50 • Beiträge zur historischen Sozialkunde

Gefördert aus Mitteln des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht und kulturelle Angelegenheiten, des Bundesministeriums Inhaltsverzeichnis für Wissenschaft und Verkehr und des Vereins „Kulturkon- 1 Introduction takte“ Michael Mitterauer 4 A Patriarchal Culture? Funktions and Forms of Family in the Balkans

AU ISSN 004-1618 Karl Kaser 21 Descent, Relationship Beiträge zur historischen Sozi- alkunde – Zeitschrift für Lehrer- and the Public fortbildung. Inhaber, Herausgeber, Redaktion: Verein für Geschichte Hannes Grandits/ 32 Traditional Value Patterns und Sozialkunde (VGS), c/o Insti- Joel M. Halpern and The War in Ex-Yugoslavia tut für Wirtschafts- und Sozialge- schichte, Dr. Karl Lueger Ring 1, 1010 Wien.

Hergestellt mit freundlicher Un- terstützung der Bank Austria Redaktion der Sondernummer/Editors of the special issue Ständige Mitarbeiter Wien: Eduard Fuchs, Michael Mitterauer, Karl Kaser, Birgit Bolognese-Leuchtenmüller, Hannes Grandits Ernst Bruckmüller, Markus Cer- man, Christa Donnermair, Franz Satz und graphische Gestaltung Eder, Alois Ecker, Hubert Ch. Jarmila Böhm Ehalt, Peter Eigner, Klaus Edel, Peter Feldbauer, Eduard Fuchs, Übersetzungen/Translators Herbert Knittler, Andrea Kom- Stefan Menhofer losy, Michael Mitterauer, Alois Mosser, Walter Sauer, Andrea Schnöller, Hannes Stekl Ständige Mitarbeiter Luxemburg: Jean-Paul Lehners

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Herausgeber (Bestelladresse): Bildquelle/Source Verein für Geschichte und Sozi- In the inner courtyard of an Albanian house in Kiçevo a street tradeswom- alkunde, an offers her colourful cloths for sale. The family head – c/o Institut für Wirtschafts- und left in the picture – has to give his consent first, however, before the mate- Sozialgeschichte der Universität Wien, Dr. Karl Lueger Ring 1, rials are bought. (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) A-1010 Wien Tel.: +43-1-4277/41305 (41301) All pictures of Lída Míøek are printed by her kind permission. They were Fax: +43-1-4277/9413 taken on her on various travels in the Balkans between 1978 and 1985. E-mail: vgs.wirtschaftsgeschich- The pictures on pages 11, 17, 18, 20, 21, 27, 29 first appeared in print in: [email protected] http://www.univie.ac.at/wirt- Lída und Tomá‚ Míøek, Entdeckung Balkan. Jugoslawien Griechenland schaftsgeschichte/vgs Bulgarien, Munich 1987 Beiträge zur historischen sozialkunde • 1

Introduction

As a new edition of the issue “Traditionelle Leb- several principal criticisms, in as far as they address enswelten auf dem Balkan” in the series “Beiträge practical aspects of imparting knowledge, of teach- zur historischen Sozialkunde” is now published ing. As to provide assistance a greater number of in English (“The Balkans – Traditional Patterns sources and pictures has been included. As regards of Life”) five years after the original edition this the explanations and observations made in the preface can do with some amplifying reflections. three articles offering a general survey the authors The great interest in the German issue which is and publishers of this issue are confident that they out of print since has prompted us to publish this can stand unrevised. English-language edition intended for a broader Two of the essential topics in the discussion about readership. The content and the historical approach the subjects of this issue shall be taken especially: of this issue as well as of other publications in the problems of the cultural specificity of violence the project “Balkan Family”, on which it is based, and the question complex dealing with family forms have provoked a scientific discussion which has in Southeast Europe. The article “Traditional Value to be dealt with. What is more, in the mean time Patterns and the War in Ex-Yugoslavia” makes Southeast Europe has been shaken by yet another the attempt at explaining behaviour patterns in war whose social repercussions are relevant also for wartime against the background of a traditional the scientific study of “traditional patterns of life in patriarchal world and its notions, admittedly an un- the Balkans”. conventional attempt but even so a very important one for educational work that aims to instruct and The content and the historical approach of this issue as well inform. One formulation that particularly invited as of other publications in the project “Balkan Family”, on criticism was: “A further characteristic of this war which it is based, have provoked a scientific discussion which are the atrocities perpetrated against women. How has to be dealt with. What is more, in the mean time Southeast better to give expression to one’s firm hold over Europe has been shaken by yet another war whose social reper- the enemy in a patriarchal world than to rape the cussions are relevant also for the scientific study of “traditional women of the enemy and thereby prove to him that patterns of life in the Balkans”. he is unable to protect “his” women? In patriarchal ways of thinking the expectations are that men die in battle, but the rape, torture and sometimes This expanded new edition addressed to a broader even the brutal murder of a woman are beyond readership is aimed both at school teaching and this world and its notions. Brutal violence against also at educational work in general – classes and women is aimed also at the male members of the lectures on university level for example. That in family as well as the extended circle of a woman’s Central and Western Europe an increased de- male kin”. This standpoint was massively contra- gree of educational work dealing with traditional dicted: the rapes of women in wartime being a circumstances of life in Southeast Europe is indeed constant cultural factor. All in all, it was argued that necessary to us seems to be the order of the day, one could not speak of culturally specific forms of in particular after the political events in the last violence in the context of the atrocities reported to months and in view of the reconstruction work have taken place in former Yugoslavia. Whenever that will have to be done in Southeast Europe on anthropological factors that are supposedly constant the part of the West. In as far as these materials are discussed an intercultural perspective of history are also used as teaching aids in the countries of is in particular demand. When such essential topics Southeast Europe it will be of great importance to as war and the use of violence are at the centre of take into account also those controversial ques- debate a scientific approach that stands up to close tions arising in the recent academic discussion. intersubjective scrutiny is of particular importance Originally, the intention was to publish some of the for educational work. contributions to this discussion as part of this new The question of different family forms in various edition. That, however, would have gone too far into large areas of Europe at first seems to be a much details and thus beyond the scope of a teaching less explosive subject. Even so, the debate on the aid. The bibliographical references respectively the so-called “European Marriage Pattern”, respectively suggestions for further reading the “Balkan family household”, makes the emotions list these contributions. The preface goes into of the participants in this discussion run high. The 2 • Beiträge zur historischen sozialkunde

fierceness of the discussion as such becomes only and Western Europe to the Balkans. He elaborates understandable against the background of different further: “Even when represented as being positive ways of approaching this issue. Historical family the other remains problematic nonetheless, for the research in Central and Western Europe strove at very reason that the assumption exists that every typification. Accordingly, the attention was focused statement expressing difference ( and however pos- on establishing differences. Specific family forms, itive it may be meant) implies or entails hierarchy, as can be encountered above all in the Western that is to say, power, subordination, isolation and Balkans, presented an extreme foil of contrast. For exclusion – if not even destruction. The reproach the analytical objective to find criteria of typifica- of othering, therefore, is frequently made with a tion this approach oriented towards extreme forms distinctly moralising undertone”. At the end of his was quite legitimate. On the other hand it seems analysis Schiffauer writes (page 30): “Summing up, understandable also that in generalisations on such the developments of the last years have led cultural a basis many researchers from Southeast Europe anthropology into a dilemma: the construction of could not recognise their present Lebensraum. the other has become problematic”, and, “There is, I Moreover, terms such as “European Marriage Pat- believe, no way out”. tern” were not comprehended as the expression of In history, too, the problem of othering is encoun- scientific model-finding interested in ideal types but tered, in particular in a historical-anthropological rather as a form of political exclusion and isolation. approach, such as this issue is committed to. The It seems understandable when in this situation in discussion about the “Balkan family” is a good ex- historical family forms elements of similarity are ample hereof. For historical anthropology, however, sought rather than differences. On a conference a the situation in all probability need not to be seen pointed formulation was coined in passing, referring quite as hopeless. Two differences in particular ap- to the “belief in the nuclear family as the ticket for pear to be essential between these two disciplines: Europe”. In all the bitterness of irony this remark accurately sums up the connection between scien- First: Historical anthropology examines the past tific points of view and the political realities. with regard to the present, but not the present itself. The criticism of the first edition of “The Balkans – “We” and the “others” thereby come into play in a Traditional Patterns of Life” also included aspects different way. When an Austrian researcher occupies regarding the content just as much as the approach himself with Austrian families in the 18th century his chosen by the authors. Anyone who writes from “collective awareness” as an Austrian is not in the a Central European perspective about historical least affected – from the present only the interest family forms in Southeast Europe lays the emphasis in the change of family structures flows into his on such phenomena as blood revenge and house analysis. In relation to the topic of his study he is a jurisdiction, the patron saint feast and economic “foreigner”, even though he works on his own Leb- life in complex family groups, patrilineality, the ensraum. Therefore, he can approach this subject in principle of seniority and a male-dominated the same distanced way as, say, Scandinavian, Ital- social order, perceives the Balkans as the “other”, ian or Greek family circumstances. This is different as “radically different”. “Othering” has become with an identification-related approach to history. a veritable catch-phrase in recent discussions Anyone for whom the historical family forms in his in the field of humanities. The German cultural culture of origin are important in relation to his anthropologist Werner Schiffauer in his article “Die “collective awareness” in the present day projects Angst vor der Differenz” (The fear of difference), this relationship “we” – the “others” into the past. published in Zeitschrift für Volkskunde (Journal on Only then the problem of othering arises at all. Only Folklore), makes the following principal statement: then the emphasis of differences can be perceived “The reproach of othering is fairly popular at the and felt as subordination, exclusion or degradation. moment. On cultural-anthropological conferences Such, the transition from an identification-related it is the done thing regularly to make this reproach approach to an analytical study of the past seems to every time a lecture aims at presenting a “different” be the decisive step for history towards overcoming culture, that is, at showing that the actions and this predicament. ways of thinking of members of a “different” ethnic Another difference to cultural anthropology seems to group follow a different “logical pattern” than that be that historical anthropology is less committed to which is familiar to us. It is said that the lecture strongly dichotomously contrasting forms of approach “dichotomises”, it compares us to the “others” – the than its neighbouring discipline which employs meth- West to the rest (respectively the Occident to the ods of field-work in restricted small areas. After all, Orient, Christianity to Islam, Northern Europe to the it is this dichotomous “discourse of difference” that Mediterranean)”. One might readily add “Central leads to the problematic forms of othering. Subor- Beiträge zur historischen sozialkunde • 3 dination, exclusion, isolation and degradation can history ought to be directed towards the present appear, at least or be suspected, every time two cul- and the future. Thus, deeper insights into traditional tures alone are compared to one another and there patterns of life in the Balkans can contribute to exist a close personal relation to one of them. If, a better understanding of the specific problems however, a third or fourth cultural area is included in refugees from this area have to face in their new this comparative analysis hierarchical evaluations on Central or Western European environment. The same the part of the reader will not be evoked in the same holds true for the situation of the migrant workers. way. The discussion about this issue and its content Specific difficulties in the host countries make it would definitively have – as would the debate on the a dictate of solidarity to give more thought to the “Balkan family” in general – lost a lot of its fierce- historical traditions of the migrants’ home countries. ness if an additional large area had been included In view of many such difficulties a didactics of dif- in the study, for instance the Mediterranean. This ference is in particularly high demand. would have underlined very clearly the comparative- The events of the Kosovo war bring “Europe” into analytical approach. Unfortunately, however, such it as well, with entirely different implications than an expanded volume will not be possible in this five years ago when this issue was first published. new edition. It seems to be important to mind the While the question about culturally specific forms of general principle: The risks respectively the suspicion violence in certain regions of Southeast Europe was of “othering” arise from a two-sided comparison; a asked at the time, today the reverse question seems multiple comparison, however, creates distance to- to be unavoidable: “Are there not culturally specific wards all the objects of comparison in the same way. forms of violence on the other side as well? Where This distance of the comparative approach can also do those methods of “clean” warfare come from? be achieved by differentiating within the examined What is behind the presentation of such forms of cultural areas. This issue presents numerous such violence as a media spectacle”? Foremost, “In what points of differentiation with regard to the various tradition of human rights could a so-called “human- forms of traditional patterns of life in the Balkans. To itarian intervention”, that is to say a “war for human take up these suggestions and analyse them more rights”, come about”? The bombings of Belgrade, closely could be an important didactic impulse in Novi Sad, Podgorica and Pri‚tina have undoubtedly dealing with the articles and sources presented here. widened the already existing gaps, respectively torn The differentiation within traditional patterns of life up a new gulf. Besides, one will have to accept it in other European large areas could not be outlined as the reality that far beyond the stage of former here. To take up this point can also be of great help Yugoslavia the trust put in Western values “has in disproving and refuting the suspicion of a euro- suffered a heavy set-back” throughout Southeast centrist attitude in looking into the topics examined Europe. In the field of academic and scientific co- here. All in all, it seems to be crucial to develop a operation and the presentation of research results in didactics of difference which opens up the possibility the respective institutions of the educational system of cultural comparison without degrading one side the situation has not become easier. The articles at the same time. This demand is relevant generally in this new edition are amidst this field of tension. in a world with a strong tendency to omnipresent They will certainly provoke renewed discussions. If, global networks, in relation to Southeast Europe however, they take place in a spirit of honesty and even more so in view of the difference in political mutual respect then such discussions, by virtue of power and assessment in past and present. a better understanding among the participants, will The Kosovo crisis which at the beginning of this also contribute just as well to building more trust year escalated into war lends a special relevance and confidence. and topicality to this new edition. The question Karl Kaser/Michael Mitterauer about the historical backgrounds of this renewed conflict in former Yugoslavia does not only preoc- English Version: STEFAN MENHOFER, © 1999 cupy academics. And this question about the roots clearly takes us beyond the scope of political events to the stage of historically traditional thinking and behaviour patterns in everyday life. Explaining the horrible past, however, is not the only thing that matters, it is essential also to obtain knowledge of typical conditions and patterns of life in this world – this could turn out to be of crucial importance in the process of reconstructing this region. In general, the attempt to gain understanding and learn from 4 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

Michael Mitterauer than in Central or Western Europe. The examination of such specific developments, however, is of great significance beyond explaining the A Patriarchal Culture? tragic events in former Yugoslavia. This will contribute to a better Functions and Forms of Family understanding as to why in this continent, Europe, only a few hun- in the Balkans dred kilometres away from our own Lebensraum , there exist such funda- mentally different forms of thinking, different values, behaviour patterns and social forms. The differences in the family circumstances serve as a “The story of a family can also Generation after generation, and the particularly suitable starting point portray the soul of a land. This is bloody chain was not broken. The for a detailed analysis. especially so in Montenegro, where inherited fear and hatred of feuding Families that are integrated into the people are divided into clans clans was mightier than fear and tribal units, decimated by blood and tribes to which each family is hatred of the enemy, the Turks. It feuds and that demonstrate an indissolubly bound. The life of the seems to me that I was born with attitude of pride in their heroic family reflects the life of the broader blood on my eyes. My first sight was forefathers, and thereby build and community of kin, and through it of of blood. My first words were blood affirm self-confidence – this image, the entire land. and bathed in blood.” as portrayed by Milovan Djilas in The story of any Montenegrin his autobiography, standing in stark family is made up of traditions about This is the introductory para- contrast to the family circumstances the lives of ancestors who distin- graph to Milovan Djilas’ autobiog- in Central and Western Europe, will guished themselves in some special raphy. When this was being written obviously not suffice as a scenario way, most frequently through hero- in the fifties many may well have appropriate for generalisation in ism. These traditions, spiritually thought that this world of killing terms of reflecting the image of so close to one another, reach back fields would eventually, once and the “typical Balkan family”. Anyone into the remote past, to the legend- forever, belong to the past. Now, four born at roughly the same time in ary founders of clan and tribe. And decades later, we know that this is Dubrovnik, Zagreb or Sofia will since there are no unheroic tribes not the case. And, even though the probably hardly find any similarities and clans, particularly in the eyes horrible events in former Yugoslavia to his very own history and origin. In of their members, there is no fam- cannot simply be interpreted as a the Balkans just as much as every- ily without its renowned heroes continuation of conflicts of the past where else around the world urban and leaders. The fame of such men after a relatively long span of time and rural familial structures and spreads beyond the clan and tribe, in peace and stability – there is no circumstances are different quite and through them the soul of the mistaking a certain continuity to the profoundly from one another. The land speaks out. Because of this, the bloody traditions of Balkan history. rural forms, in turn, corresponding story of a family may be the portrait Djilas regards these bloody tradi- to the structure of the natural and in miniature of a land. tions of his home country as rooted the cultural areas in the Balkans, are Though the life of my family is in specific familial and social cir- many and diverse. Tribal societies not completely typical of my home- cumstances. This point of view may with corresponding familial circum- land, Montenegro, it is typical in well be important also for the un- stances only represent a minority one respect: the men of several derstanding of the current situation. any more in this, the 20th century, generations have died at the hands Attempts at an explanation which they are confined to the virtually im- of Montenegrins, men of the same focus solely on political and military passable mountains in the northern faith and name. My father’s grand- events in the past fall short of a con- regions of Albania, in Kosovo, parts father, my own two grandfathers, my clusive analysis. Many aspects which of Herzegovina and Macedonia as father, and my uncle were killed, as seem so utterly unfamiliar to us in well as, of course, in Djilas’ father- though a dread curse lay upon them. the media coverage can be explained land, Montenegro. They were much My father and his brother and my in all probability only against the further spread though in former brothers were killed even though background of rather specific social times and have influenced greatly all of them yearned to die peace- developments in the Balkans, which the structures of family deep into fully in their beds beside their wives. took an entirely different shape the lowlands, foremost by migration Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 5 movements setting out from the by the group as an entirety. The term mountains. This holds true for those “blood revenge” alone proves to be parts of Serbia and Bulgaria for- enough of a hindrance to such an ap- merly under Ottoman domination proach, for it is associated with wilful and, therefore, Oriental influence as murder and arbitrariness, in general, well as the areas at the Militärgenze rather than with a legitimate form (literally “military frontier”) that of killing. Thus, the more technical were parts of the Habsburg mon- German term Sühnenahme (liter- archy, or even Dalmatia, which was shaped by Italian urban culture. The specific traditions of the inhabitants of the mountain areas have gained a special importance in the eventual shaping and forming of the respec- tive Balkan societies. Therefore, it seems to be reasonable to take this as our starting point in an examina- tion of familial forms of life.

