designed to be used as handouts accompanying an introductory course in phonology, particularly at the undergraduate level. It is specifically intended to be used in conjunction with Stephen Marlett’s 2001 textbook, An Introduction to Phonological Analysis. The latter is currently available for free download from the SIL Mexico branch website. However, this course packet could potentially also be adapted for use with other phonology textbooks. The materials included here have been developed by myself and others over many years, in conjunction with courses in introductory phonology taught at SIL programs in North Dakota, Oregon, Dallas, and Norman, OK. Most recently I have used them at GIAL. Two colleagues in particular have contributed significantly to many of these handouts: Jim Roberts and Steve Marlett, to whom my thanks. I would also like to express my appreciation and gratitude to Becky Thompson for her very practical service in helping combine all of the individual files into one exhaustive document, and formatting it for me. Many of the special phonetic characters appearing in these materials use IPA fonts available as freeware from the SIL International website. Unless indicated to the contrary on specific individual handouts, all materials used in this packet are the copyright of Steve Parker. These documents are intended primarily for educational use. You may make copies of these works for research or instructional purposes (under fair use guidelines) free of charge and without further permission.