DOCSLIB.ORG

Between Regimes: Institutional Design in Transitional Groups By

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Between Regimes: Institutional Design in Transitional Groups By Between Regimes: Institutional Design in Transitional Groups By Katherine Eleanor Michel A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Michael S. Fish, Co-Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg, Co-Chair Professor Leonardo R. Arriola Professor Sarah F. Anzia Spring 2016 Abstract Between Regimes: Institutional Design in Transitional Groups by Katherine Eleanor Michel Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor M. Steven Fish, Co-Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg, Co-Chair This dissertation proposes a new framework from which to study political regime transitions, arguing from a basis in counterfactual reasoning that it is necessary to shift the focus from ex-post coding based on transition outcomes to ex-ante coding of cases with the potential for regime transition. Straddling the literatures on transitions, democratization, authoritarianism, founding elections, and power-sharing, I investigate the inner workings of a rarely studied transitional period, assessing the types of institutions that countries form during the foundational, yet often chaotic, moments of a regime transition. I systematically characterize a number of paths that countries embark on in the period between regimes and, in so doing, identify a new unit of analysis that I term “transitional groups”: unelected, interim groups formed during potential regime transitions with the stated intent of holding elections and transferring power to a popularly legitimate government. I assemble a novel dataset that describes the existence of transitional groups over the period 1989 to 2010. I then conduct statistical analysis on this data to analyze how transitional groups affect the extent and direction of regime change. I argue that, while the introduction of transitional groups can often accelerate the pace of democratization, in some circumstances—particularly, when power is either too consolidated in a few actors or too dispersed among many—the introduction of transitional groups can actually make democratization harder. My dissertation provides insights into transitional or foundational events and highlights how formalized transitional groups vary tremendously across space and time. 1 Table of Contents Chapter One. Paths between Regimes: Fostering Stability from Chaos? ……………………........1 Chapter Two. Rethinking Regime Transitions: Analyzing the Potential for Change through Transitional Groups ...………………………………………………………..…...23 Chapter Three. Transitional Groups, Democratization, and Founding Elections…...……………55 Chapter Four. All for One and One for All? How “Inclusive” Transitional Groups May Hinder Democratization Prospects ...……………………………………....….....81 Chapter Five. Conclusion: Between Regimes …….……………………………………………108 References ...……………………………………………………………………………………116 Appendices Appendix 1A. Additional Figures and Tables ......………………………….……………135 Appendix 2A. Transitional Event Dates ......………………………………..…………...139 Appendix 2B. Additional Regional Maps ...……………………………………………..145 Appendix 2C. Interaction of Prior Regime Type and Mode of Transition ……….……...147 Appendix 3A. Additional Figures and Tables ……………...............................................148 Appendix 3B. Transitional Group Attributes—Data Issues ….….....................................158 Appendix 4A. Transitional Group Composition …………………………………….......160 Appendix 4B. Shifts in Transitional Groups ………………………………………….....165 Appendix 4C. Transitional Group Composition—Data Issues ……………………….....167 Coding Appendix A. Potential Regime Transition Case Descriptions ....……………......169 Coding Appendix B. Case-Specific References for Coding Appendix A .................…....278 i List of Figures and Tables Figures Figure 1-1. The big picture: transitional paths between political regimes ………………...……….2 Figure 1-2. Map of the commonly-specified understanding of democratization……………..……5 Figure 1-3. Expanded map of the democratization process...…….……………………………......7 Figure 1-4. Map of the regime transition process...…….………………………………………….8 Figure 1-5. Number of news articles over time in the ten most frequently occurring countries…..12 Figure 1-6. Proportion of news articles over time and across regions...…….…………………….13 Figure 1-7. Counterfactual reasoning in political regime transitions……………..