Blood revenge and house-juris- diction

Djilas refers to blood revenge as a specific characteristic of familial and tribal circumstances in his home region – a phenomenon particularly unfamiliar surely to his readers else- where. He describes both victims and avengers in his own family, from his own depth of experience he portrays inconceivable scenes of individual and collective bloodshed which shaped the time of his childhood and adolescence. All of which had such a lasting impression on him ally “making atonement”) has been The distribution of patrilineal-complex that for his autobiography he chose suggested on the part of the jurists, family forms in the Balkans around the title “Land without Justice”. This which, at any rate, quite as much as 1850 and today. characterisation will definitely be the event thereby referred to, will comprehensible to each one of his remain unfamiliar to our everyday Design: Karl Kaser readers. What happened at the time understanding. In a mountain area in those regions, with reference and in the Balkans, not very far from in the name of “heroism” and “family Montenegro, in northern Albania, honour”, this sheer brutality and ar- blood revenge or Sühnenahme, in bitrary use of force, can hardly be le- the sense of this form of legitimate gitimised today from anyone’s sense killing strictly regulated by tradi- of right and wrong. Even so, from the tional principles of law, has survived perspective of legal history, social his- until this century. In spite of the tory and historical anthropology one high toll of lives which was taken, as ought not to automatically equate always, among the male side of the blood revenge with a total absence of population by blood revenge – here, law; to the contrary, one will rather it has not become a comfortable ex- have to comprehend and regard it as cuse for arbitrary and wilful murder. an appropriate means under certain This appears to have been so in those circumstances of restoring social areas rather where the old tribal order in a form adequate to the com- hierarchies disintegrated, where mon sense of right and wrong shared the claim to the monopoly of power 6 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

AVERAGE NUMBER OF HOUSEHOLD MEMBERS BY REPUBLIC AND AUTONOMOUS REGION IN YUGOSLAVIA

Year Yugoslavia Bosnia Montenegro Croatia Macedonia Slovenia Serbia Herzego- Total Proper Vojvodina Kosovo vina 1921 5,10 1931 5,14 1948 4,37 5,15 4,51 3,94 5,28 3,78 4,39 4,54 3,61 6,36 1953 4,29 5,04 4,55 3,81 5,30 3,66 4,32 4,44 3,50 6,42 1961 3,99 4,64 4,43 3,56 5,02 3,47 3,96 3,97 3,31 6,32 1971 3,82 4,41 4,34 3,43 4,68 3,35 3,76 3,63 3,18 6,61 Change 1921– 1971 -1,28 -0,74 -0,17 -0,51 -0,60 -0,43 -0,53 -0,91 -0,43 +0,25

All Yugoslav republics show a relatively high average number of household members in the period of this study. Closest to the figures in Central Europe come those in Slovenia and Vojvodina, two regions shaped by Western structural patterns of settle- ment. To the Southeast we can observe a significant increase the peak figures of which are reached in Kosovo – the only region in Yugoslavia, where the average number of household members actually rose in the period of this study. Otherwise, a drastic decrease in the forms of complex families can be detected in all parts of former Yugoslavia, a clear indication of the degree of importance these forms must have enjoyed in historical times.

YUGOSLAV FAMILY STRUCTURE IN 1953

Strucures Yugoslavia Bosnia Montenegro Croatia Macedonia Slovenia Serbia of Herzego- Total Proper Vojvodina Kosovo Families vina Total Families (%) 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Nuclear 62,2 65,8 69,6 63,4 57,4 70,5 58,3 54,1 17,1 45,8

Extended Families 34,2 29,8 29,1 33,0 41,7 24,3 38,0 42,9 23,9 50,0 With Non-kin 3,6 4,4 1,3 3,6 0,7 5,32 3,7 3,0 5,0 4,2 Change 1921– 1971 -1,28 -0,74 -0,17 -0,51 -0,60 -0,43 -0,53 -0,91 -0,43 +0,25

In all Yugoslav republics and autonomous regions, respectively, the share of extended families is exceptionally high – again with the difference from the Northwest to the Southeast which we have already seen in table 2. Families with non-kin play – in stark contrast to Central and Western Europe – a subordinate role only in relation to forms of families living with kin. That even in Kosovo the percentage of extended families does not quite break the 50 per cent boundary has little to mean with regard to the dominance of this pattern. Complex and extended families time and time again become basic nuclear families on account of splitting up. Forms of family extension in societies with patrilineal-complex family forms as a rule are merely a transitional stage in the family cycle.

Source: Byrnes, Robert F. (ed.) Communal Families in the Balkans: The Zadruga, Notre Dame-Indiana 1976, p. 121 f. Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 7 on the part of the state on the other firmly believes that they live on, only. Thus, the sole way that remains hand did not totally assert itself. literally, in them. On the other hand, is to describe this different nature of Apart from the continual struggle once that blood guilt has arisen, family by its specific characteristics. against the Turkish “archenemy” it will never be forgotten again. The system of blood revenge is one that was waged with the utmost of Not only the brothers, cousins and of the most distinctive features in brutality, to which Djilas refers to in nephews have to face the possible this respect. We can still track down this context, the bloody confronta- implications, it might even take the the remnants thereof in the tribal tions between enemy families and life of a grand-son. Women, however, areas of the Western Balkans. Going groups, originating from traditions cannot fall victim to blood revenge, far beyond these relic zones, a strong of blood revenge, are those that nor can they pass on the “guilt” to group identity, adopted by the fami- have a lasting effect on the forms of their children. They may, though, lies, which inhibits considerably conflict settlement in the Balkans. provoke certain obligations to take the development and emergence of In the course of the radical social revenge – above all by sexual misde- an individual self-identity, is very transformations in the 20th century, meanour. On the other hand, they characteristic of this area. however, they have lost their origi- can contribute significantly to the Blood revenge was quite common nal social context – and therewith family honour of their fathers and in many tribal societies of early Eu- also the once clearly defined limits brothers by conducting themselves rope. It was overcome essentially, to their potential of violence. in an irreproachable manner. The however, in the Early Middle Ages al- From the perspective of the mod- term “family honour”, as we under- ready, thus, more than a millennium ern rule of law one aspect in socie- stand it from the tradition of Central before the first efforts were under- ties practising blood revenge is European societies, does not do full taken to combat blood revenge in particularly difficult to understand: justice, however, to the immense the Dinaric Alps by the Albanian and if blood-guilt has arisen, then re- binding power of honour within the Montenegrin princes, respectively venge can be exacted not solely on tribal communities in the Balkans. the Yugoslav kings. It had been the the actual culprit himself but, more We are lacking the terminological church above all in the Early Mid- so, also on any other adult male of equipment and instruments so as dle Ages that had sought to combat his family. Thus, there exists a col- to characterise this integration of the practice of blood revenge. That lective responsibility of the male side each person into the family unit, this attempt did not produce any of a household. This responsibility, this strong group identity to which resounding success over the years, however, is held to be relevant not the individual takes but second place not even so much later on, is a sign only for the contempo- rary generations. There are accounts of cases when Damaged Family Honour blood-guilt was punished A shal had spent the major part of his life in the United States. He returned to his homeland eventually not before sixty, as an old man so as not to have to die abroad. As he told me full of pride he had achieved in at times even one hundred, life all that matters to a man. He had set up a house, had acquired modest wealth and had years had passed. Such be- become a respected and reputed citizen who was frequently entrusted with various posts haviour is quite incompat- and responsibilities. What saddened him, however, was that never had the president of the ible with the concept of United States shaken hands with him. Fellow citizens might perhaps smile at his distress. the individuality of guilt. To the Skypetar, however, who remains a man of agonal thinking even far away from his homeland, a handshake from the first citizen of the state is not a formality. In his view this It requires a completely expresses the visible recognition as an able and equal citizen by society and the state. different understanding The shal told me with profound sadness that a murder of a little child that had occurred in and notion of individuality his homeland in his own lineage had robbed him of his life’s dearest wish coming true. The and family community. We president had once visited the park in which he, the shal, had been employed as a gamekeeper. can generalise this even As a result of the abominable crime which had been committed shortly before in his own beyond those cases giving lineage and which he had found out about from the priest of Shale he naturally had been cause eventually for blood forced to avoid being introduced to the president for a handshake. I remarked that the president could not have known about the events in Shale. The man revenge: the entire fam- remained firm, however, his standpoint was that he could not have expected the president ily group is held responsi- of the United States to have to put up with shaking the hand of someone who belonged to a ble for the actions of each lineage whose name had been besmirched in front of everybody and that had not even had one of its members, in the the opportunity thus far to clean itself, for the villain who had damaged the honour of the positive as well as the nega- lineage had managed to escape to Montenegro. tive sense. The heroic feats (Walter Peinsipp, Das Volk der Shkypetaren. Wien-Köln-Graz 1986, p. 115) achieved by the ancestors Breaches of the social norms by one individual not only affect the individual alone but also the entire are told to very distant de- lineage – even, as in this case, distant relatives over a long geographical distance. scendants still, since one 8 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde of the lack of efficiency which the ship, as must have been especially house “slava” is the most frequently church displayed in the efforts to intensive in those areas particularly. used expression. “Slava” quite sim- assert its principles – perhaps also In a society with a long tradition ply means “feast” or “festival”. The of its adaptability to local traditions of state jurisdiction a world of a festival of the patron saint of the which we can observe here in other dominant, household-administered house is the quintessential feast, family-relevant matters as well. This justice remains barely conceivable the most important event of reli- right of legitimate killing claimed in any event, at least so far as prac- gious celebration in the course of by the families in societies with tised in the form of blood revenge. the year – from the perspective of blood revenge has otherwise been Another aspect that has to be seen the families occasionally even more claimed in Europe in the first place in context with house jurisdiction is so than even Easter or Christmas. by kingdom and its appointed organs the right of corporal punishment. This is astonishing all the more and connected institutions and, fol- The practice of beating women since, unlike the celebration of the lowing which, by the authority of the and children, according to surveys birth and resurrection of Christ, state as such. In acephalous tribal from the inter-war period, was respectively, the slava does not in- societies, however, such authori- fairly widespread throughout for- volve one of the great mysteries of ties are nowhere to be found. Blood mer Yugoslavia. Characteristically, Christian history of salvation. The jurisdiction is a family concern, the traditional tribal areas were not slava is celebrated on the feast-day primarily. Here, the obligation on to the fore in this respect. Here, of various saints of rather minor the outside to seek blood revenge the forms of house jurisdiction importance. These feast-days of the corresponds with house jurisdiction were firmly restricted by traditional respective saints only obtain their to the inside, which can also bring rules and regulations which had to high standing owing to the fact in its wake eventually killing as the be observed. A “familial culture of that a house community worships harshest form of punishment. In beating” was far more prominent this particular saint as its patron this respect the right respectively in areas in which traditional fam- saint. Unlike the universal festivals the obligation lies primarily with the ily circumstances were subject to a of Christendom the slava was cel- house-father, though possibly also radical process of transformation, in ebrated on different days from one with brother and spouse at the same particular in Serbia. House jurisdic- house to the other. Therefore, it has time, with the latter in particular tion in its many and diverse forms not a universal but rather a particu- were he to catch his wife in the act played an important part in large lar character. Such a main festival of adultery. In some areas of Albania areas of the Balkans – by no means oriented towards family stands out when the bride left her parental only in the tribal regions. This as a singular phenomenon in the home a cartridge was clipped onto strong position of house jurisdic- intercultural comparison of the her wedding dress at the neck. In tion is connected closely to a very Christian churches. the wedding night she had to give it poorly developed system of state The contents of the slava are to her spouse, who was to keep it in jurisdiction. In this respect there oriented also towards the family as case of unfaithfulness on her part. are differences between Central and a group. The absolute highlight is a If, indeed, he killed her with this Southeast Europe which are of con- banquet involving joint drinking to cartridge, then she was considered siderable importance also for both the honour of God and the respec- to have been killed from the hands family structures and inner-familial tive patron saint, in conjunction of her father or brother. “A bride has relationships. with praying for health and joy for a cartridge in her neck”, this has the entire family as well as the cir- become a proverbial saying almost. A specific Christian house cult: cle of invited relatives and friends. Even in the feeble attempts in the the “slava” The commemoration of the dead, tribal societies at establishing some strictly family-related again, plays sort of official jurisdiction open to With regard also to the function of an eminent part. The slava candle is the public, the house community family as a cultic unit one encoun- lit for the dead, thus invoking their to which the guilty belonged was ters remarkable particularities in presence. In some areas there is also involved still in the eventual execu- the Balkans. They can be illustrated a written record of the complete line tion of the penalty. At an execution, very well by the example of the festi- of male ancestors reaching back for the closest male relative, brother, val of the patron saint of the house. many generations which is read father or uncle, respectively, had to The specific relationship above all out on this occasion. This list of take the first shot or set the pile of between the family and larger com- the ancestors, however, as a rule, is wood on fire. It is very difficult to munities becomes visible clearly by familiar anyway to most without the comprehend as to how such forms this example. written version. All rites pertaining of killing one’s own relations were Of the various names for this to the slava are conducted by the compatible with the bonds of kin- festival of the patron saint of the house-father. The local cleric more Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 9 often than not does not even attend course of Christianisation as the Western Europe. Going to church the ceremonies. festivals of the saints. A genuinely on a regular basis was completely The slava and its traditions are Christian origin of the slava can be unknown in most regions. In vari- passed on by the sons. If there are ruled out definitively. As for that ous autobiographies it is reported no male descendants, however, this matter, Christianity was a com- that family members went to church continuity can be guaranteed only munal religion to a far too strong no more than once or twice a year by way of adoption. Daughters on degree, even in its forms within the – at Easter in particular, the most the other hand cannot fulfil this Eastern Church, which became the important festival, when the en- function. By the tradition of pass- determining factor in the Balkans. tire parish gathered. Thereby, on ing on the slava cult through the Here, five hundred years of Ottoman the level of the parish such close male line common features of this rule, however, led to a decrease in social bonds could not form, as are cult emerged within the context of the importance of the parishes and, a typical feature otherwise of the patrilineal kinship. In those areas inversely, to a strengthening of the Christian churches – especially with tribal structures the tribes in house cult – a phenomenon which within the Catholic Church from their entirety, respectively their can be observed frequently against the age of Counter-Reformation. subgroups, shared the same patron the background of the oppression of Here, in the rural areas in particu- saint. This worship of the patron certain religious communities. It is lar, the parish church came to be saints was connected altogether significant all the more though that centre, essentially, of interaction with a strongly patrilineal way of this process did not entail the shift- among the various local groups. thinking in terms of descent. The ing and restructuring of traditional Apart from ecclesiastical functions specifically high estimation of male offsprings has to be seen in this The personal religion of members of my family was a mixture of pagan and context. This finds very graphic Christian beliefs and practices. Many of the local religious rites and rituals are expression in the curse formula of pagan origin and related to family health, livestock breeding, and grain har- “May your slava candle go out”. vests. They derive from many different sources, pagan, Christian, and Moslem, That means “You shall die sonless”. some indigenous and some borrowed from Illyrian, Graeco-Roman, Slavic, and He who leaves no sons cannot be Turkish cultures. Hardly anyone in my family knew anything about the history of Christianity and the Serbian Orthodox Church. The Church represented little remembered ritually after his death. more for them than the social functions connected with birth, marriage, death, Such a conception is quite unusual patron saint’s day, and other major holidays, and its position as a pillar of na- in a Christian society. One would tionalism. Hardly any member of the family went to church more than twice a associate this rather with a society year, and some may not have entered the church more than half a dozen times of ancestor-worship. And in precisely in their entire lives. On Christmas and the patron saint day, the head of the such a form of society the origins of household led the prayer, in which he pleaded for peace and divine mercy for the slava will have to be dated. those who had died, for a bountiful harvest, and for divine blessing on the living. His prayer was spontaneous and ungrammatical, but sincere. This origins quite probably takes Wayne Vucinich, A Zadruga in Bileca Rudine, in: Byrnes, Robert F. (ed.) us back to the pre-Christian era. Communal Families in the Balkans: The Zadruga, Notre Dame-Indiana 1976, These festivals are widespread in p. 180 the whole of the Balkans, from the northern parts of Greece to the this autobiographical report about the religious practices and habits in a zadruga in Serb-populated areas of Croatia the eastern part of herzegovina in the inter-war period clearly shows the dominance of the house cult. and from the Adriatic to Slavonia and Bulgaria. Not only the Serbs, however, who regard the slava communal Christian festivals to the non-religious concerns were also as one of their foremost national sphere of the house. To the contrary, addressed here, so that the parish characteristics, but more so, Croats, one sole festival of the house cult has became a specifically significant Monte negrins, Albanians, Vlachs, survived, has perhaps even risen in field and background for both actual Sarkatsans, Macedonians and Ro- standing, which otherwise cannot be and conscientious contextualities on manians alike heed this custom as shown to have been a demonstrably a local basis. In vast areas of the Bal- do – and this is remarkable all the Christian feast, and the character of kans such a strong parish unit does more – not only the Orthodox but which scarcely bears any Christian not exist. Frequently, the cemetery also the Catholics and, albeit with imprint. is of greater importance as the reli- slight modifications, even Muslims. The relationship between the gious centre than the church itself. Apparently, this tradition is rooted house and the parish community Here, however, one does not gather in a common substrate, that is, was rather different, generally, in as a community. It is quite frequent the celebratorial commemoration large parts of the Balkans than, that patrilineal lineages have their of the ancestors, adapted in the traditionally, in both Central and own, secluded burial places – a sign 10 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

