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Organized Crime, Culture, and Social Institutions in Europe: an Application of Institutional Anomie Theory

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Organized Crime, Culture, and Social Institutions in Europe: an Application of Institutional Anomie Theory ORGANIZED CRIME, CULTURE, AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS IN EUROPE: AN APPLICATION OF INSTITUTIONAL ANOMIE THEORY A research presented by Diana Summers Dolliver to The Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Criminology and Justice Policy Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts March, 2013 1 ORGANIZED CRIME, CULTURE, AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS IN EUROPE: AN APPLICATION OF INSTITUTIONAL ANOMIE THEORY by Diana Summers Dolliver ABSTRACT OF RESEARCH Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Criminology and Justice Policy in the Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities at Northeastern University March, 2013 2 ABSTRACT Organized crime activity is one form of transnational crime that is at the forefront of concerns for the global community. Organized crime quickly adapts to new social environments, illustrating its flexible and dynamic qualities. As the United Nation’s Organized Crime Threat Assessment (2011) noted, “More than ever before, strong levels of cooperation exist between different organized crime groups, transcending national, ethnic, and business differences” (8). Despite these alarming global trends, criminologists have not routinely applied a socio-cultural approach to an empirical study of organized crime. With Europe identified as the global “hotspot” for consumption of illicit goods and services provided by criminal organizations around the world, this study conducts an empirical assessment of macro-level organized crime trends in Europe through the theoretical guidance of Institutional Anomie Theory. Official and annually reported data were collected from fourteen countries in Europe from 1995 to 2009. Organized crime was operationalized using four measures of drug seizures (cannabis, heroin, cocaine, amphetamines). The fourteen countries were grouped into six country clusters representing different national contexts, in addition to being divided into two groups representing developed countries and countries in transition. The single country of Poland was further examined due to its international recognition as a source country for amphetamine production (DEA, 2004). The main findings indicate that: 1) Institutional Anomie Theory was not found to predict high levels of organized crime or homicides in this sample as well as originally anticipated; 2) cultural-institutional configurations were found to vary between countries and groups of countries, and each configuration differentially impacted the four measures of organized crime in Europe; 3) the four 3 proxies for organized crime were found to behave differently from each other in the given settings in this study; 4) intentional homicide rates (i.e., the traditional dependent variable that has been used in the majority of past empirical studies of Institutional Anomie Theory) did not operate well under the theory’s restrictions; and 5) some combinations of variables were found to be connected through common elements, which indicate policies aimed at one of the variables will have a similar impact on other variables. This will arm policymakers with additional tools to combat organized crime prevalence in this region. These findings have several implications for future studies of organized crime, as well as future applications of Institutional Anomie Theory in criminology, which include maximizing the scope and applicability of this criminological theory in different cultural- institutional settings. 4 © Copyright by Diana Summers Dolliver 2013 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Perhaps Robert Frost said it best: “I shall be telling this with a sigh somewhere ages and ages hence: two roads diverged in a wood, and I – I took the one less traveled by, and that has made all the difference.” In many different ways, for me this has been a long journey that would not at all have been possible without the support and guidance from so many important people in my life, both professionally and personally – and that has made all the difference. My travels down this path started many years ago, and I must thank Joe Kuhns and Paul Friday for their continued friendship and mentorship dating to my early days of academic ambitions, as well as their encouragement in applying to a Ph.D. program. Joe, I still remember taking Introduction to Law Enforcement with you, and your teaching style, personal insight, and professional guidance have influenced my professional development, and will continue to throughout my career. I would also like to thank my former colleagues at DEA: Nancy, Hutch, Rob, Chris, Andy, Sean, Jim, Dave, and everyone else who made those three years some of my best ever. My academic interests in drug trafficking and organized crime were solidified during these years, and the field experience has added invaluable insight to my dissertation and continued research. DEA is and will always be a part of my identity. I also have many people to thank from my doctoral program at Northeastern University. Phil He, I must thank you first for calling me on a summer’s afternoon in 2009 to give me the best news I had heard in months (if not longer, honestly) and a new beginning in Boston. My committee, composed of my chair Jack Greene, Ineke Marshall, Kamran Dadkhah, and Emil Pływaczewski, made this dissertation possible through countless hours of revisions, critiques, and guidance. Each member played a different but 6 vital role in its completion. I didn’t start working with Jack until my second year in the program. After hearing some of my dissertation-related ideas, Ineke urged me to email Jack (her husband) and set up a meeting with him. She told me that he shared many of my research interests in policing and would be a great person to work with, but to not be dissuaded if he didn’t smile enough at first. Unfazed, I met with Jack and quickly took to his keen insight and sense of humor, and ever since our first meeting he has been an integral part of my development as an academic. Jack guided me throughout the theoretical development that became the basis of my dissertation, helping me overcome my own stubbornness to see that theory really should come before methods. Thank you for your mentorship, patience, humor, and countless hours spent reading all the various versions of my “tome.” Kamran Dadkhah, thank you for the years you have spent teaching and guiding me through the econometric analyses used in my dissertation. You have shown me friendship that extends beyond methods, and were always there to lend an ear when I needed it. As a member of my committee housed in the Economics Department of Northeastern, you did not have to take me under your wing, but I am forever grateful that you did. I also have to thank Ineke Marshall and Emil Plywaczewski for serving on my dissertation committee. Ineke, you have been an important element of my entire cohort’s experience in this doctoral program, and I very much appreciate your insight into the comparative and theoretical aspects of my dissertation. Emil Plywaczewski, thank you for taking the time to be a part of this process. As the Dean of the Law School at the University of Bialystok in Poland, I am very grateful for your guidance and expertise on the organized crime aspects of my dissertation. 7 Other faculty at Northeastern I would like to thank include Jack McDevitt and Amy Farrell for the opportunity to work at the Research Center, and for your much appreciated words of wisdom throughout these four years. I would also like to extend thanks to my cohort, Matt Dolliver, Jen Ross, Mike Rocque, Kristin Rose, and Chad Posick, for being the most awesome group of people to share this experience with. I still think we should get “Cohort 6” t-shirts made. Stephanie Fahy, you are an adopted member of our cohort, and I want to thank you for your continued friendship over these years. Most importantly, I would like to thank my family for the emotional (and sometimes financial!) support throughout this process. You have watched me grow and change as a person from my time in Charlotte, to a very rough year in Rhode Island, and finally throughout these past four (challenging) years in Boston. Your love and support has always been unwavering, and words really cannot express my gratitude. I love you all. Most of all, I want to thank my husband and best friend, Matt. We met on our first day of orientation for the doctoral program in 301 Churchill Hall. You sat next to me and from that point on, forever changed my life. Few people who complete a doctoral degree experience what we have – that is, a spouse or partner who is also going through the same struggles and emotional rollercoaster that define every Ph.D. program. Hand-in-hand, you have been my shoulder to cry on, my study buddy, my intellectual sounding board, and most importantly my steadfast rock. Thank you for loving me, and for supporting my geographical ADD and my (sometimes unrealistic) ambitions. On this road less traveled, I have not been alone. I quite honestly could not have done any of this without you, and I dedicate this dissertation to you. 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 6 List of Tables 10 List of Figures 13 Chapter 1: Introduction 14 Chapter 2: Culture, Institutions, and Anomie: An Historical Review 19 Chapter 3: Organized Crime 74 Chapter 4: Research Questions, Methodology, Data, and Analytic Strategy 118 Chapter 5: Findings 167 Chapter 6: Conclusion 268 References 304 Appendices 325 9 LIST OF TABLES
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