………………17 Figure 1-8. Connecting transitional arrangements to the extent of regime change.........................20 Figure 2-1. Overall conceptual schema describing the transitional period….................................26 Figure 2-2. World map of the frequency of potential regime transitions (PRTs), 1989-2010….....35 Figure 2-3. Comparison of transitional group (TG) coding variations……………………………45 Figure 2-4. Revised overall conceptual schema, with additional paths highlighted in grey………46 Figure 2-5. Transitional groups (TGs) in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1989-2010.………………………47 Figure 2-6. Transitional groups (TGs) in the post-communist region, 1989-2010.…………….....48 Figure 3-1. Overview of the conceptual schema describing potential regime transition cases…...56 Figure 3-2. Spectrum of interim arrangements during the transitional period…….……………...57 Figure 3-3. Change in the average level of political rights across potential regime transition cases with and without transitional groups, five and ten years after the transitional event……..60 Figure 3-4. Shortest duration from a transitional event to a national election, across potential regime transition cases with and without transitional groups………………………...68 Figure 3-5. Marginal effect of transitional group on election quality, moderated by the duration to the first national (presidential or parliamentary) election………………………….74 Figure 3-6. Relationship between the duration (in days) from the transitional event to the first national election and election quality.…….…………..……………………………………….75 Figure 3-7. Paths of potential regime transitions: delayed transitional groups…………………...76 Figure 3-8. Delay (in days) in the initial onset of a transitional group after a transitional event……...…….…………..………………………………………………………………….76 Figure 4-1. “Inclusion” as the intersection of participation and power-sharing…….………….....85 Figure 4-2. Coordination problems within transitional groups…….…………..…………………87 Figure 4-3. Typology of transitional groups (TGs), based on levels of inclusiveness…….………89 Figure 4-4. Conceptual schema mapping variations with potential regime transition cases with transitional groups (TGs)…….…………………………………………………………...90 Figure 4-5. Histogram of transitional group size across the 70 cases in the dataset........................92 Figure 4-6. Distribution of transitional groups, by type…………………………………………..94 Figure 4-7. Five-year regime change across transitional group types ………………………........96 Figure 4-8. Shortest duration from a transitional group’s (TG’s) formation to a national election, across types of TGs ………………………………………………………………...101 Figure 4-9. Paths of potential regime transitions: sequential transitional groups.…….…………103 Figure 5-1. Transitional paths between political regimes…….…………..……………………..108 ii Tables Table 1-1. Ten countries with the highest frequency of news articles, 1985-2014.…………….....11 Table 1-2. Total number of articles across regions, 1985-2014.…………….................................13 Table 1-3. Unique subject terms across regions, 1985-2014..…………….....................................15 Table 2-1. Overview of transitional events……………………………..…………………….......32 Table 2-2. Frequency of potential regime transitions (PRTs) by country, 1989-2010………….....35 Table 2-3. Transitional groups (TGs) by region, 1989-2010………………………………….......47 Table 2-4. Timeline of national conference opening dates.…………………………………….....49 Table 2-5. Transitional groups (TGs) by prior regime type, 1989-2010…………………………..50 Table 2-6. Average difference in Freedom House’s political rights score across potential regime transition (PRT) cases with and without transitional groups….………………………..51 Table 2-7. Transitional groups (TGs) by transitional event type, 1989-2010..……………………52 Table 3-1. Summary of transitional group (TG) coding classifications for cases of potential regime transition ………………………………………………………………………………57 Table 3-2. Change in the average level of democracy across potential regime transition cases with and without transitional groups (TGs), five and ten years after the transitional event…….59 Table 3-3. Coefficient for transitional groups ( RTG) in OLS regressions for the dependent variables of five- and ten-year change in Freedom House’s (FH) political rights measure, with robust standard errors in parentheses.………………………………̂ ………………….....61 Table 3-4. Potential regime transition cases (PRTs) with and without transitional groups (TGs) that culminate in elections, in percentages..……………………………………………..63 Table 3-5. LPM results for the dependent variable of the occurrence of a constitutional referendum, with robust standard errors in parentheses and all time-variant covariates lagged by one year prior to the transitional event...……………………………….....................66 Table 3-6. Average duration (in days) from the date of a transitional event to election event types, across potential regime transition cases with and without transitional groups..................68 Table 3-7. Zero-truncated Negative Binomial model results for the dependent variable of duration (in days) from the transitional