that thinking in terms of descent Serbia. A lack of school education takes the upper hand over the sense goes hand in hand with little oppor- of belonging to the parish even be- tunity of alternative orientation as yond death. compared to familial socialisation, This entirely different situation and thus also with little opportunity in the Balkans can best be compre- of individualisation. In the domain hended from its very contrast to the of educational functions also until influencing of family circumstances deep into the 20th century the in the West by the high standing of family stood unrivalled and unchal- the parish. Family, and not only as a lenged from without. cultic unit, assumed a far more au- Another example of the influ- tonomous function in the Balkans. ence of parish structures takes us beyond the field of religion in the strict sense of the word. All over Western and Central Europe the par- ish provided for the framework and background to the development of groups of single young men. These “young men’s societies”, or whatever they were called, occupied essential functions in the everyday life of the parishioners – for instance with regard to their customs of courting and rebuke. What is more, the youth groups provided the backing for inner-familial processes of emancip- tion. In the Balkans, there existed no comparable counterpart whatsoever. Such processes of emancipation, in any event, appear not at all to have In the South Bulgarian village of Vehti- In the West, however, the entire been seen as positive in the face of no in the Rhodopian Mountains grain is system of basic education has been the prevalent family models. threshed in the traditional manner by modelled and developed, as a rule, in the family members: Three horses are led around in a circle and such stamp accordance to the parishes, and has Economic Life within the the seeds from the ears. thus interfered in the field of sociali- complex family group (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) sation with what had formerly been strictly familial functions. In the All that can be said for the fields of Balkans, generally speaking, there law and cultic worship holds true was no such ecclesiastical school equally as much as far as economic system, or one that was promoted matters are concerned: as a unit of and supported by ecclesiastical insti- the organisation of labour family tutions on a local basis. This has to has also preserved traditional func- do with a different attitude towards tions for very long in the Balkans. education in the first place on the In comparison to the rest of Europe part of the Orthodox churches than economic functions were given up that developing in the West, it is not until a relatively late stage. The quite clear also, however, that the percentage of the rural population limited opportunities and options in among the population total may the Ottoman era contributed largely serve as a rough indicator of these dif- thereto. In the time after World War ferences in development. In the rural II the illiteracy rate in the Balkans areas the share of livestock breeding, still varied between 30 and 50 per on a family scale was far higher, of cent, easily the highest throughout course, than in the cities charac- Europe. The peak figures of this terised by an increasing division of statistics showed in the Yugoslav labour. According to statistical data republics of Macedonia, Bosnia and the rural population in Yugoslavia Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 11 in the time immediately after World of labour within society. Money War II amounted to 83 per cent of the economy and wage-labour, indus- total population, by far the highest trialisation and urbanisation are percentage in this respect through- presumed to have effectively precipi- out Europe. As for comparative tated the decline of this traditional figures, this is 44 per cent in Italy, form of life. This analysis more or 33 per cent in Czechoslovakia, 22 less hits the nail on the head. The per cent in Switzerland and merely old economic community of sev- 5 per cent in England. This family eral adult men living together with scale transhumance in the Balkans, their wives and children could not however, does not only stand out be maintained that easily any more on account of its very frequency but also with regard to its specific form. In the Balkans as in no other region of Europe sheperds’ transhumance has survived up into the 20th cen- tury. The combined efforts of several adult men were required in the here practised forms of pastoralism. Cor- respondingly, the joint-family with a complex structure is the basic unit frequently of the organisation of labour. This family form, how- ever, is not only to be found in the zones of pastoralism. The so-called “zadruga”, as is the artificial term for this phenomenon coined in the 19th century, can be encountered all over the Balkan Peninsula, includ- ing parts of Croatia, the west of Bulgaria and the north of Greece. Apparently, it has spread to large once special property emerged, Everyday life in a Serbian zadruga with 35 members at around 1910. There, parts of the Balkans, setting out acquired by one person alone. Now, sheep-breeding is the basis still of fami- originally from the pastoral areas, in it suggested itself for obvious rea- ly scale transhumance. the course of migration movements sons to split the joint-families into (Srpski etnografski zbornik. Naselja i and was adapted according to the nuclear families. It remains quite poreklo stanovnistva. Srpska Akademija economic circumstances of each remarkable nonetheless that the Nauka i Umetnosti. Beograd 1910, Bd. 10/Bild III) new area of settlement. za druga often managed to adapt to The decrease in importance and such transformed conditions and the eventual breakdown of the circumstances of the organisation zadruga is traced frequently to the of labour. In the 19th century already transformation of the organisation there existed rural zadrugas in

Before the war, a large number of men, particularly married men, went to America, whence they sent large sums of money home to their wives. The wives gave up folk costume and began to deck out their daughters with ready-made garments and thereby trained the girls away from needlework. The folk custom of the “sewing bee” had meant the girls getting together in this house or that, where two rooms were set aside for embroidering on cloth and open work in linen, but now they get together just for parties, to be joined by the lads with tamburas. So long as money flowed in from America, they spent freely, even getting into debt at shops and inns (which rapidly sprang up) but when money ceased to pour in, when they felt the burden of debts, there began dissatisfaction in many households and the splitting up of the married sons. The zadrugas broke up, for after the war the men traded in livestock – cattle, horses, pigs – and earned big money, and everyone wanted to be his own master and get rich. That commercial prosperity destroyed the zadruga, and with it went influences which utterly transformed the village, so it looked quite different from what it had been before the war. (Vera St. Erlich, Family in Transition. A Study of 300 Yugoslav Villages, Princeton-New Jersey 1966, S 47)

this report by a village teacher from the district of gracae in the region of lika in croatia illustrates quite vividly the impacts of the modern monetary economy on life in traditional joint-families. 12 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde which one member worked as a trad- tral European circumstances one one could say that there existed a er or craftsman. In such case there may well venture to assume that the different stage of development in still existed physical proximity. Not existential importance of the family the secular process of giving up though with the migrant workers. as such for someone coming from family functions and leaving them Their travels frequently took them the traditional Balkan milieu was to higher social groups and institu- to a different continent even, to one markedly higher at, say, the begin- tions. Such a statement, however, of the Americas, where they stayed ning of this century. This difference has to be taken with extreme cau- for quite some time. Nonetheless, shall be examined in more detail by tion. It is all too easy here to fall into they still belonged to their zadruga. the example of one phenomenon the habit of an evolutionist attitude Such it did not come as much of a then repeatedly observed. which takes as its starting point the surprise when considerable sums of After the occupation of Bosnia- assumption that familial develop- money – their wages earned abroad Herzegovina on the part of the ment may well be phase-different, – were sent back home to increase Habsburg monarchy a regiment that it is identical, however, with the family resources. The economic from these crownlands was sta- regard to the eventual objective community was maintained still tioned in Vienna. The Bosnians and, wherever, has to pass certain when the system of the organisation were renowned for their imposing stages of the same kind. Evolutionist of labour had long since been aban- appearance and physique, even so, categories such as “progressive” or doned altogether. In comparison they continually struggled with “retrograde” will hardly be the ap- with the rest of Europe such forms their health. Time and time again propriate criteria to do full justice to are special cases. They do of course cases were admitted to the military the different family circumstances have their economic rationality, but hospital which all showed clear in Central and Western Europe on in the end they can only be explained symptoms of a mental illness. These one hand and in the Southeast of to a satisfactory result against the were symptoms that could not Europe on the other hand. This background of a specific family soli- be found present in soldiers from becomes apparent in the field of darity which becomes comprehensi- other regions of the monarchy. The family functions just as much as it ble only from the entire spectrum of doctors traced them to the long shows in the corresponding areas of family functions. separation from the family. The es- family structures, familial roles and sential point, however, seems to be inner-familial relationships. Functional variety and that these observations were made In scientific literature on the family identity in times of peace. This had noth- topic the debate over specific family ing to do with such war neuroses structures in the Balkans focuses In the mountains of the Balkans in as the “partisan disease” frequently its attention strongly on the term particular, even if not only there, occurring during World War II. In “zadruga”. Within the Balkan States up into our century family has our case this mental illness stood in as well as without ideological factors maintained a wealth of traditional very close connection with a social play an important role in this debate. functions: military functions – the uprooting. The separation from Besides, very often traditional family size of a family was measured often their parental home and familial forms – whether real or presumed by the number of guns, that is men – circle to the Bosnians caused an – become the starting point and as well as judicial, cultic and social existential shock of entirely different breeding ground for social ideals and ones alike. The familial functions form and dimensions than to the rather wishful notions. This is true were so important and strong since fellow soldiers of their age from the for the zadruga in particular. For the higher institutions and groups were other parts of the Habsburg monar- nationalists the zadruga – according so weak: the state, the churches, the chy – an indication perhaps of the to the whereabouts – stands for the parish etc. This strength of family especially deep-rooted embodiment noblest expression of the collective functions corresponded with the of personal identity in the family. spirit and soul of, alternately, the strength of family consciousness. These very traditional family Bulgarian, Serbian or Southern Sla- Identification with higher groups forms characterised by an abun- vonic people. It embodied “mutual does not necessarily have to inter- dance of different functions per- help and support, moral solidarity, fere with the level of identification formed by the family itself prevailed respect for the elders and those with the family just as much as in large areas of the Balkans even rich in experience and decent and individual self-identity ought not at the beginning of this the 20th honourable relationships” – all of necessarily to be seen as a rival to century. Some of these functions which values that were seen to be familial group identity. These vari- had long ceased to be performed, or in great danger and under threat ous stages of identity, however, are were at least carried out on a much by the looming Westernisation shaped by a relationship of recipro- more reduced scale, by families in and, in general, by the prospects of cal influencing. Compared to Cen- Central and Western Europe. Thus, modernisation. For the communists Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 13

it reflected the “purest form of col- lectivism” which was to “elevate so- ciety from egoism to altruism, from exploitation to justice”. Research- ers from an altogether different ideological background emphasise its egalitarianism and democratic elements as the most prominent structural components. There have been and are, indeed, critical coun- ter-currents to the mythicisation of the zadruga, they in turn, however, are not entirely free of such mythi- cisation themselves: the zadruga as, quantitatively, a fairly insignificant and, historically, a relatively recent phenomenon standing opposed to the majority of nuclear families, that is family circumstances altogether which are virtually the same as in the rest of Europe. In scientific research outside the Balkans also ideological standpoints, especially though a rather bold and simplifying labelling, play a certain part in the debate over family forms in the Bal- kans. In this respect one might refer to the much-noted publication by one French researcher in the eight- ies, who classifies the Balkan states as, generally, belonging to the type of the “famille communautaire”, Central Europe including Austria as a part of the “famille autoritaire” and, eventually, subsumes France under the category mainly of the “famille égalitaire-nucléaire”. Then, he brings these structural types of family into connection directly with respective political systems, that is with communism, fascism and par- the family structures in seven neighbouring houses show the whole wide liamentary democracy, respectively. range of possible forms of household composition on the common basis of Whether such basic an approach of patrilineality. simple and complex, lineally and laterally extended house- establishing a contextual relation holds stand next to each other. the Forms of composition are always in a of familial and social structures state of change. even within the comparatively short period of two years leaves wanting or not shall be left a complex family can transform into a simple one, a three-generation- open – the main concern here is the household can become a one-generation-household. the possibility of emphasis of egalitarian and collec- complex structures does on no account mean that this form of composition tive elements in the classification appears regularly. in spite of the many and diverse possibilities of exten- of the prevalent family structures sion the pattern of patrilineality by no means led to the “complex family” in the Balkans. From an outside on a regular basis, that is in the sense of an especially large number of perspective it is common otherwise family members living together. a family with non-kin appears only once to single out on the level of intercul- in this random sample, one living together with kin through the female tural comparison the component of line not at all. dependence and to speak of “patri- archalism”. This labelling, too, is 14 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde somewhat simplifying, on a basis, tance in the family structures in the mer since the structuring principle however, on which further discus- Balkans. All three refer to significant comes to the fore far more in an ex- sion and debate seems to be fruitful structural differences to Central and tensive group. The zadruga as a rule and rewarding. Western Europe. consists of the house-father and his If we state that the zadruga – or Patrilineality in the first place sons or a group of brothers, each one any other family form in the Balkans belongs to the terminology of rela- with wife and children, respectively. as for that – is structured “patri- tionship, is a term that refers to the The patrilineal core, however, may archally” this is indubitably correct. special importance of the male line on the other hand be composed of That does not, however, allow any for family ties. In the whole of the uncle and nephew, grandfather and further conclusions on the particu- Balkans the paternal line is given grandson or various cousins. In this larities of family circumstances in priority over the maternal line, the respect the variants are manifold. this area and cannot establish a dis- “thick blood” over the “thin blood”. Their common feature always is tinguishing feature to other regions. This may even go so far that any that all the men living together in In the sense of the domination of degree of relationship through the a house community come from the the father within the family itself women is not seen and accepted same lineage. Conversely, all the one may well refer to all traditional as such. The descendants from one married women – tradition requires societies in Europe as “patriarchal” common ancestor through the male it such – must not be born in the societies. An exception to which are line, however, feel very close to each very house itself. The wives, daugh- those household and house commu- other. Clans, descent-groups and lin- ters-in-law and mothers-in-law, all nities headed by a widow. Such fam- eages are the most important social of whom come from without. The ily forms, however, are few and far forms beyond the scale of the house daughters leave the house on the between in the whole of the Balkans community (compare Karl Kaser day of their marriage. In the zadruga and very rare indeed in comparison with Central or Western Europe. The “Your father sends you word to come down to the village. Yesterday they brought reasons for that lie with differences you the bride, and tomorrow is the wedding.” in the conditions of familial develop- Maxim accepted this news quietly and without excitement, just as news without ment: in complex family units, as a special significance is accepted. Holding his stout shepherd’s hook in his hand, rule, after the death of the head of he leisurely walked down to the village Before leaving, he had asked a friend to the house another adult man takes look after his sheep, only until tomorrow, as he would be back by then. over, which rules out virtually the And so it was. While the drunken wedding guests were celebrating his feast in high he started back to the mountains without greeting his young wife, almost possibility of a “matriarchal” house- witlhout having spoken to her. He had to go back to his sheep, his young wife hold with the widow as the leading he would see some other time. figure. This, however, is merely a For Maxim knows very well, just as all the other people knew, that the wedding derived phenomenon and in itself and everything connected with it had not been arranged for his sake, but that does not contain any structural dif- the house, the zadruga, required a fresh, healthy and cheap hand, someone who ference. Here just as much as there would help to dig up the ground in the spring. the male domination of the family It often happens that a father keeps begging the village priest for days and weeks to marry his fourteen-year-old boy, who, according to church law and civil law, represented the norm. The patri- is not of an age to marry. archal system was not called into If the priest replies that he is not allowed to do so, that he is unable to fulfill the question as a whole only because of father’s wish and, finally, that it would be a sin against the boy, the peasant this more or less relevant number of will not be convinced and will persist in spite of all arguments, with his only exceptional cases. counter argument: “There is nobody to do the work, I am in great distress, Sir....”

(Vera St. Erlich, Family in Transition. A Study of 300 Yugoslav Villages, Patrilineality as basic pattern Princeton-New Jersey 1966, S 219f.)

By the term “patriarchalism” fre- this report in the Belgrade newspaper “Vreme” from the year 1938 is characteristic in quently also other phenomena are many ways – of the heteronomous choice of the marriage partner, of the precedence comprehended along the line which of economic necessities over emotional desires, but above all of the low marrying age pertain to the role of the men within which is so markedly different from the “european Marriage Pattern”. the family, which, however, are by no means causally related to patriarchy in this publication). The principle there is no room for brothers-in-law itself. Three such phenomena shall of patrilineality also determines or sons-in-law. In case of a sonless be examined in detail here, patrilin- the internal structure of the house house only a son-in-law is entitled to eality, the principle of seniority and communities – both of complex continue the house community by the priority of the men. All three just as much as of simple ones. This way of exception. He is then ritually assume a particular role and impor- becomes more tangible with the for- admitted to the house as domazet. Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 15

Adoption is also practised occasion- gives an indication of the much-dis- the roots of a special form of familial ally. These special cases of artificially cussed origin of the zadruga. If this development in the Balkans which is establishing patrilineality, however, complex family form had emerged widely different than in Central and only confirm the structuring basic for the very reason that the demand Western Europe might well reach principle of direct descent through for workers had increased and at the very far back. the male line. Such a strict patrilineality in the Grandmother’s death seemed to goad Uncle Mirko into taking from life what composition of the family can rarely was good for the taking, with all the last strength left in him, without regard for be encountered in Central or West- anything, even his good name. Always a man of his word, sober and up- right, ern Europe. In as far as a familial he now grew wild and berserk as never before. Though in his sixtieth year, continuity of the house community he decided he must have male progeny. In Montenegro anyone without male is a matter of relevance here, this can children was cursed. With him the longing for a son became a gnawing disease also be guaranteed by the women, and, moreover, an unavenged wound. He did everything, visited fortunetellers and drank potions. His wife had long ago stopped bearing children, some thirty for instance by the daughter or the years. They had once had a son, but he had died. He spoke of him like one pos- remarried widow, the latter case is sessed, of his intelligence and beauty, though the child had died while still in the actually a quite frequent one among cradle. About his wife he said crudely, “I planted seeds in her for forty years, and farmers and craftsmen. In the Bal- all in vain. No seed can sprout on rock, and out of her you couldn’t get even a kans – leaving aside the urban areas stone.’’ He counted his daughters for nothing at all. – this would be unthinkable. As far Realizing the unrelenting force of his yearning, and feeling herself to blame, his wife declared, “Let him bring another younger woman beside me. I will be like a as the relatives living with the family mother to her, but I have spent my whole life with him, and let him not drive me are concerned, the attention also, away.’’ He paid no attention to this but chased her away, as though she were a as a rule, is not focused on whether leper. He brought into his cottage a widow with two children, all in the hopes of relationship exists through the male her giving birth to a son. She, in turn, settled easily on the property, but she did or female line. This holds true in not last long. Either he himself became convinced that it was all too late and in particular with the farm-hands who vain or else he grew angry for some other reason. At any rate, out she went, too. (Milovan Djilas, Land without Justice, p. 103) themselves in some rural areas to a large part came from the circle of rel- the case of Milovan djilas’ uncle Mirko is a drastic example of the high estimation of atives. The norm, however, was that the births of sons, in particular in the traditional tribal areas. the suggestion by his first the share of the non-related persons wife was not an extraordinary one in this region. even though forbidden by the church, among the farm-hands was larger by bigamy was nonetheless socially tolerated in case of a childless, that is sonless, marriage. far. It is an essential characteristic of the family in Central and Western Europe that non-related persons same time also the total number of This principle of patrilineality may just as well be a part of it. In this the population, as is pointed out deep-rooted in the cultures in the context one tends to think of foster occasionally, then it remains open Balkans not only illuminates specific children or inmates, to name but a as to why both the brother-in-law forms of traditional family circum- few further examples. All these forms and the son-in-law were so rigor- stances, but also explains specific are nowhere to be found in the fam- ously and pedantically excluded familial behaviour patterns as well ily circumstances in the Balkans, at from the house community. During as forms of familial relationship. least with regard to the rural areas. haymaking, for instance, one should Patrilineality has had strong impacts Neither are there any farm-hands think that it did not really matter on marriage patterns and generative from the own family nor any other whether one descended from the behaviour. Compared with the so- forms of non-related members of the same ancestor or not. The strict called European Marriage Pattern in house community. The structuring patrilineal emphasis and form of Central and Western Europe the mar- principle of patrilineality rules out the zadruga as well as the principle rying age of both men and women in this situation in the first place – in of pa tri lineality in general needs an Southeast Europe is far lower. The both complex family groups á la explanation going beyond the field Western pattern could not guarantee zadruga just as much as in other of economy. It has to be viewed the preservation of the male line, in types of less complicated structure. against the background of this very particular in a time of high infant Thus, the contrast to the open family way of thinking in terms of descent mortality. Generally, there was not forms of Central and Western Europe and lineage which has already been much interest anyway – apart from, can illustrate very well to which referred to in the context of fam- perhaps, the ari sto cracy – in such an extent family circumstances in the ily honour, blood revenge and the objective. In the Balkans on the con- Balkans are determined and defined slava. And from this context it can trary the preservation of the paternal by the dominating system of kinship. be concluded that all this, indeed, line enjoyed an altogether different The strictly patrilineal structure constitutes a very old pattern. Thus, standing than in the West. If in fact 16 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde the “slava candle was not to go out” relationships entered by female between the living and the dead. then the possibility of marriage at an members of the family put at risk the In those regions in the Balkans in early age already had to be taken into paternal line and thus damaged the which these bonds find a specifi- serious consideration. This was the integrity of family honour. cally pronounced expression people only way to ensure that in a milieu In the inner-familial relation- could often give the names of their of high mortality one male offspring ships the principle of patrilineality ancestors all along the line over ten at least would survive, reach adult resulted in a different hierarchy of or more generations. This conscious- age and then himself provide for such relationships than we are used ness of one’s ancestors is rather dif- reproduction. to from Western tradition. In the ferently shaped than that of Western Generative behaviour was ori- zadruga it was not the relationship hobby genealogists. The ancestors ented strongly towards the births of between husband and wife that was whose names were recited in the sons. Detailed demographic analyses at the centre of attention but rather slava were pictured as living on in have shown the share of sons to that between father and sons or their descendants. It was essential be considerably higher among the between the brothers, respectively. to maintain and continue both the lastborn children than among the Mother and sister took priority over honour and the good reputation previous ones. Apparently, marital the young wife. The high level of of the family established by their reproduction was given up more so emotionality in the relationship accomplishments and heroic feats. after the birth of an additional son between brother and sister is a Such consciousness of one’s stock than after that of another daughter. specific characteristic of this fam- of ancestors necessarily involves a It is likely that connected to which ily tradition. In folk-songs to which strong element of continuity and is the astonishing phenomenon that great significance must be attached preservation. It compels to conform- the Balkan States in contrast to all as model functions one repeatedly ism and leaves little space for an other European states show a sur- comes across the motif of a sister individualistic special development. plus of men among the population mourning over her dead brother far The duty of the young is to respect in all age groups from birth. At an more than over her spouse. In the the old, not to rebel against them. early age this can be put down to the family of her husband the young wife The traditional familial culture in difference in caring for and looking was a complete stranger. Her situa- the Balkans is certainly not one that after the child for which fact there tion only began to improve once she would have consciously promoted are definite indications. In the initial had given birth to a son. At first there processes of emancipation on the position, however, a connection to was no solidarity among the group of part of the young. generative behaviour might well women marrying into the family in have to be seen. contrast to the men who had practi- The principle of seniority In the relation of legitimate and cally grown up together. Frequently and a male-dominated system illegitimate children generative the rivalry between the sisters-in-law of regulations behaviour in the Balkans may have wore on. The atmosphere, generally, been heavily influenced by the prin- in the relationship with the mother- In all probability the principle of sen- ciple of patrilineality. The share of in-law, however, was an especially iority also is closely connected with illegitimate children was extremely polluted one. The daughter-in-law this strong patrilineal bond to one’s low in the Balkans – in comparison could not expect any help or support ancestors as the second important for instance with the Eastern Alps on the part of her husband. The re- formal principle of family struc ture. or with other regions in Central and spect for his mother compelled him It can be established with the help Western Europe. The lowest figures to take a stand against his wife in of an intercultural comparison that can be found in the mountains in case of a dispute, reaching as far as in societies with a strong conscious- the Western Balkans, where tribal corporal punishment. The position ness of the ancestors or an ancestor structures have survived longest. of a woman marrying into a zadruga cult, authority is always exerted by Here, pre-marital motherhood was gradually improved as her children the respective elders within the fam- incompatible with the prevalent grew up and subsequently became ily. This is traced generally to their values. It entailed the killing of both her allies, particularly in old age, special proximity to the ancestors. mother and child until deep into the when she, now herself a mother-in- It cannot be proved with certainty, 20th century. All in all, this rigidity law or grandmother, respectively, however, whether this in fact holds in the punishment of breaches of the took over the authority over the true for the Balkans alike. Here also, generally accepted sexual norms and other women or children of the fam- patrilineal family structures as well patterns has to be comprehended ily, or as a widow perhaps even the as the authority of age within the from the tradition of patrilineal role of the head of the house. family obviously and markedly cor- notions of lineage and blood. Pre- In familial consciousness pat- respond with each other. In contrast marital as well as extramarital rilineality brought strong bonds to Central and Western Europe this Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 17 structural characteristic becomes ured that defined the inner-familial very clear. In the rural regions of this hierarchy some standpoints can be area the arrangement is frequently to encountered which may seem some- be encountered that the old farmer what astonishing to the Western hands over to his son or son-in-law reader: “A boy of three years is older the headship of the house commu- than a girl of twelve to fifteen years”. nity and running of the household “According to the law the brothers affairs while he for himself chooses are older, and a sister always ought to retire and relinquish his posi- to obey her brother, even if he is a tion. There is no counterpart to child and she is of adult age already; this institutional arrangement in she is supposed to pay respect to the Balkans, and in the everyday life him, take off for him his shoes as well renouncing one’s position as the head of the house would have been an exceptional case. The head of the house in Serbo-Croatian is stare­‚ina, that is the “old”. This expres- sion clearly indicates how strongly the po- sition of authority within the family was connected to age. In the zadruga it was handed over among the male members according to age. Thus, it was not the oldest son who held the prior right of succession of the late house-father and stand up on his entering the Market scene in the West Macedonian but, more so, the oldest brother. room”. “A sister is always pictured town of Gostivar: Men dominate the Obviously, this principle of seniority as the younger one, albeit in the public sphere. (Lída­Míøek-Jahn ©) has not always been heeded to exact relationship with a brother who is effect and implication. There were actually younger of age. Sisters are regions in which the new head of subordinate to brothers”. “A young the zadruga was appointed by way of brother may give instructions and election. Such examples, however, of commands to his sister. Male means the principle of qualification taking older”. Such statements as are re- precedence over the principle of age corded in a sociological survey of the are the exception rather than the population of Bosnia in the thirties rule. In turn, it can be reconstructed show very clearly which relationship very well with the help of linguistic of tension there emerged as a result references as to how firmly think- of the two traditional systems of ing in terms of criteria of seniority inner-familial hierarchy, the priority was embodied in society. “Stariji” in of age on one hand and the priority Serbo-Croatian means both “older” of the men on the other hand. It and “senior”, “mladiji” “younger” has to be noted, however, that those and also “minor”. These criteria of examples naturally should not and rank took full effect also in the order cannot be generalised for the whole and hierarchy within the family. of the Balkan area. They suggest, at With regard to the criteria ac- any rate, a male-dominated order cording to which the age was meas- of social rules on a more general 18 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

basis which makes some specific of such social phenomena remains phenomena pertaining to family dubitable. These here are entirely circumstances in the Balkans more different relationships of course than readily comprehensible. This prior- that with the house-father, this, es- ity of the men also finds expression sentially, is about the gender-specific for instance in the custom that the relationship in every phase of the women had to kiss a man’s hand. In cycle of family life. The terms “male- some zadrugas this was a common dominated social order” or “priority practice only in the relationship of the men” will probably be more between younger women and older accurately to the point. men, in others this would also in- Why did such a markedly male- volve young boys and unmarried dominated social order develop and come to the fore in the Balkans? This will be easiest to explain with regard to the mountain areas. The forms of transhumant sheep breeding practised there necessitate a specific division of labour with extremely polarised tasks to be fulfilled by men and women, respectively. They are patently different to the forms of economy in other European moun- tain areas – in the Alps or the Pyr- enees for instance, and this also with regard to their impacts on social forms and gender-specific relation- ship. Parallels are most likely to be found in the Caucasus. The specific gender roles, however, among the population of the mountain areas Serbs from the village of Vraniste, adolescent boys. Furthermore, the cannot be explained exclusively by southwest of Prizren at the Albanian custom which compelled the wom- the conditions and circumstances of border, celebrate a wedding.The bride.is en to take off the shoes for the men pastoralism. The tradition in these not permitted to show any signs of joy, for she is leaving her parental home. and then wash their feet as a sign of regions of constantly having to be (Lída­Míøek-Jahn ©) paying their respect complements able to defend oneself comes into this picture. And, it has to be seen play as an additional factor contrib- against a similar background when uting profoundly to the shaping of the women were forced to stand the image of the men. Fighting as a upright throughout the course typical all-male task and duty as a of a meal whereas the men could rule leads to a sharply polarised con- take a seat. This last custom is the ception of the gender roles. There only one that can be shown to have have always been farmers able to been heeded occasionally at least in defend themselves in many areas of Central and Western Europe as well, Europe. Not anywhere else, however, otherwise these forms are unknown has life been shaped and defined here in which the difference in so- throughout such a long time by the cial rank between men and women continual readiness to fight. The finds expression. This does not only men’s ability to defend themselves include the form which in some of was not only needed, and tested, in the aforementioned areas might the course of enemy attacks from originate from Oriental influence, without. Moreover, in the moun- it also comprises such differences in tains this was a constitutive factor rank implied and expressed therein also of the internal legal system. In as that between a young boy and an the rest of Europe there existed no adult woman. If the characterisation counterpart thereto whatsoever. “patriarchal” can cover all the aspects Complex models of explanation Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 19 are needed to analyse as to why order” or a “patriarchal culture”. summed up the results as follows: these male-dominated social orders This applies all the more to the “The phenomenon of collapse and re- and rules have spread and, indeed, term “patriarchal morals” as a label bellion is the main impression when survived in the Balkans far beyond for specific behaviour norms. There one studies family relations in the the level of the pastoral milieu in the exists a close connection indubitably state of quick transformation. The mountains. Here again, the extent between the behaviour patterns in most common and also the most sig- of tenacity ought to be taken into larger social groups and those prac- nificant characteristic of this phase is account with which one persisted tised within the unit of the family. the extensive discord or disunion in in the traditional gender roles, even The familial hierarchy and order, the family which suddenly appears. if the original functional conditions do not apply any more. Some parts One of my first cousins, Rusˇa, an unmarried daughter of Uncle Ivan and an old of the tribes, clan groups and also maid, considered it her sacred duty never to abandon the hearth and never to single families that migrated from marry. She repudiated the role of a woman in a patriarchal society and took the mountains to the plains did not up the role of a man. The records tell us that in earlier periods of history such abandon their traditional notions a woman even wore man’s clothing and bore arms like a man. Rusˇa did not and concepts of masculinity and go that far, but she did the work traditionally reserved for men. She plowed the fields, sowed grain, mowed hay, took livestock to the market, and bargained with femininity only because now they merchants. She celebrated the family patron saint and other major holidays. were growing corn and tobacco She swore like a man. instead of grazing sheep and goats. The institutional gender-specific Wayne Vucinich, A Zadruga in Bilec´a Rudine, in: Byrnes, Robert F. (ed.) Communal Families in the Balkans: The Zadruga, Notre Dame-Indiana 1976, perception was passed on in many p. 172 ways and various areas of life – in the field of religion for instance as we the peculiar phenomenon of a transformation of the gender roles is fairly wide-spread in have seen in the slava, in legal mat- the societies in the Western Balkans shaped by tribal circumstances. this is the expres- sion of a strongly polarised conception of the genderroles which finds confirmation in ters as can be shown with the help the standardisation of the exceptional case. What is interesting about the story of cousin of patrilineal forms of property law rusˇa is that here, apart from specific activities, the feast of the family patron saint and respectively the law of inheritance, swearing were also regarded as traditionally reserved for men. or in the various customs and tra- ditions. Thus, several zones group however, in traditional societies of In this moment the problematic of around the mountains at the heart the Balkan area cannot just be seen human relations becomes evident. of the Balkans in which the different as a patriarchally determined one When a centuries-old, time-honored expressions of this male-dominated alone. In this context I would like order is prevalent... the level of quar- social order might not always be to refer again to the special feature rels in the family is low...In the phase detectable on the same, consistent, of familial group identity which can of abrupt transformation, the phe- level of intensity, but, at any rate, in probably best be comprehended by nomena of family strife and disunity which they still exist in comparable the rich variety of family functions. appear. The scope of individual action patterns at least. and reaction broadens, and space be- The male-dominated order in A traditional form of life comes too narrow for the immensity both family and society is connected in a state of flux of human aggression and wilfulness”. to patriarchalism just as much She saw the expression of this so radi- as it is to patrilineality and other At the beginning of our century cally transformed family atmosphere social phenomena in which the such traditional family forms char- above all in the increase of physical gender-specific relationship plays acterised by a particular variety of violence against women, children an important part. One has to distin- functions were intact still to a large and the aged, and, on a general basis, guish, however, between the various extent in the rural areas in the Bal- in the growing brutalisation and the aspects of this entire complex. As the kans. In some regions the process of decrease of the level of care for family comparison with Central and West- transformation began to take effect in members, in the soaring numbers of ern Europe has shown, one aspect the inter-war period already, in other cases of adultery, in the escalation does not necessarily have to appear areas not until the years after World of alcoholism etc. All of which she in close relation to another. Gradual War II – whether at an earlier or at a observed in regions of beginning nuances and other forms of differ- later stage, this development in any modernisation, in Croatia and Serbia entiation also have to be taken into event produced especially profound as well as in parts of Bosnia, though consideration. Thus, it appears to be consequences. In the thirties the not in regions of “patriarchal order” problematic to characterise social Zagreb sociologist Vera Erlich car- in the mountains. She assessed these structures in the Balkans simply as a ried out an extensive study of family events as a transitional phenomenon “patriarchal regime”, a “patriarchal circumstances in Yugoslavia. She that would disappear once a new 20 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde social equilibrium had been reached. in both family and society: extraordi- The abrupt process of transforma- nary forms of the use of violence as a tion of traditional family forms the typical phenomenon of societies in a early impacts of which Erlich’s study phase of radical transition. From this point of view – in the attempt at an explana- tion of events so difficult to comprehend as the disin- tegration of Yugoslavia – one would not