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Industrial Policy in Ethiopia
    Industrial policy in Ethiopia Tilman Altenburg Bonn 2010 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 Altenburg, Tilman: Industrial policy in Ethiopia / Tilman Altenburg. – Bonn : DIE, 2010. − (Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ; 2/2010) ISBN 978-3-88985-477-3 Tilman Altenburg, Economic Geographer, Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) E-Mail: [email protected] © Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik gGmbH Tulpenfeld 6, 53113 Bonn ℡ +49 (0)228 94927-0 +49 (0)228 94927-130 E-Mail: [email protected] http://www.die-gdi.de Contents Abbreviations Summary 1 Introduction 3 1 Initial conditions and challenges for industrial policy 5 1.1 Socio-economic situation 5 1.2 Historical and political background 6 1.3 Enterprise structure 9 1.4 State-business relations 12 2 Industrial policy: Ideology and practice 14 2.1 The Ethiopian government’s overall development perspective 14 2.2 Ethiopia’s industrial development strategy: A critical review 17 2.3 Policy formulation and implementation in practice 20 3 Case studies 22 3.1 The leather and leather products industry 22 3.2 The emerging cut flower industry 24 3.3 Lessons from the case studies 27 4 Conclusions 29 Bibliography 33 Abbreviations ADLI Agricultural Demand-Led Industrialisation BMZ Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development) EFFORT Endowment Fund for Rehabilitation of Tigray EHPEA Ethiopian Horticulture Producers and Exporters
    [Show full text]
  • Arrêt N° 009/2016/CC/ME Du 07 Mars 2016
    REPUBLIQUE DU NIGER FRATERNITE-TRAVAIL-PROGRES COUR CONSTITUTIONNELLE Arrêt n° 009/CC/ME du 07 mars 2016 La Cour constitutionnelle statuant en matière électorale, en son audience publique du sept mars deux mil seize tenue au palais de ladite Cour, a rendu l’arrêt dont la teneur suit : LA COUR Vu la Constitution ; Vu la loi organique n° 2012-35 du 19 juin 2012 déterminant l’organisation, le fonctionnement de la Cour constitutionnelle et la procédure suivie devant elle ; Vu la loi n° 2014-01 du 28 mars 2014 portant régime général des élections présidentielles, locales et référendaires ; Vu le décret n° 2015-639/PRN/MISPD/ACR du 15 décembre 2015 portant convocation du corps électoral pour les élections présidentielles ; Vu l’arrêt n° 001/CC/ME du 9 janvier 2016 portant validation des candidatures aux élections présidentielles de 2016 ; Vu la lettre n° 250/P/CENI du 27 février 2016 du président de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante (CENI) transmettant les résultats globaux provisoires du scrutin présidentiel 1er tour, aux fins de validation et proclamation des résultats définitifs ; Vu l’ordonnance n° 013/PCC du 27 février 2016 de Madame le Président portant désignation d’un Conseiller-rapporteur ; Vu les pièces du dossier ; Après audition du Conseiller-rapporteur et en avoir délibéré conformément à la loi ; EN LA FORME 1 Considérant que par lettre n° 250 /P/CENI en date du 27 février 2016, enregistrée au greffe de la Cour le même jour sous le n° 18 bis/greffe/ordre, le président de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante (CENI) a saisi la Cour aux fins de valider et proclamer les résultats définitifs du scrutin présidentiel 1er tour du 21 février 2016 ; Considérant qu’aux termes de l’article 120 alinéa 1 de la Constitution, «La Cour constitutionnelle est la juridiction compétente en matière constitutionnelle et électorale.» ; Que l’article 127 dispose que «La Cour constitutionnelle contrôle la régularité des élections présidentielles et législatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany, International Justice and the 20Th Century
    Paul Betts Dept .of History University of Sussex NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR: DRAFT VERSION: THE FINAL DRAFT OF THIS ESSAY WILL APPEAR IN A SPECIAL ISSUE OF HISTORY AND MEMORY IN APRIL, 2005, ED. ALON CONFINO Germany, International Justice and the 20th Century The turning of the millennium has predictably spurred fresh interest in reinterpreting the 20th century as a whole. Recent years have witnessed a bountiful crop of academic surveys, mass market picture books and television programs devoted to recalling the deeds and misdeeds of the last one hundred years. It then comes as no surprise that Germany often figures prominently in these new accounts. If nothing else, its responsibility for World War