An older Turkish woman tries to avoid the eye of the camera on the porch of her house, even though her husband has allowed her to be photographed. Muslim believers do not want to be photographed ... (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) seeks to explore has experienced in only have to look the ensuing years an extraordinary for continuities acceleration – at first the breaks to specific Balkan caused by war, expulsion and flight, traditions, but also then the radical social reorganisation have to consider of the Tito era when industrialisation the actual effects and urbanisation were tremendously and consequenc- pushed forward. There is presum- es in particular ably hardly any other European of breaking with region that has experienced such such traditions. profound social transformations in the course of the 20th century as that English Version: of former Yugoslavia. The highest STEFAN MEN- illiteracy rate or the highest share HOFER ©, 1999 of the rural population have already been referred to as an indication of the initial state of things. Also, hardly any other region has been plagued over the years by so many wars taking such a high toll of lives. What did this accelerated and crisis-shaken social development mean for the family? How did the elements of tension caused thereby influence society in general? Vera Erlich’s thesis that the process of abrupt transformation has created an enormous potential of aggression on family level could well be invoked considerably past the period of her study as to explain the use of violence Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 21

Karl Kaser relatives were his primary notion of public sphere. I shared my room with a Croatian student from Bosanski Brod. He was Descent, Relationship a supporter of Dinamo Zagreb foot- ball club. This was his most visible and the Public connection to the outside world. I have always had the impression that the small room in the student “The Balkans are different” – it would of my possessing a car. He extracted hostel was but the extension of his not have needed the most recent from me many a day and mile, so to parents’ house. He brought loads armed confrontations in former Yu- speak, for the purpose of being able of food from home and served all of goslavia as to reemphasise and sup- to pay visits to his relations. Going which to me as if I were his guest port this simple statement. It can be to “public” cultural institutions, the and he had to comply with his role read in many schoolbooks that at the mere thought of which would not of being the attentive host, a public turn of the 20th century the Balkans even have crossed his mind. The role of course. constituted a “powder keg”: revolts in Macedonia, political murder, massacres of the civilian population in both the Balkan Wars (1912/13), many raped women. The wars in the first half of the nineties only serve as a proof of continuity easy to produce. The question remains whether beneath this level of historical events certain structures can be detected of this different nature, which would put these events into a general cul- tural context. Half a year spent in Sa- rajevo at the end of the seventies on account of a study visit gave me new insights and enabled me – for at the time I was familiar with the culture of the Balkans to a superficial degree only – to make some observations which, however, for quite some time I could not put into the according perspective of interpretation: an old couple in the Ba‚øar‚ija (the market quarter at the heart of town); he enters the coffee-house I happened to be sitting in while she stays out- side, taking her place on a stone in the street. Two hours later – I had long since left the coffee-house but somehow strolled back to its vicin- ity – she was still sitting on her stone and he inside the coffee-house. Here, the relevant public sphere was not so much out in the streets but in the coffee-house, and this seat was taken by the men, in the literal sense of the word. Visiting an Albanian family in Kosovo. During the meal the woman makes Turkish coffe- I had made the acquaintance of a ee on an electric hotplate on the floor, before the meal she brings water and fresh towels to the gustes who are held in high honours. In accordance with custo mary Muslim law student, who held me law guests enjoy protection and particular attention on the part of their host. in high regard for the very reason (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) 22 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

Three pictures, three facets of gence and the development of this States. The question whether each public sphere, phenomena charac- pattern, the historical, social and one belongs to this cultural pattern teristic of this being different which cultural consequences are analysed is determined neither by ethnic ori- I was capable of interpreting only far and the impacts on the present day gin nor by religious creed. Orthodox later on. The culture of the Balkan are outlined, the Central Balkans and Catholic Christians belong to it societies is shaped by behaviour will always be at the focus of at- just as much as Muslims or various patterns, determinants of decision tention. The Balkans, in both past Slavonic as well as non-Slavonic making, strategies of planning one’s and present, are shaped partly by nations. The current, official en- life and conceptions of conflict set- enormous processes of migration, deavour of the Balkan States, to be tlement fundamentally different and thus the area of distribution classified and registered as a part of than those in the culture we live in. pertaining to this cultural pattern Central Europe or Europe, however This different cultural nature cannot cannot be localised precisely, at defined, presents a quite formidable be interpreted by an event-related least with regard to the exact geo- hindrance to such an attempt at approach to history. It appears to be graphical boundaries. In any event, differentiation – for, Europe being evident that here we face a cultural Albania, Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia labelled good and the Balkans, in pattern which – if this applies at all – and Herzegovina, Croatia, Western contrast, labelled negative, who is comprehensible only by way of as- and Central Bulgaria as well as the would then want to belong to the suming a historical-anthropological northern part of Greece belong other culture, to the very “Balkan- approach. Its centre is an entirely to its area of distribution. Strictly shaped” culture? different conception of kinship and speaking, the pattern in question public sphere than we are familiar is existent also in those parts of Historical determinants of with from our cultural experience. Western and Central Europe, where a different system of kinship If in the following passages the there are larger agglomerations of historical conditions for the emer- migrant workers from the Balkan We have pointed out above that

My family’s history is obscure. According to legend, the family came from the Montenegrin tribe of Piperi though the to- ponymic and ethnographic data suggest that it may have descended from the tribe of Drobnjaci. The legend tells how one Gajun Vucinich murdered a Turk, sometime late in the eighteenth century, and escaped to avoid Turkish reprisal. He first settled near Trebinje, later moved with his family to Bileca Rudine,´ and put down on the landed estate (agaluk) of a feudal landlord in the village of Mosko. After a short stay Gajun asked his landlord for permission to settle on the latter’s land in the village of Orah, and the request was granted. According to the legend, Gajun raised a family which included three sons and four daughters. After marriage, the sons, with their spouses and children, continued to live together, while the daughters married and left the family. Gajun died about 1815. His surviving sons lived together until about 1830; Todor, the eldest of them, was the head of the house. When the zadruga broke up, Todor remained in the family house in Orah, while his two brothers established homes on the age’s estate in the adjoining village of Panik. This is all that we know about the family’s origin, and only a part of the information may coincide with facts. Moreover, nearly every family in Bileca Rudine´ has a similar family legend. My great-grandfather Todor died in 1863 and was survived by four sons and three daughters. The four sons with their spouses and children continued to live together in a zadruga, while the daughters married and left home. The eldest of the four sons, my grandfather Jeremije (1822–1890), was the head of the house; he started a Citulja,ˇ the record of births, mar- riages, and deaths in the family. Even this sole document on the history of our family is incomplete, since no one in the house was literate and the priest failed to record the changes which occurred in the family. Grandfather Jeremije from the start participated in the insurrection and then in the war that followed was an officer-com- mander of one of the armed bands that cooperated with the Montenegrins. He brought the family unprecedented laurels, became the most distinguished member of the entire clan, and was decorated for bravery by Prince Nikola of Montenegro. Two of his sons, my Uncles Ivan and Rade, as teenagers took part in the well-known battle of Vucji Do. For Uncle Ivan’sˇ efforts, in the late 1930’s, many years after his patriotic deeds, the Yugoslav government awarded him a modest pension (...)

Between 1905 and 1910 my father, Spiro, and uncles Djoko and Todor emigrated to the United States. The three brothers who went to America retained full rights as members of the zadruga; they occasionally sent money to the brothers left at home, which enabled them to purchase more land and to build a water cistern and several outbuildings. Each brother, like many an emigrant, hoped to return home after saving some money. My father was the only one who married. (Robert F. Byrnes (ed.), Communal Families in the Balkans: The Zadruga, Notre Dame-Indiana 1976, S 165–167)

the story strictly follows the patrilineal line of descent. detailed knowledge of the members of this male line reaches far back, in this case back to a Montenegrin tribe in the 18th century. apart from the migrations and various divisions of the house the celebrated feats which establish the family honour are a major theme. Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 23 there exists a connection between point of view whether an uncle has to be preserved at virtually any a different conception of public comes from the paternal or the ma- cost, the male ancestors are to be sphere and kinship. This connec- ternal line. Furthermore, in such a ritually worshipped etc. Hand in tion, however, becomes logical only system the circle of relatives is not hand with such a system of kinship when taking a further element into already determined from the outset goes a terminology that systemati- account, namely the modern state but more so depends on each one’s cally differentiates between relatives (and such of its attributes as the au- position within the net of kinship. on the mother’s and on the father’s thority of the state, its bureaucracy Each culture individually establishes side. Consequently and conclusively or centralism). Following Norbert the degree up to which relationship thought through, this results in a Elias, the crystallisation of a pub- reaches. The parents, for instance, large number of different expres- lic sphere (that is, in our familiar share with their children a circle of sions pertaining to any form of sense of the word) has to be viewed relatives largely identical; they are kinship. In the Balkan languages in close context to and against the related to people, however, to whom the catalogues of which each con- background of the strengthening of their children have no relation what- tain approximately seventy terms an apparatus of rule and a network soever, the children, in turn, are (among which, of course, there are of authorities that governed large related to people who are not bound some that are derived from the same parts of life: The public clock which in kinship to their parents. stem). In a system of kinship leaning replaces the individual perception Patrilineal systems of kinship, heavily on ancestry the circle of each of time by a publicly defined one; based on ancestry, as have developed one’s relations does not depend on the official authority as the instru- in the Balkans are entirely different the individual position within the ment of the ruler, who himself though. In such a system only the family but is determined straight pretends to represent general or male line of descent is of conceptio- away, irrespective thereof. public interests, the department that ensures public security, that which strictly separates public from Der Standard, 9. 6. 99, p. 4 private stretches of water, and one Among brothers and sisters that implements institutions open When the Serbs had driven Afet Kuqi’s family out of their house in Kacanik to the “general public”. in May the refugees had but two options: either to go straight away to one of Wherever the state does not cre- the enormous refugee camps or to seek a hide-out with relatives of theirs in ate a public element different sorts Macedonia. of public sphere are likely to be Afet Kuqi was lucky, in Tetovo, next to the Macedonian border with Kosovo, he practised instead. Each chosen so- knew a distant relative of his, Nuri Kuqi – their great-great-grandfathers had lution will depend on the respective been brothers – who agreed to share his house with Afet’s family. Now both families lived under the same roof on a space of barely one hundred square different cultural and economic con- metres, all in all thirty eight people, more than the half of them children. Nuri texts as well as on proven patterns Kuqi lives almost comfortably for Macedonian standards. The thirty eight of of action. In the central areas of the them have to share one common bathroom, one toilet and the kitchen, where Balkans the patrilineally structured normally the three oldest women sleep. groups of kinship were those that In spite of the agonisingly confined space both families get on very well with took the place of a non-present or each other, so they say. “Thank Allah”, Afet says, “if it had not been for Nuri we would have had to put up with living in a tent”. “And”, he adds, “it is really hardly effective, respectively inef- only a question of time before you go crazy there”. Nuri is fairly relaxed: “We ficient, authoritative power on the would have also taken in people that are not actually related to us. Anyway, all part of the state and an evident lack Kosovars are our brothers and sisters”. of public sphere. Almost two thirds of the registered 247.800 expellees managed to avoid the We have to assume that in most refugee camps in this way. In the region around Tetovo alone with its population parts of Europe our cognate system of nearly 200.000 people 51.258 refugees were accommodated by host families. of relationship, which is bilineally this report shows the solidarity in thinking characteristic of strictly patrilineal lineages. oriented (that is based on the equal the common ancestor of both the refugee and the host family lies five generations back. recognition of both the female and the male line of descent), has more or less asserted itself in the nal interest. Kinship through the The group of blood relations time of the Late Roman Empire female line, even though taken consists of all living women and already. Therefore, our terminol- note of, is completely irrelevant, men who are descended directly ogy pertaining to relationship does however, in the actual day-to-day through the male line from the old- not distinguish between relations realities of life in the Balkans. The est known male ancestor. How far of the male and the female line. It male line of descent on the other one particular group is prepared to is irrelevant from a conceptional hand is of crucial significance. It trace back its ancestors is a matter 24 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

largely of collective consciousness, there are only very feeble connec- respectively other necessities – such tions to other such groups. In this as the degree of public sphere, that context, one speaks of “segmentary” is, in practice, that of public security. societies. The position of the woman Groups in regions where public in a patrilineal system is by far too security is not guaranteed will weak as to establish such interrela- automatically strive at keeping as tions by way of exogamous marriage. numerous as possible since a strong Systems of godparenthoods, respec- group can far better provide for the tively other forms of patronage alike, security of its members than a small are also not suitable for completely one. Thus, such a group will seek to accomplishing this. In principle, refer to that forbear known by name godparenthoods or patro nages per- taining to marriage, the child’s haircut and (with Muslims) also to the cutting off of the umbilical cord create a certain level of relationship between the two families. As usually these godparents or patrons are not permitted to come from the own group, some extent of relationship at least forms between two respective lineages which, as a rule, however, would have been rather feeble in character. One might refer to such groups as “sibs” or “lines”, both of which terms however, are rather imprecise in scientific as well as everyday us- age and are employed to describe various facts and features. In Anglo- American cultural anthropology it has gained general acceptance to instead refer to such groups as line- ages, a practice that shall be followed here. Another much-discussed and debated term, “clan”, is usually taken to describe lineages whose ancestors are not known by name. In the time before World War II the presence of and sense of belong- ing among the lineages attained a very pronounced level still in the above mentioned areas. This cohe- sion within the lineages was under- mined strongly without any doubt by the eagerly promoted processes Blood brothers from the North Albanian of modernisation and, connected to tribe of the Shala. Apart from patrona- furthermost back in time. Lineages which, the ever-increasing influx of ges or godparenthoods blood brother- living for a longer period of time in the rural population to the urban hood is one form of gaining artificial kin beyond the scope of actual kinship in a areas of relative public security will areas as well as, in general, by a ritual way. At the “photo shooting” the possibly lose track of their most growing level of mobility; it would guns and pistols are essential for both distant ancestors, and the respec- be quite wrong though to assume men. tive group will then consist of all that such cohesion among the (Gjurme te historise kombetare ne foto- descendants from the grandfather, groups could not be encountered ken e Shkodres, Tirana 1982, p. 84) or perhaps the great-grandfather. any more in the present day. We Such lineages are clearly defined, have to consider the interesting Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 25 question as to whence this system of the forming of lineage kinship as well as the northern Pindos have of kinship, an exceptional phenom- is even considerably older. The es- both always been regions of nomadic enon throughout Europe, origi- sential principle of patrilineality and semi-nomadic livestock breed- nates. A tricky problem, admittedly. comes to the fore here. Lineages on ing. Greek sources describe the Two observations might provide a patrilineal basis are rather unusual large sheep and goat herds of the some help though. Interestingly for the conditions of the 14th or 15th Illyrians. These sources, however, enough, this conception of kinship century in Europe, though not for do not contain valuable information was quite common also among the the pre-Roman or Roman era. Since on the social organisation among Muslim population of these areas. the transition to a cognate system those groups of shepherds. Not only The Albanian-Muslim population of relationship did not come about would it not really come as much of of Kosovo and Northern Albania is until the late phase of the Roman a surprise, more so, it would have characterised thereby just as much Empire, influenced to a consider- to be expected rather, if they were as the Muslim population of Bosnia able degree in all probability also organised on a patrilineal basis. and Herzegovina. This is remarkable by early Christianity, we have to Intercultural comparisons among all the more since Islam strongly assume that with these patrilineally pastoral societies have shown that favours marriage between relatives. Here, marriage between first cousins My grandfather’s house, which was considered communal, and in which we all is permissible and quite common. gathered for ceremonial occasions, for Christmas and Easter dinner, receiving This, however, is a strategy of mar- guests, weddings, christenings, house blessings, and funerals, was built of large riage which necessarily has to run stones and had a metal-edged impenetrable door, with a gun port nearby. It counter to the system of kinship was our “mother-house” (matica), a remainder from the Turkish times. In the based on descent, for the marriage middle of our court was a tower (kula) several stories tall, by then completely partners there have to be picked abandoned. There were no more Turks, so it was not necessary to watch from the highest floor to see if they were coming. from without the lineage. In actual All villagers with our family name lived near our house. There was not a single fact, however, marriage between rel- man with our last name in any other place; all of us gathered around the tower atives – apart from the social élites like chicks around a hen. When anyone in Poljica, from Dolac down to Podstrana, – has never quite managed to catch uttered our name, he knew that meant the clan which lived in the middle of Krug, on with the Muslim population of neither at the top nor bottom of the village, but just a little above the church. the Central Balkans; the principle That we were all of the same tribe was also evidenced. of exogamy of descent was main- by the kitchen, which consisted of two hearths; distant relatives, who had in com- mon with us our great-great-grandfather, did their cooking in its second part. tained strictly. In other domains, Communal consciousness had been so deeply implanted that when a villager however, Islamic practices did assert moved to the seashore, he went to a spot where some of his people already themselves, for example in the field resided and built his house nearby. He could have built it in a better location, of the succession of women. It was but he did not wish to be separated from his flesh and blood. Even though they customary among the Christian no longer had a communal kitchen, the longing for the clan or the fear of flying population until this century that too far from the nest remained, because they believed that in hard times and at old age woe befell the loner. in patrilineal lineages the women were excluded altogether from the Ante Kadic, “The Democratic Spirit” of the Poljica Commune, in: Byrnes, Robert right of succession, whereas among F. (ed.) Communal Families in the Balkans: The Zadruga, Notre Dame-Indiana the Muslim population, as a rule, the 1976, p. 211 f. Islamic traditions and regulations were heeded which assured that the this account from central dalmatia shows how strongly common descent through the women were awarded at least half of male line could produce group cohesion even far beyond the scope of the house com- munity. it is a wide-spread phenomenon in the Balkans that descent-groups, clans and the share of the men. lineages also form a settling community. The fact that the exogamy of descent was maintained among the Muslim population clearly indicates organised lineages we encounter a they strongly tend towards forming that those lineages must already phenomenon of remarkable age and unilineal, segmentary social orders have existed before the onset of tradition. The assumption that this founded on descent. Why this is so Islamisation. Which, in turn, could represents the remainder of a social may well eventually elude reason- have occurred at the earliest after order which had developed in the able and analytical explanation the conquest of the Balkan areas bosom of the oldest known ethnic but the type of economic activity on the part of the Ottoman Empire, group in this area, the Illyrians, is evidently plays an important part that is in the course of the 14th and certainly not unfounded. therein. Reproduction and fertility 15th century. A second observation It is further supported by addi- of the animals quite naturally was of suggests the idea that this tradition tional reflections. The Dinaric Alps utmost importance for the survival 26 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde of such pastoral communities – a plained only by taking into consid- unthinkable. In whatever system of circumstance which may have sug- eration the altogether insignificant kinship people might have lived be- gested analogous conclusions on presence of the organs of state. Had fore, in the plains, now, at any rate, society in the sense of its concentrat- those pastoral communities been they came into contact with patri- ing and focusing itself on reproduc- subject to a firm and stable control lineal kinship, adapted to the new tion, ancestry and hierarchical order on the part of the state they would circumstances and came to know in the lines of descent. Additionally, undoubtedly have been christia nised the advantages of such groups as a such pastoral communities as a mat- far more thoroughly. Therefore, we strategy of survival. It is no coinci- ter of fact spent the better part of the have to assume that throughout dence therefore that the ancestors of year in remote zones of pastoralism, classical antiquity as well as the many old Balkan lineages came from often high up in the well-nigh im- Middle Ages, in spite of being un- the time of the Ottoman campaigns passable mountains where security der, alternately, Roman, Byzantine, of conquest (14 to 15 generations was a latent concern that had to be Bulgarian and Serbian domination, ago). When subsequently, triggered dealt with. Pastoral communities, in the inhabitants of the mountains by the intense pressures of the general, enjoy the reputation of high enjoyed extensive space to do as extreme population density in the flexibility, which, however, is only they pleased. mountains as well as the breakdown part of the truth. Rebuilding and re- of the Ottoman state machine, they forming a lost herd was a laborious The historical, social and cultural returned to the plains on a large task involving several years of hard consequences scale from the second half of the 18th work, years without income and century, they did not come alone or with insufficient supply only. The Until the time of the subjugation in isolated groups of a few, to the preparedness to defend oneself at of the Balkans to Ottoman rule we contrary, they arrived with their any stage as well as the actual fight- can only formulate the hypotheses entire, or at least part of the lineage, ing strongly pushed forward and outlined above which are based and went on to clear their new fields accentuated the male side of society. on anthropological observations; and pastures together. Under these sorts of circumstances written sources are rare and rather Life away from any organisational a patrilineal structure of lineage is a inadequate in form until the 14th interference on the part of the state foregone conclusion, really. century. During the Ottoman era we took its toll in as far as the natural This social order and its im- can estimate fairly accurately the so- environment became the defining plications such as the ideology of cial as well as cultural consequences element in the development of so- ancestor-worship inevitably had to of a life away from state institutions cial forms to an extent which for us be a thorn in the flesh, so to speak, in which both identity and public can only seem incomprehensible. I of many a Christian missionary sphere at the same time were created should like to distinguish – without since Christianity had broken away by one’s own lineage. going into geographical details – two from all conceptions and notions in The Ottoman campaigns of con- different milieus: one of the short this context: the preservation of the quest triggered enormous migra- distance and one of the long distance. male line as a religious mission, the tion movements which we cannot Pastoralism basically has to follow conferral of the feats achieved by the examine in greater detail here. To a certain axiom: changing between ancestors upon their descendants, us, however, it is of great signifi- summer and winter pastures. In the immense importance of descent cance that the plains and valleys, in summer, the winter pastures dry up in salvational anticipations, ances- particular along the few connec- in the given climatic conditions; thus tor-worship practised by the living; tions between North and South, switching to the green summerly the family ties were replaced by the were deserted by the old-established pastures in the mountains becomes religious community as the centre inhabitants. This loss of population an inevitability, come April or May. of socialisation instead. In case of could only partly, and incompletely, With the first snow in November at the patrilineal societies though of made up for by the Ottoman ad- the latest one necessarily has to go the Central Balkans the Christian ministration, calling upon settlers back to the winter pastures in the missionaries had obviously failed to from Anatolia. Most people had (almost) snowfree plains. Feeding the impart their message. Even in the retreated to the almost impassable animals in sheds, respectively pens, 20th century a fair number of pre- mountains of the Balkans, where was not practised. Christian elements can still be en- they lived a life of virtual autonomy, “Milieu of the short distance” countered in the field of thinking in untroubled by the Ottoman authori- means that the geographical con- terms of descent, ancestor-worship ties. In these mountains there must ditions, that is, abrupt transitions and patrilineality. have existed over centuries a quite between the mountainside and the This merely superficial Chri- staggering population density which valley, made it possible to change stianisation, in turn, can be ex- in the present day can only remain pastures without having to cover Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 27 long distances (completing the split into more flexible subgroups, route within one day, for instance). would then go on to various dif- This was the case in Montenegro as ferent pastures and come together well as both Northern and Central again to full strength on the winter Albania. This resulted in each re- pastures, where the permanent resi- spective lineage cultivating its own, dences were. clearly defined territory which con- A second, highly significant fact sisted of summer as well as winter was that this system of kinship based pastures. Thus, the lineages firmly established themselves at a certain place. The emergence of tribal so- cieties in clearly defined tribal ter- ritories was a direct result of which. At the beginning of this century more than sixty tribes and tribal areas were counted in Northern and Central Albania, in Montenegro the figure amounted to roughly thirty. In the “milieu of the long dis- tance” – to the north, east and south thereof – more often than not the distances between the summer and the winter pastures were quite con- siderable. Trekking from one pasture to another would take up one to two weeks (for instance as to reach the Khalkidiki Peninsula starting out on direct descent through the male A Sarkatsan grazes the sheep herd of the from the northern part of the Pindos line split the Balkan societies into co-operative in the Balkan Mountains. or vice versa, or to make one’s way segments which barely had anything The Sarkatsani are Greek-speaking pastoral nomads and live in scattered from Western Serbia to the Sava in common at all. The above men- groups in Central Bulgaria in the region plains and back, respectively). Here, tioned system of godpa renthoods, around the Íipka pass. the lineages could not establish respectively patronages, or a com- Ten of the animals are in his personal themselves as tribes, neither could mon language constituted the sole, property. (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) there crystallise clearly defined trib- feeble links. Until the emergence al territories. The summer pastures of the modern Balkan States in the in the mountains were owned by 19th and at the beginning of the each respective lineage on the basis 20th century there was no institu- of customary law (for the Ottoman tion above this segmentary level administration was not interested that would have managed to assert in the mountain pastures), whereas itself. The Ottoman system of rule taxes had to be paid for the use of considerably contributed to this the winter pastures which, as a rule, development. It was so structured, were under the control of Ottoman in principle, that frequently one big land-owners. sought to delegate and devolve any In this case, the lineages were administrative concerns regarding either nomads or semi-nomads the “unbelieving population” to (with some forms in between). It was this circle of addressees itself. On either a part of the households only one side there were the Muslims, that embarked upon the long trek, who enjoyed all rights, on the other or all of the households went along end of the spectrum were the non- to the other pasture. In which case believers (in the Balkans mostly the lineage, if it was not very large, Orthodox and Catholic Christians) formed a protective unit on trek who were systematically denied any and an economic community on the of such rights. This on one hand led summer pastures. If the lineage was to an increasing impoverishment of a very numerous one it could well the Christian population in general, 28 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

on the other hand it pushed forward, there was no adult man living in at least in the mountain areas, this the house. The representative role of tendency towards segmentation. the wo men, however, was a strictly Here, however, the Ottomans had limited one. They were permitted to to content themselves with merely take part, though not to speak up, let the theoretical implications of the alone be involved in the process of authority of the state. decision making. If we try to analyse the impacts This male public sphere, as it of this segmentation we have to were, was hierarchised formally only stress the self-awareness and very to a very rudimentary degree; that is level of self-focusing within these to say there was only a small group lineage segments in the first place. of men intended for leadership. They had special titles which varied from one region to the other. These positions of leadership remained within the respective household and were bequeathed to the following generations. Among the rest of the men, respectively the heads of the households, besides the former an informal hierarchy had to exist as well; who enjoyed a high standing or was held in somewhat lower esteem? Whose words weighed more heavily? Segmentation was a perfect bree- ding ground for a mentality of heroism which was preformulated in the first place by the very principle of patrilineality. This segmentation effectively meant that each other lineage, in principle, was regarded A Pomakian peasant woman from They provided for both identity and as a potential adversary. Only god- Srednogortsi leading the sheep herd to their own public form. Which, in parent hoods or patronages could the summer pastures. The Pomakians, turn, existed only within the frame eventually weaken the barrier of this a Bulgarian ethnic group, were forced to convert to Islam in the time from the of the segments, the criteria for the hostile judgement of one another. 16th to the 18th century and their way individual rank within the hierar- One’s own heroism could well be of living is different in some respects to chy were set by these segments in toughened through the enemy that of the Christian Bulgarians. Today, advance. One focal aspect of such a group, either by way of ordinary they live in the valleys of the Rhodopian segmentary public sphere was the theft of livestock or, ultimately, in and the Central Balkan Mountains (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) gathering in meeting of the tribe or armed confrontations. Among many lineage, an assembly convened by tribes of Montenegro and Albania in the honourable “elders”, the lead- particular a permanent state of war ers, as to discuss the most pressing was more or less the order of the issues, reach and pronounce judge- day. This state of affairs was caused ment upon some matter of concern mainly by a palpable population or formulate declarations of war increase which in the 19th century against either neighbouring tribes led to the rapidly decreasing avail- or the Ottoman administration, ability of suitable pastures. Each respectively. These assemblies con- attack carried out by one lineage on stituted a public element and – this the other’s tribal territory resulted being essential still in the present in bloody conflict. day – this element was exclusively Heroism could also develop freely male. Each household was repre- in the encounters with the troops sented by its family head at such of the Ottoman administration. an assembly. A household could These clashes were triggered by only be represented by a woman if raids, robberies and other offences Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 29

(encroachments on the property of reflection rather of an evident lack of Muslims, for instance) committed state jurisdiction. by members of the respective tribes. In this context one has to under- In such case it could well happen line the flagrant uncertainty which that the administration reacted by must have prevailed then regard- sending troops into the mountains ing the precise state of the law. It in order to search for the culprits. is hardly surprising against such a This in the end often entailed a series of bloody confrontations. The lineages have never – and this fact is of considerable importance also for our time – experienced the Ot- toman state, or the institution state itself for that matter, in a positive way; rather to the contrary, it has always been perceived as an adver- sary only. The collective experience gained over centuries amounted to the mere fact that the state and its institutions, organs and authorities had to be fought and opposed. Similar facts hold true with regard to the judicial system. The state – for the very reason of its evident lack of presence and effectiveness in these regions – failed to either achieve public security or establish an official judicial system open to the public in the mountain areas of the Central Balkans. As a consequence of which the tribes and lineages had to organ- ise and structure a judicial system of their own on a markedly unsophisti- cated level. This process took place on the basis of a body of customary law that had been passed on for gen- erations, thus setting rather different criteria than those an Ottoman kadi or the judicial system of the modern Balkan States would have viewed appropriate. This judicial system on the basis of customary law was only partly subject to the institutions pertaining to the tribes and lineages, in most cases action was basically taken upon an individual measure social and cultural background that A­Kosovar­woman­making­cheese­in­­ of decision making. Whether a sanc- literacy did not really manage to her­hut­on­a­pasture­in­Íar­Planina,­ tion appeared appropriate or not was exert any noticeable influence. The south­of­Prizren.­The­whole­cheeses­ hang­from­the­ceiling­to­dry. decided by “public” opinion. The pos- ability to both write and read was Her husband grazes the sheep herd on sibilities of sanctioning also included limited to a small circle of people. the mountain pasture, helped by large, each one’s, respectively each group’s, Thus, contracts, agreements and white sheep-dogs ... voluntary decision or obligation to judgements could only be reached (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) seek blood revenge. As we all know, and established in verbal form and this practice was frequently resorted had to be confirmed, respectively to. This, however, is not an indication upheld, by way of laborious ritual or expression of “savageness” but the incantation ceremonies. 30 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

Impacts on the present day an enormous thrust in develop- sealing of one’s fate. This holds true ment in this respect. In spite of this all the more, for nowadays one can- We have seen the circumstances accelerated transformation in some not simply retreat to the mountains, under which this system of kinship ways the Balkan States are far from unlike the old days when the law developed. In its eventual forms it having shaken off the historical could thus be evaded. The last great was strongly exposed to the natural legacy of the lineage society. This be- migration to the mountains took order of things; the principle of seg- comes most visible nowadays in the place during World War II when mentarity corresponded with the northern regions of Albania. There, thousands of people fled their homes absence of the state, and the public the traditional scope of influence as to seek refuge in the mountains sphere developed and formed in the exerted by the tribes that is founded for fear of the occupying armies; the male-dominated institutions of the on customary law stands diametri- foreign troops could not follow and lineage. cally opposed still to the authority of track down the population there. The emergence and consolidation the state, which manages to gain in In our day such a strategy would be of the modern Balkan States in the strength and effectivity to a gradual impossible. course of the 19th and the begin- extent only. The state has undoubtedly as- ning of the 20th century constituted Above all the gaping discrepancy serted itself, and it has also created a profound break in the history of still between the citizens and their a public sphere of its own. Besides, this system of kinship. The primary states, that is their state bureaucra- however, there still exists a counter concern on the part of the state cies, has to be noted. The strong element persistently perpetuating quite obviously had to be to crack form of nationalism in our day does itself. Even if, with regard to the those segments secluded from the not at all imply an intense level of system of kinship, thinking in terms outside world in favour of asserting identification with the state as such of descent recedes to the back- its own monopoly of power. This but rather with the nation. There ground more and more, nonethe- objective could at times be realised is only a limited degree of loyalty less, as always, one’s relations play only by means of using armed force. towards the state and its institu- an enormous part. This network is Montenegro comes as a suitable tions. It shows a hostile attitude still even extended through the modern example of these events. From the towards its citizens; for generations processes of migration: some rela- beginning of the 19th century the the state has waged war on the tradi- tives for example are moving over first state authorities and institu- tions of the male side of society so as to urban areas, others work abroad tions were set up here under the to assert and establish the modern temporarily. Such processes barely patronage of the local Montenegrin principles of state and law. The rela- reduce in importance the standing bishops, parallel to the tribal institu- tionship of reciprocal distance often of kinship, quite frequently they tions, and at around the middle of leads to emotional conflicts between can even add enriching other facets the century they had such gained the citizens on one hand and the and dimensions owing to the new in strength and efficiency that they state authorities on the other hand. possibilities of reciprocal exchange. could then challenge the influence In this context most people also The rather unpronounced system of the tribes. The disbandment of mistrust bureaucracy and its writ- of political parties which is hardly the tribal territories by means of ten principle of form. People who based on ideological conflicts or armed force was successfully com- traditionally had to manage with- differences (whether in the interwar pleted and Ottoman administrative out any form of writing as a result period or in the post-communist units were established in their associated bureaucracy with very era) can be blamed partly on the place. In the course of time more negative experiences. This might historical heritage of a segmentary and more laws were enacted, and have been a decision reached by a society determined by descent. also enforced, which were intended court awarding the same share of These lineage segments were given to drive a wedge into this differ- the inheritance to the daughter as a new practical form more or less as ent system of kinship, break it and to the son or a verdict confining a political parties. As far as I can tell eventually transform it into the man to prison for having resorted the emergence of this system of po- modern bilineal type: blood revenge to the principle of blood revenge. litical parties in the Balkans – with was forbidden, the women’s right of For the very reason that until World the exception of Greece – has never inheritance became established in War II this written principle of form been analysed in detail from such a law and both its ideological as well was not widespread at all, great perspective. as its legal main pillars were taken significance was attached, gener- In many ways kinship goes hand away eventually from patrilineality. ally, to an official stamp. As it were, in hand still with public sphere. Similar processes took place in the official stamp below an issued The standing of a man and his the other Balkan States as well. The document even in the present day family in our day, as ever, is deter- phase of Communist rule signified still stands, quite literally, for the mined by standards set by his own Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 31 circle of relatives. Various studies guest coffee and raki (a spirit). among the working class popula- The institution of the coffee- tion of Belgrade in the late sixties house has different functions in vari- have shown that life in a big city, ous cultures. In the Central Balkans at least for the first generation of it became the monument to a very newly arrived, does not necessarily different ideology of kinship and its introduce much of a change in this importance for descent, lineage and respect. The interviewees spent the public sphere. best part of their spare time visiting their relatives, even if they lived in distant parts of the city. English Version: The observation that the coffee- STEFAN MENHOFER ©, 1999 house essentially constitutes the focus of male socialisation and (re) presentation on a public stage only seems to contradict the above said. The coffee-house in fact comprises many an aspect following the exam- ple of the traditional institutional- ised lineage assemblies of the past. First, we must not interpret the Balkan man looking for company as a typical macho city slicker on the prowl, for this is the milieu in which he frequently comes across his own relatives. In conversation this tra- ditional hierarchical stratification founded on the basis of patrilineal- ity, however intrans parent or hard to comprehend for outsiders, becomes clear. Second, the coffee-house is a place for talking politics, here, deci- sions are made, as was the case in the historical model. Which leaves the question as to why the coffee-house of all places, why would it become the essential place for the substitution of the past. In this respect one assumption alone can be presented: the coffee-house offers the opportunity within one Tribal assembly of the Shala in the north self-contained, condensed spot and of Albania, summer 1993. This was system to fall back on and reaffirm the first such assembly called after the breakdown of the Communist régime.To the historically relevant behaviour the left of the picture in the foreground patterns; it is a substitution for the is the bairaktar (leader), to his right an traditional assembly of the tribe or old man who looks back on 14 generati- lineage; it creates a public air by the ons of his patrilineal ancestors. very possibility alone of meeting (Photocollection Robert Pichler) relatives of the male side there (the coffee-house for itself does not nec- essarily represent public sphere as such); as it were, the mutual rituals of invitations, intensively fostered, provide a substitution for the obliga- tion in former times on the part of the head of a household to serve his 32 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