I, World War II and the Holocaust assures its villainous presence in most every retrospective on offer. That Germany alone experienced all of the modern forms of government in one compressed century – from constitutional monarchy, democratic socialism, fascism, Western liberalism to Soviet-style communism -- has also made it a favorite object lesson about the so-called Age of Extremes. Moreover, the enduring international influence of Weimar culture, feminism and the women’s movement, social democracy, post-1945 economic recovery, West German liberalism, environmental politics and most recently pacifism have also occasioned serious reconsideration of the contemporary relevance of the 20th century German past. Little wonder that several commentators have gone so far as to christen the “short twentieth century” between 1914 and 1989 as really the “German century,” to the extent that German history is commonly held as emblematic of Europe’s 20th century more generally.1 Acknowledging Germany’s central role in 20th century life has hardly made things easy for historians, however.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution Messay Kebede University of Dayton, [email protected]
    University of Dayton eCommons Philosophy Faculty Publications Department of Philosophy 2011 Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution Messay Kebede University of Dayton, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ecommons.udayton.edu/phl_fac_pub Part of the History of Philosophy Commons eCommons Citation Kebede, Messay, "Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution" (2011). Philosophy Faculty Publications. Paper 36. http://ecommons.udayton.edu/phl_fac_pub/36 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Philosophy at eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. 1 Controversies over .the Nature of the Ethio­ pian Social Change The widespread social protest that resulted in the overthrow of Ethiopia's impe­ rial regime in 1974 was soon followed by a series of radical and deep-going social changes that heralded the implementation of a socialist policy. Neverthe­ less, despite the unprecedented changes that took place, scholars do not agree on the true nature of the social transformation of Ethiopia. Those who speak of a genuine socialist revolution clash with those who denounce counterrevolution­ ary digressions. Some maintain that the transformations are minor against a background of overwhelming continuity. Another smaller group insists that so­ cialism was used as a smokescreen for the implementation of state capitalism. Let us review briefly their main arguments for the purpose of getting a sense of the theoretical challenges that the Ethiopian transformations pose to existing theories of revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    Ajalooline Ajakiri, 2016, 3/4 (157/158), 477–511 Historical consciousness, personal life experiences and the orientation of Estonian foreign policy toward the West, 1988–1991 Kaarel Piirimäe and Pertti Grönholm ABSTRACT The years 1988 to 1991 were a critical juncture in the history of Estonia. Crucial steps were taken during this time to assure that Estonian foreign policy would not be directed toward the East but primarily toward the integration with the West. In times of uncertainty and institutional flux, strong individuals with ideational power matter the most. This article examines the influence of For- eign Minister Lennart Meri’s and Prime Minister Edgar Savisaar’s experienc- es and historical consciousness on their visions of Estonia’s future position in international affairs. Life stories help understand differences in their horizons of expectation, and their choices in conducting Estonian diplomacy. Keywords: historical imagination, critical junctures, foreign policy analysis, So- viet Union, Baltic states, Lennart Meri Much has been written about the Baltic states’ success in breaking away from Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and their decisive “return to the West”1 via radical economic, social and politi- Research for this article was supported by the “Reimagining Futures in the European North at the End of the Cold War” project which was financed by the Academy of Finland. Funding was also obtained from the “Estonia, the Baltic states and the Collapse of the Soviet Union: New Perspectives on the End of the Cold War” project, financed by the Estonian Research Council, and the “Myths, Cultural Tools and Functions – Historical Narratives in Constructing and Consolidating National Identity in 20th and 21st Century Estonia” project, which was financed by the Turku Institute for Advanced Studies (TIAS, University of Turku).