Hannes Grandits/ last 150 years from small villages and market communities to larger Joel M. Halpern towns. Thus, until into our century there existed no specific Serbian urban tradition whatsoever. The Traditional Value Patterns and attachment to the village roots remains strong, and mutual obliga- the War in Ex-Yugoslavia tions between the family in the city and the kin in the country further strengthen these ties. There is, The various national movements in tional” values of their society. for instance, a very close relation- the Southern Slavonic countries con- The historical background of ship between the brother who has cerned themselves very thoroughly some characteristic features of these moved over to the city and the other with their respective village cultures. traditional values shall be presented brother who has chosen to stay in In them, in a world of rapid moderni- and commented on here. At the the home village. The former sends sation, they sought to find and detect same time this article looks into his children to the village for their their origins and to understand what the question as to why these tradi- holidays, while the children of the characterises their people and makes tional values, despite the processes latter naturally live with their uncle it special. This more often than not of modernisation in the socialist when they go to school in the city. resulted in a romantic transfigura- society, still enjoy strong presence. The great process of urbanisation tion and idealisation of rural or vil- Furthermore, we seek to place some began very late in former Yugoslavia. lage value patterns, as seen from traditional value patterns into the It was not until the beginning of this an urban, intellectual perspective. context of the war in Croatia and century that the populations of the These patterns, as it were, should Bosnia. The focus of these reflec- cities began to grow more rapidly be “characteristic” of the nation and tions will be on two regional areas and, in particular after World War serve as models. which shall be discussed in greater II, this process experienced a further The processes of industrialisation detail later on. acceleration. The Serbian town of and urbanisation in the Southern Aradjelovac in Íumadija, south of Slavonic societies fundamentally A rurally oriented value system: Belgrade, illustrates these develop- changed and influenced the existing ments very well. In the year 1961 traditional society. This “modernisa- It is not possible to reduce the 73 per cent of the 9.837 inhabitants tion”, however, did not only include modernisation of various societies were not born in the town itself. the one-sided influencing of the vil- in Croatia and Serbia in the 19th Almost three quarters of the popu- lages by urban, “Western” values. In and 20th century exclusively to the lation had at some stage moved to spite of the growing economic and penetration of village life by modern Aradjelovac, a process which then social differences between the urban urban influences. These changing was still in full flow. and the rural world the influence of influences had their effects in the The population increase in the big village culture in the development of opposite direction as well. Rural tra- cities such as Belgrade and Za greb the nation and its society must not ditions also had their impacts on the also reflects the aforementioned be underestimated. way of life in the cities and strongly development, the population of The goals and ideals of the agrar- contributed to shaping it. These Belgrade nearly doubled in a period ian and nationalist parties in inter- influences were directly connected of twenty years, and in Zagreb, too, war Yugoslavia which dominated with the mass migration from the the population increase is quite stag- the political stage at the time were villages to the growing cities, away gering. This process of urbanisation not put into practice in the social- from agriculture on to industry or is by far not concluded as yet, as ist postwar state. Even so, they other urban working options. As is shown by the example, again, of remained an important factor. This to coin a catch-phrase: these afore- Zagreb, where the total number of became evident at the beginning of mentioned developments could be inhabitants rose from 650.000 in the nineties during the collapse of described as “the urbanisation of 1981 to 706.770 in 1991. the Yugoslav state, when national- the villages” and, at the same time, Naturally, nowadays in most cities, ist movements seized power in the as “the ruralisation of the cities”. notably the very big ones, there is a former republics by emphasising The Serbian history in particular Western-oriented society, compara- the “threat to the own people as a richly illustrates this specific devel- ble to our own, which comes to the nation” and the “history of the own opment. Almost all Serbian cities, major part of the population. These nation”, thereby at the same time owing to centuries under Turkish statistics, however, show society to be also strongly addressing the “tradi- domination, developed only in the in the middle still of a strong process Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 33 of transformation, a process in which the circumstan ces and conditions traditional value patterns can get a of a pastoral society. Life in this significant role too. family form was based very strongly

Roots in pastoralism?

As to be in a position to compare characteristic traditional value systems of rural societies in various regions of Serbia or Croatia to each other it is absolutely necessary to put them into a deeper historical context and examine the follow- ing questions: Which development influenced and shaped village life and the traditional values in this area, and what exactly constitutes the historical background of these societies? Characteristic of the early devel- opment of the social structure in many Balkan societies was – and this is illustrated in particular by Jovan Cvijiƒ’s work – the constant inter- relation of transhumant pastoralism A shepherd with his donkey, an indispensible pack-animal on the narrow and stony and settled forms of agriculture paths of the Southern Pindos. The shepherd’s crook with the hook on the upper end which was caused by the series of helps the shepherds catch the sheep. The Vlachs or Aromunes in this part of Greece had their permanent winter residences Ottoman conquests and, following in the Thessalian lowland plains, where they spent the winter with their herds. In the which, the time of Ottoman domi- summer they moved up into the mountains to the summer pastures with their fami- nation. The Turkish conquest of lies, the herds, domestic animals and all tools and utensils. Southeast Europe was accompanied (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) by a massive process of migration which lasted quite long. The main direction of these population shifts was from the south to the north, in line with the advances made by the conquerors. Another important process of migration took place from the plains to the mountains. Parts of the plains became completely deserted. The mountain areas, in contrast, were more densely popu- lated again. Generally, however, the inhabitants of the mountain regions were hardly integrated at all into the Ottoman state and so developed social structures and survival strat- egies of their own. In this process the already existing older patterns grew stronger and stronger. All these strategies were based on the “complex family”, usually referred to as “zadruga” in the literature, as the foundation of the organisation Vlach shepherds from Métsovo, a small town at 1200 metres altitude in the Pindos, east of Joánina. For centuries Métsovo has been the cultural and economic centre of of life. This type of family structure the Vlach population developed in the mountains under (Lída Míøek-Jahn ©) 34 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde on patriarchal principles which be- Slavonia.) problematic situation which is im- came fundamental laws for family mensely complex and depends on and society. Family forms and the ability to various factors; nonetheless, histori- The principal aim of this patri- defend oneself – two examples: cal parallels come to the fore time archal organisation was to provide and time again. for the protection of family groups Serbia had been settled as late as The course of the further devel- in a hostile environment. The Ot- the end of the 18th century by opment of the societies in the two toman Empire was founded on shepherds from the Dinaric Alps. outer zones of settlement produced Islamic principles, and the Christian Until the beginning of the first different results. If the external population, even though it had its revolt against the Turks in the year conditions were favourable for the own ecclesiastical organisations, 1804 these pastoral communities complex families these forms were was merely tolerated in this system. preserved their specific form of life, preserved for quite some time, if, Under these circumstances and in they adapted skilfully, however, to however, conditions were unfavour- the face of a situation of almost their new environment. In the huge, able they would disappear fairly permanent threat the man and his almost impenetrable woods of this rapidly. The whole system of the weapon came to be the dominant area – at that time the largest part zadruga gradually broke down, not symbols of these patriarchal moun- of Serbia was covered with dense though many of the characteristic tain societies. forests – they bred pigs instead of behaviour patterns that had been A further characteristic of these sheep and grazed them in the nearby developed in the pastoral societies Balkan societies was a continual woods. Here, much the same as in and had existed for centuries. The interrelation of pastoralism and the mountains, society was also interrelation of pastoral and martial settled forms of stock-breeding and strictly agnatically organised, with ways of living was at the beginning farming. Until into the 19th century lineages and zadrugas. This form of most Balkan societies. A closer time and time again there occurred of organisation proved to be very examination of this interrelation changes in either this direction or effective, in particular in wartime. which finds strong expression also the other. This process of fluctua- This was evidenced not only by the in literature generally and in folk- tion only came to an end with the repeated revolts against the Turks literature especially can certainly emergence of the modern states. but also by the entire tradition of contribute to a better understanding In reference to which the Ameri- hayduke and marauders, a common of many characteristic features of can anthropologist Philip Mosley facet of pastoral life. The almost per- today’s problems. has defined three areas in which manent military conflicts with the What circumstances the tradi- the typical patriarchal patterns of Ottoman state after the settlement tional organisation of life in the familial organisation prevailed. of the plains were closely connected Balkan societies was confronted According to him the central re- to a scarce economic basis, a patriar- with in the 19th and the first half gions of the patriarchally organised chal organisation, marauding raids of the 20th century shall be illus- zadruga were the mountain areas and a very deep-rooted ideology of trated with the help of the example in Montenegro and the north of heroism. of Íumadija in Central Serbia and Albania in which this pastoral form When one regards the war in then also of the area at the former of life with its inherent laws is most Bosnia against this historical back- Croatian-Slovenian Militärgrenze in pronounced. With the resettlement ground many events during the Southern Croatia. of the plains around this central war can be seen as marauding and In the first half of the 18th cen- region two more zones developed looting of lineages in the old pas- tury central Serbia, then the Pasha- in which the traditional family or- toral tradition. Nowadays, quite as luk of Belgrade, was very thinly ganisation for a long period of time in the time of the revolts against populated only. The resettlement represented the determining social the Turks, small armed groups of the area in the 18th and 19th pattern. These two zones, however, resort to hayduke-like warfare, century, therefore, was accompanied became less important the farther albeit in “modernised” form. This by the gradual disintegration of they were from the central area. war, however, as in the era of the Ottoman power in Europe. Under They included Bosnia, Serbia, parts revolts, is also a war between the these prevailing conditions, char- of Bulgaria, Macedonia, the rest of rural and the urban sphere. Then, acterised by a multitude of conflicts, Albania, the northernmost parts the few cities were well and truly the Serbian nation and the Serbian of Greece as well as the southern dominated by the Turks. This tradi- state began to emerge, and this and the eastern regions of Croatia tional anti-urban behaviour became sphere of conflict influenced all (primarily the areas at the former particularly obvious during the siege phases of the process of becoming Austrian Militärgrenze – literally, of Sarajevo. These are of course only a nation and forming a state. The “military frontier” – in Croatia and partial explanations for the current aforementioned fighter’s ideal was Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 35 very strongly present at that time. As resettlement of Íumadija there was of the region had long passed, the to how the situation of everyday life plenty of land for the small number huge woodlands had been cleared was caught up with the events of war of new settlers. Soon, however, the for the most part and industrialisa- in these times shall be illustrated influx of new settlers to this area tion had not quite got under way by the example of Karadjordje, the grew stronger and stronger, and as yet. Small scale agriculture, founder of the Serbian and later the region became more and more minimal class differences and small Yugoslav royal house. In 1781, his densely populated. From 1834 to land-ownership were characteristic family came to Íumadija, then an 1910 population density in Serbia of the social structure at the time. area almost entirely covered with increased from a mere 18 to 60 The further development of society wood. Karadjordje later lived with inhabitants per square kilometre, in Íumadija and the whole of Serbia his zadruga in a house similar to the the number still steadily climb- was shaken by a series of wars and other houses of this particular era, ing. The country was soon densely similar experiences in this century. I that is to say, not much more than a populated, the level of emigration shall refer to them and their results long, rectangular hut. In view of his to overseas was low and the process later in this article. active role in the armed resistance of industrialisation only marginal. The second example is that of the against Ottoman domination he The cities were growing only very Croatian-Slavonian Militärgrenze. equipped his house with several gun slowly at that time. In 1834, 94 per The Militärgrenze was organised as ports for the purpose of defence. The cent of the total population of Serbia a militarised defence zone against eastern side of the house directly lived in the rural areas, and a very the Ottoman Empire by the Aus- faced the woods to which he and his high percentage of people lived on trian authorities during the 16th family often managed to flee in great agriculture and stock-breeding. In century. The Austrian military ad- danger. Karadjordje, like the other the course of the 19th century little ministration offered the settling richer settlers in this region, lived changed. In 1910, approximately colonists land and exemption from on livestock trade with Vojvodina 87 per cent of the population still feudal tax burdens in return for their and other areas of the Habsburg Em- lived in the rural areas. There were participation, that is to say active pire. This source of income enabled changes, however, in the economic service, in the battles against the him to gradually increase his estates day-to-day realities for the peas- Turks. Each family was guaranteed and acquire considerable wealth. ants, brought about by the decline land-ownership. These families were The first half of the 19th century of livestock breeding in favour of self-sufficient, living on extensive for the people of Íumadija was a the strongly increasing forms of farming and pastoralism and, ad- period of almost incessant battles farming. The last years of the 19th ditionally, also on thieving sprees against Turkish domination in the and the beginning of the 20th cen- across the border into Ottoman wars of independence. Parallel to tury were a period of stagnation in territory. these events a dramatic change took terms of economic productivity and On the Ottoman side there also place in the 19th century as regards the potential development of the was such a militarised defence zone, the economic and demographic economic standard of living. The similarly organised. In the begin- situation. At the beginning of the pioneering phase of the resettlement ning of its foundation both frontier

Bo‚ko­Bo‚koviø­was­the­last­chieftain­of­the­Polje­clan.­The­Poljani­realized­that­his­death­marked­the­end­of­the­last­ living­trace­of­their­history,­the­uprising,­the­long­and­bitter­border­struggles,­and­the­campaigns­in­the­great­wars.­ The­whole­region­came­to­the­funeral,­and­many­from­other­parts­of­Montenegro.­Honor­was­done­not­only­to­a­hero,­ but­to­a­heroic­district,­to­a­family­that­had­achieved­leadership­by­the­sword,­and­to­a­clan­that­was­vanishing. Suddenly­everything­was­forgotten­–­he­internecine­feuds,­Bo‚ko’s­violent­pacification­of­these­very­Poljani­in­1919,­ and­all­his­weaknesses­and­faults.­There­remained­only­his­heroism­and­glorious­name,­which­personified­the­heart­ and­soul­of­the­clan. The­murder­had­taken­place­in­the­Sandœak,­that­is,­on­the­other­side­of­the­Tara­–­long­a­bloody­border­between­two­ creeds.­Consequently,­it­was­not­difficult­for­the­mourners,­the­keeners,­and­the­eulogists­to­incite­the­masses­to­a­ punitive­massacre­against­the­Moslems­... Never­was­there­such­a­campaign,­nor­could­one­even­imagine­that­this­was­hidden­in­what­is­called­the­national­soul.­ The­plundering­of­1918­was­an­innocent­game­by­comparison­with­this.­The­majority­of­the­crusaders­were­themselves­ later­ashamed­of­what­happened­and­what­they­had­done.­But­–­they­did­it.­My­father,­too,­who­was­not­particularly­ given­to­cruelty,­at­least­not­more­than­any­other­Montenegrin,­never­liked­to­talk­about­it.­He­felt­shame­for­taking­ part­in­those­events,­like­a­drunkard­who­sobers­up­after­committing­a­crime.­ The­police­officials­in­the­little­town­across­the­Tara­as­well­as­the­civil­authorities­in­the­communities­were­mostly­ Montenegrins,­and­in­the­hands­of­the­aroused­mobs.­In­Sahoviƒi­the­authorities­informed­the­vigilantes­that­a­group­ of­Moslems,­taken­under­protective­custody­on­the­pretext­that­their­lives­were­in­danger,­were­being­moved­to­Bijelo­ Polje.­The­Montenegrins­lay­in­wait­for­them­in­a­likely­spot,­and­massacred­them­near­the­cemetery­at­Sahoviƒi.­ 36 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