    [Show full text]
  • Ex Injuria Jus Non Oritur
    Ex injuria jus non oritur Periaatteet ja käytäntö Viron tasavallan palauttamisessa Veikko Johannes Jarmala Helsingin yliopisto Valtiotieteellinen tiedekunta Poliittinen historia Pro gradu -tutkielma toukokuu 2017 Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Valtiotieteellinen tiedekunta Politiikan ja talouden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Veikko Jarmala Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Ex injuria jus non oritur – Periaatteet ja käytäntö Viron tasavallan palauttamisessa Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Poliittinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and year Sivumäärä – Sidoantal – Number of pages pro gradu-tutkielma toukokuu 2017 136 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Oikeudellinen jatkuvuus (vir. õiguslik järjepidevus) on Viron tasavallan valtioidentiteetin perusta. Vuodesta 1944 lähtien pakolaisyhteisö oli haaveillut Viron vapauttamisesta ja tasavallan palauttamisesta. Se piti yllä pakolaistoiminnassaan oikeudellista jatkuvuutta, vaikkakin sen määrittelyprosessi ei ollut lainkaan sovinnollista pakolaisuuden alkuvuosina. Ulko-Viro ja koti-Viro olivat etäällä toisistaan aina 1980-luvun loppuun asti, jolloin Neuvostoliiton uudistuspolitiikka avasi mahdollisuuden yhteydenpitoon. Perestroika nosti ensin vaatimukset Eestin SNT:n suuremmasta itsehallinnosta, jota alkoi ajaa perestroikan tueksi perustettu Viron kansanrintama johtajanaan Edgar Savisaar. IME-ohjelman (Isemajandav Eesti) tuli pelastaa neuvosto-Eesti, mutta kansanrintaman vastustajaksi perustettu Interliike
    [Show full text]
  • Global Economic Prospects June 2016
    EMBARGOED: Not for newswire transmission, posting on websites, or any other media use until Wednesday, January 6, 2016, 3:01pm EST (8:01pm GMT) 25th anniversary edition A World Bank Group Flagship Report JUNE 2016 Global Economic Prospects Divergences and Risks JUNE 2016 © 2016 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved 1 2 3 4 19 18 17 16 This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Nothing herein shall constitute or be considered to be a limitation upon or waiver of the privileges and immunities of The World Bank, all of which are specifically reserved. Rights and Permissions This work is available under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 IGO license (CC BY 3.0 IGO) http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/3.0/igo. Under the Creative Commons Attribution license, you are free to copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt this work, including for commercial purposes, under the following conditions: Attribution —Please cite the work as follows: World Bank Group.
    [Show full text]
  • “Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset De-Stalinization”
    “Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset de-Stalinization” May 5, 2018 marked the 200th anniversary of Karl Marx’s birth. Whatever the attitude towards this philosopher, nobody denies that his heritage largely shaped the 20th century and that today’s demand for Marxist-related ideas is much above supply. What has happened to left- wing and Communist ideas following the collapse of the Soviet Union and how does decommunization influence societies? Russia in Global Affairs editor Alexander Solovyov discusses these and other related topics with Sergei Solovyov, editor-in-chief of Skepsis magazine. – What made Eastern Europe and some post-Soviet republics launch decommunization? – firstly, it is the ideological embodiment of what in eastern europe is commonly called “regime change.” a key element of a newly- invented myth of the fundamental break with the so-called Communist past, which is a clue to the legitimation of the new elite. This policy, as far as I can judge, is enforced more radically the stronger the real ties are between the elite’s nomenklatura and the previous political regime. a clear example of this is hungary, where the technocratic mid-level career functionaries began to insist (as soon as they laid hands on the previous regime’s property) on the most resolute ideological break with the country’s past. on this soil hungarian nationalism soared and Jobbik—the movement for a Better hungary party—emerged in the limelight … I should say that in hungary today we have what I would Sergei M. Solovyov is an Associate Professor in the Social Psychology Department at the Mos- cow State Institute of Psychology and Pedagogy.
    [Show full text]
  • Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia
    ‘Listen, Politics is not for Children:’ Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Henryatta Louise Ballah Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Drs. Ousman Kobo, Advisor Antoinette Errante Ahmad Sikianga i Copyright by Henryatta Louise Ballah 2012 ii Abstract This dissertation explores the historical causes of the Liberian civil war (1989- 2003), with a keen attention to the history of Liberian youth, since the beginning of the Republic in 1847. I carefully analyzed youth engagements in social and political change throughout the country’s history, including the ways by which the civil war impacted the youth and inspired them to create new social and economic spaces for themselves. As will be demonstrated in various chapters, despite their marginalization by the state, the youth have played a crucial role in the quest for democratization in the country, especially since the 1960s. I place my analysis of the youth in deep societal structures related to Liberia’s colonial past and neo-colonial status, as well as the impact of external factors, such as the financial and military support the regime of Samuel Doe received from the United States during the cold war and the influence of other African nations. I emphasize that the socio-economic and political policies implemented by the Americo- Liberians (freed slaves from the U.S.) who settled in the country beginning in 1822, helped lay the foundation for the civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • R Evue De /Presse Hebdom Adaire 52
    AMBASSADE DE FRANCE AU NIGER Service de Presse LE NIGER A TRAVERS SA PRESSE DU 27 DECEMBRE 2010 AU 02 JANVIER 2011 SOMMAIRE INTERNATIONAL Côte d’Ivoire COOPERATION BILATERALE ET MULTILATERALE Chine Japon POLITIQUE ET AFFAIRES INTERIEURES CSRD Gouvernement Conseil Consultatif National Inspection Générale d’Etat CLDEFF CNDP PARTIS POLITIQUES – ASSOCIATIONS - SYNDICATS MNSD Nassara RDP Jama’a Candidats indépendants aux élections présidentielles PPN/RDA SOCIETE Médias Santé Justice ECONOMIE NIGELEC CULTURE - SPORT Lutte traditionnelle Arts plastiques Revue de /presse hebdomadaire 52 hebdomadaire /presse Revue de 1 INTERNATIONAL Côte d’Ivoire - Le Chef de l’Etat, le Général Salou Djibo, a pris part en qualité d’observateur, le 24 décembre à Abuja (Nigeria), à la session extraordinaire des Chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement de la CEDEAO consacrée à la situation en Côte d’Ivoire, Le Sahel (27/12/10). A l’issue de la session, les Chefs d’Etat ont réitéré leur position à l’égard du statut « non négociable », précise la déclaration, de M. Ouattara comme Président de la République de Côte d’Ivoire. Ils ont exhorté M. Laurent Gbagbo « à faire une sortie pacifique », grâce à l’intervention d’une délégation spéciale de haut niveau en côte d’Ivoire. « En cas de rejet de cette demande non négociable par M. Gbagbo, conclut la déclaration, la communauté n’aura d’autre choix que de prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires, y compris l’usage de la force légitime pour réaliser les aspirations du peuple ivoirien ». - La mission des Chefs d’Etat dépêchée en Côte d’Ivoire le 28 décembre « n’a rien donné », précise Le Républicain (30/12/10) .
    [Show full text]
  • The Chair of the African Union
    Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Rural Development and Migration: an Environmental Dimension
    CHAPTER 5 RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND MIGRATION: AN ENVIRONMENTAL DIMENSION Omar Bassaoud, Ciheam-Montpellier Ahmad Sadiddin, FAO The studies of the CIHEAM had drawn up a critical assessment of the situations that prevailed in the agricultural and rural world of southern Mediterranean coun- tries at the end of the years 2000: demographic vitality and rural exodus as a con- sequence of the farming crisis, poverty and precariousness of rural territories, ill-planned urbanisation, serious degradation of natural resources and high inequal- ities in the distribution of wealth (CIHEAM and Blue Plan, 2009 ; CIHEAM and AFD, 2011; CIHEAM, 2016). This research also focuses on the failures of agricultural and rural public policies that have led to the marginalisation, if not the exclusion, of rural areas from development processes. Today, it is clear that migratory phenomena are the ultimate consequences of these complex situations of poverty and unequal access to wealth, combined with political conflicts in the Arab countries (Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Libya and Syria), that have pushed hundreds of thousands of people – sometimes putting their lives at risk – to leave their villages, countries or region. In recent years, the acceleration of these flows, mainly towards Europe, has imposed migration issues on international polit- ical agendas (Schmoll et al., 2015)1. The review of an increasingly abundant literature on migration issues enables to establish close links between internal and cross-border migrations affecting southern Mediterranean countries (Thiollet, 2013). These studies show that in the Mediter- ranean, migrations have experienced a rapid change in (huge influx) flows, forms (undocumented migration), profiles of migrants (men, women, children), destina- tions and new routes and networks used (South-North, South-South) (NAQD, 2009; Insaniyat, 2015).
    [Show full text]