Some­fifty­very­prominent­Moslems­were­killed.­A­similar­attempt­was­made­on­the­Moslems­of­Bijelo­Polje,­a­peaceful­ and­industrious­people.­They,­too,­were­to­be­convoyed­by­way­of­Sahoviƒi­under­a­safe­conduct.­However,­at­the­last­ minute­a­Serbian­army­officer­prevented­the­treachery­and­crime. The­destruction­of­Moslem­settlements­and­massacring­of­Moslems­assumed­such­proportions­and­forms­that­the­army­ had­to­be­sent­to­intervene;­the­police­authorities­were­passive­and­unreliable.­The­incident­turned­into­a­small-scale­ religious­war,­but­one­in­which­only­one­side­was­killed.­If,­as­rumour­later­had­it,­Belgrade­wished­to­exert­some­ pressure­on­the­Moslem­party,­which­is­not­very­likely,­the­whole­affair­certainly­got­out­of­hand.­Neither­Belgrade­ nor­the­leaders­of­the­mob­could­keep­it­in­hand. Despite­all­this,­not­everyone­was­massacred.­Holding­to­the­tradition­of­their­fathers,­the­mob­killed­only­males­above­ ten­years­of­age­–­or­fifteen­or­eighteen,­depending­on­the­mercy­of­the­murderers.­Some­three­hundred­and­fifty­ souls­were­slaughtered,­all­in­a­terrible­fashion.­Amid­the­looting­and­arson­there­was­also­rape,­unheard­of­among­ Montenegrins­in­earlier­times. As­soon­as­the­regular­army­appeared,­the­lawless­mob­realized­that­the­matter­was­serious­and­immediately­with- drew.­After­that­the­Moslem­villages­slowly­withered.­The­Moslems­of­that­region­began­to­migrate­to­Turkey,­selling­ their­lands­for­a­trifle.­The­district­of­Sahoviƒi,­and­in­part,­also,­Bijelo­Polje,­were­emptied,­partly­as­the­result­of­the­ massacre­and­partly­from­fear.­The­Moslems­were­replaced­by­Montenegrin­settlers. The­affair­produced­general­horror,­even­among­most­of­those­who­had­carried­it­out.­My­older­brother­and­I­were­ shocked­and­horrified.­We­blamed­Father­for­being­one­of­the­leaders­of­the­mob.­He­himself­later­used­to­say­that­ he­had­always­imagined­the­raid­was­intended­only­to­kill­a­few­Moslem­chiefs.­Expressing­abhorrence­at­the­crimes,­ Father­nevertheless­saw­in­it­all­something­that­my­brother­and­I­neither­would­nor­could­see­–­an­inevitable­war­ of­annihilation,­begun­long­ago,­between­two­faiths.­Both­were­fated­to­swim­in­blood,­and­only­the­stronger­would­ remain­on­top. Although­Yugoslavia­at­that­time­had­a­parliamentary­government,­the­whole­crime­was­hushed­up.­Had­anyone­ conducted­even­the­most­superficial­investigation,­he­might­have­exposed­those­who­had­committed­the­crimes­and­ their­leaders.­But­there­was­no­investigation­of­any­kind.­Two­or­three­guards­were­given­a­light­jail­sentence­in­ Sahoviƒi­because­they­had­agreed­to­hand­over­some­prisoners­to­the­mob.­A­general­investigation­was­announced,­ but­it­turned­out­to­be­a­travesty­of­justice. What­especially­upset­the­established­mores­was­not­so­much­the­murders­themselves,­but­the­way­in­which­they­ were­carried­out.­After­those­prisoners­in­Sahoviƒi­were­mowed­down,­one­of­our­villagers,­Sekula,­went­from­corpse­ to­corpse­and­severed­the­ligaments­at­their­heels.­This­is­what­is­done­in­the­village­with­oxen­after­they­are­struck­ down­by­a­blow­of­the­ax,­to­keep­them­from­getting­up­again­if­they­should­revive.­Some­who­went­through­the­pockets­ of­the­dead­found­bloody­cubes­of­sugar­there­and­ate­them.­Babes­were­taken­from­the­arms­of­mothers­and­sisters­ and­slaughtered­before­their­eyes.­These­same­murderers­later­tried­to­justify­themselves­by­saying­that­they­would­ not­have­cut­their­throats­but­only­shot­them­had­their­mothers­and­sisters­not­been­there.­The­beards­of­the­Moslem­ religious­leaders­were­torn­out­and­crosses­were­carved­into­their­foreheads.­In­one­village­a­group­was­tied­around­a­ haystack­with­wire­and­file­set­to­it.­Some­later­observed­that­the­flames­of­burning­men­are­purple. One­group­attacked­an­isolated­Moslem­homestead.­They­found­the­peasant­skinning­a­lamb.­They­intended­to­shoot­him­ and­burn­down­the­house,­but­the­skinning­of­the­lamb­inspired­them­to­hang­the­peasant­by­his­heels­on­the­same­plum­ tree.­A­skilled­butcher­split­open­the­peasant’s­head­with­an­ax,­but­very­carefully,­so­as­not­to­harm­the­torso.­Then­he­ cut­open­the­chest.­The­heart­was­still­pulsating.­The­butcher­plucked­it­out­with­his­hand­and­threw­it­to­a­dog.­Later­it­ was­said­that­the­dog­did­not­touch­the­heart­because­not­even­a­dog­would­eat­Turkish­meat. It­may­seem,­if­one­reasons­coldly,­that­it­hardly­matters,­after­all,­how­men­are­killed­and­what­is­done­with­their­corpses.­ But­it­is­not­so.­The­very­fact­that­they­treated­men­like­beasts,­that­they­invented­ways­of­killing,­was­the­most­horrible­ of­all,­that­which­cast­a­shadow­on­the­murders­and­exposed­the­souls­of­the­murderers­to­their­lowest­depths,­to­a­bot- tomless­darkness.­In­that­land­murders­themselves­are­not­particularly­horrifying;­they­are­too­common­for­that.­But­ the­cruel­and­inhuman­way­in­which­these­were­committed­and­the­lust­that­the­murderers­frequently­felt­while­going­ about­their­business­are­what­inspired­horror­and­condemnation,­even­though­Moslems­were­involved.­True,­there­was­ an­already­established­opinion­that­one­religion­must­do­evil­to­another,­and­man­must­do­evil­to­man.­There­is­the­ proverb:­Man­is­a­wolf­to­every­other­man.­People­seemed­to­believe­that­a­man­who­does­not­act­thus­is­not­human.­But­ these­crimes­surpassed­everything­that­had­come­down­from­the­past.­It­seemed­as­if­men­came­to­hate­other­humans­ as­such,­and­that­their­religion­was­merely­an­excuse­for­that­monstrous­hatred.­The­times­had­unnoticeably­become­ wicked,­and­the­men­with­them.­After­all,­it­is­the­men­who­make­the­times.­As­a­final­injustice,­it­was­not­Moslems­who­ had­killed­Bo‚ko­in­the­first­place,­but­Montenegrins,­chieftains­from­Kola‚in. (Milovan­Dijilas,­Land­without­Justice,­p.­209ff.)

the here depicted events took place in the year 1924. in his interpretation the author stresses that on one hand this was not random murder but all “holding to tradition”, on the other hand he asserts that the way in which the murders had taken place “especially upset the established mores”. he formulates his model of explanation for the society of blood revenge in the transitional stage of the process of modernisation even more clearly in another passage: “the heroic hatred of his ancestors was turned by different circumstances in to a criminal urge”. Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 37 zones were populated for the most The society of this Croatian-Sla- part by Vlachs, transhumant shep- vonian Militärgrenze was based on herds from the mountain areas. the strictly patriarchal principles The chaotic situation created by the of the organisation of life in the Turkish conquests had caused an zadruga. These complex households immense process of migration. . In this respect the Vlachs in particular have to be mentioned who left their mountain homes and settled in the newly conquered Ottoman areas. The new areas of settlement of the Vlachs lay in Serbia, Dalmatia and Bosnia, especially though in the regions on both sides of the border between the Habsburg and the Ot- toman Empire. Most of the Vlachs were orthodox in terms of religion, some, however, were also Catholic. In the process of the forming of nations the ortho- dox Vlachs became Serbs and the Catholic Vlachs – together with im- migrants from other parts of Croatia (their number increased steadily over the century and they became the largest group in the area) who also settled in the area of the Habs- burg Militärgrenze – became Croats. This distinction was fairly irrelevant then since there were hardly any differences with regard to the way and organisation of life between the Shosha warriors from the north of Alba- Catholic and the orthodox Vlachs. in the militarised defence zone in nia who fought against the Turks. Photo Here, it is important to stress that exceptional cases could even consist taken in a photographic studio in 1912. (Gjurme te historise kombetare ne foto- only in the last 150 years have the of up to fifty members, although as a ken e Shkodres, Tirana 1982, p. 126) “national” differences gained in rule they were considerably smaller. significance. Therefore, it would be It has to be stressed that the size and quite wrong to project such modern structure of the households changed differences and definitions into the in the course of the family cycle and historical past, as national historians time and time again adapted to the tend to do again and again. economic, social and demographic The population of the “Vojna conditions. The Habsburg monar- Krajina” or “Krajina”, as the Mil- chy was interested in keeping the itärgrenze is called in Croatia and households large since after all they Serbia, respectively, was a full part formed the basis of recruiting new of the military system and was soldiers. More over, the absence of organised in regiments and com- one or more of the male workers panies. Each company consisted of was on no account to cause the the “frontier guards” from several ruin of farming and stock-breeding villages. First, the Krajina men were and thereby jeopardise the entire soldiers against the Ottoman Em- system. This Militärgrenze existed pire, from the middle of the 18th until the year 1881 and primarily century, however, when the Turks served the purpose of producing had become less of a threat, they enough soldiers for the military fought on nearly all the battlefields undertakings of the monarchy. The of the Habsburg monarchy. state of economic development 38 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde was very low compared to other heavily from the military uniforms. In­1914­I­was­released,­so­once­ regions of Austria-Hungary, but This goes from the “Øak‚ire”, the again­I­continued­my­work­at­home. also in relation to the neighbouring riding breeches, which were well- But­ in­ 1914,­ when­ Austria­ at- areas in Croatia. The society of the liked and remained in fashion until tacked­Serbia,­I­was­mobilized­again­ Militärgrenze, which has once been the sixties even though the peasants (...)­I­fought­near­Íabac­and­Sme- described as the “largest barracks in hardly owned horses any more, to derevo,­and­later­we­were­driven­out­ Europe”, was made a part of Croatia the “‚ajkaøa”, a cap similar in design of­our­country.­I­retreated­through­ after the disbandment of the military to the uniform caps (today, the uni- Montenegro­and­Albania­to­Skadar,­ system. The process of integrating forms of the Bosnian Serbs imitate Draø,­ and­ Valona.­ (...)­ In­ Valona­ the “frontier people” into civilian the style of the Serbian uniforms I­boarded­a­ship­and­went­ashore­ society entailed massive problems during World War II). on­Corfu.­From­there­I­went­to­Sa- and led to much unrest and several The pride taken in military service lonika,­where­we­were­engaged­in­a­ uprisings which time and time again and the participation in a war were battle­with­the­Bulgarians­in­1916.­ took their tool of lives. The heavily also important for the men of Ora‚ac In­ 1917­I­ was­ in­ Africa­ on­ a­ rest­ increased tax burdens and the relin- as early as the 19th century, then leave,­(...)­where­I­spent­six­months­ quishment of privileges played an with reference to the struggle for and­was­sent­back­to­the­war.­I­was­ important part in this development. independence in the clashes with always­in­the­first­ranks­but­I­was­ The high taxation of the possession the Turks. This pride has to be seen never­wounded.­After­a­few­big­bat- of firearms was – apart from the in close context also to the heroic tles­ we­ broke­ through­ Bulgarian­ economic difficulties – one of the ideals of the traditional stories and lines,­as­well­as­the­Austrian­lines,­ reasons for massive unhappiness. tales which will be dealt with later and­headed­toward­home. In the course of time things seemed in this article. I­ returned­ home­ in­ 1920,­ and­ to fall into place; even so, the area How the population of Ora‚ac felt with­my­brothers­I­continued­my­ of the former Krajina remained the the impacts of the Balkan wars and work­in­the­fields.­We­divided­the­ poorer part of Croatia. World War I, this shall be illustrated zadruga­in­1921,­when­I­was­elected­ by the following extracts from two a­member­of­the­County­Council­of­ Heroic traditions and the experi- autobiographies: Jasenica­...­ ences of war in the 20th century: (Halpern, J.M.: A Serbian Village. I­was­born­in­1880­in­the­village­ New York, 1958, p. 209-211) The wartime experiences in this of­ Ora‚ac.­I­ spent­ my­ childhood­ century were of decisive importance in­my­birthplace.­At­that­time­my­ Another villager describes the im- for the further development of the parents­were­poor,­so­they­rented­ pressions of his childhood in Ora‚ac societies in Íumadija and Krajina. some­fields­and­we­cultivated­them.­ as follows: These events proved to be highly (...)­I­ lived­ on­ our­ land­ with­ my­ “At­ this­ time­ our­zadruga­con- influential in the social development uncles­who­were­together­with us­ sisted­of­twelve­people.­The­wheat­ but were of effect also on the preser- in­the­same­household.­ I­was­the­ bread­which­we­can­enjoy­nowadays­ vation of traditional value systems. oldest­child­so­I­began­to­help­them­ was­a­rarity­in­those­days,­we­had­it­ The Balkan wars of 1912/13, very­early.­(...)­In­1889­my­father­ three­times­in­a­year­at­most.­1912­ World War I and World War II, all registered­me­at­the­school.­ was­the­year­when­we­fought­against­ of these were dramatic times for I­married­when­I­was­eighteen,­to­ the­Turks,­so­the­school­was­closed.­ the population of Íumadija. The a­girl­from­my­own­village,­and­in­a­ My­father­and­my­grandfather­had­ example of the village of Ora‚ac in few­years­after­that­I­had­a­son­and­a­ to­go­off­to­war­and­the­five­of­us,­ Íumadija shall serve as a model, daughter.­I­joined­the­army­in­1905­ four­brothers­and­a­sister,­stayed­at­ illustrating the sort of wartime ex- and­was­put­in­the­infantry.­This­ home­alone.­Until­then­we­cultivated­ periences and their impacts on this was­during­the­reign­of­King­Peter­I.­ the­land­with­our­bullocks,­but­now,­ region. In peace-time the economic (...)­When­I­returned­home­I­felt­my- in­wartime,­the­bullocks­were­taken­ situation of the villagers of Ora‚ac self­to­be­a­mature­man.­Up­to­1912­ away­ from­ us,­ as­ they­were­from­ was not exactly easy, but in wartime I­worked­as­a­farmer­with­my­broth- many­others.­We­sow­the­grain­and­ the state of things quickly dete- ers­and­uncles.­When­the­Turkish­ worked­on­the­field,­but­we­children­ riorated even more and led to great war­broke­out­I­was­mobilized­in­the­ knew­only­little­about­this­kind­of­ poverty and hardship. The partici- reserves­in­the­Íumadijan­division.­ work.­These­were­very­bad­years­and­ pation in a war to most men of the We­met­the­Turks­at­Prepolac,­drove­ people­ were­ starving­ everywhere.­ village was the most important time them­back,­and­reached­Scutari­in­ There­ was­ not­ much­ bread,­ and­ in their lives, and they frequently Albania­...­In­1913­I­fought­against­ we­were­barefoot­all­the­time­and­ spoke about it. Workaday clothes the­Bulgarians,­and­this­war­lasted­ had­little­to­wear.­Eventually,­I­got­ and traditional costumes borrowed about­a­year.­(...) Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 39 typhoid­fever­and­was­seriously­ill­ this event the majority of the vil- and­his­wife­and­both­their­children­ for­months”.­ lagers fled to other villages to their live­in­our­house.­We­are­peasants,­ (Halpern, J.M., Kerewsky-Halpern, kith or kin. In Ora‚ac Partisan and and­our­house­was­built­in­1883....­ B.: A Serbian Village in Historical Øetnik groups were supported, and On­ our­ farm­ there­ are­ two­ more­ Perspective. Prospect Heights, 1986, more then 100 people were killed in one-storey­buildings.­In­the­smaller­ p. 65) the war. The hostilities within the one­lives­my­brother­Josip(65)­with­ village remained, even in the time his­son­and­his­son’s­wife,­and­in­the­ On April 6th, 1941, the Second after the war. In most cases these other­ lives­ my­ second­ son­ Nikola­ World War hit Yugoslavia, as the hostilities were the same as between with­his­wife­and­their­two­children.­ Germans began to bomb the city lineage groups. At the end of 1944 In­ this­ part­ of­ the­ village­ live­ six­ of Belgrade, and soon their war theØetnik units were defeated and families­by­the­name­of­Filar.­They­ machine had brought the whole of Ora‚ac and the surrounding area all­ come­ from­ the­ same­ zadruga­ Serbia under its control. From 1915 came under Partisan control. At the which­split­in­1936. to 1918 Ora‚ac was under Austrian- end of the war a large part of the My­brother­Josip­and­I­were­in­ Hungarian occupation, and not men who by then did not already the­war­since­1914.­First,­we­were­ quite thirty years later the village belong to the Partisans was mobi- transferred­ to­ Serbia,­ where­ we­ was occupied again, this time by lised for the final battles against the fought­at­Crni­Vrh.­In­1915,­we­were­ German troops. Immediately after Germans. This struggle against the transferred­ to­ the­ Russian­ front,­ the Yugoslav army had surrendered Germans occupied a central place in where­I­ was­ injured.­ In­ the­ year­ to the enemy the two rival resist- the ideology of postwar Yugoslavia 1916­I­was­in­the­military­hospital­ ance groups, the Partisans and the and, holding to the tradition of the and­ was­ then­ sent­ home.­ During­ Øetniks, were formed. Íumadija wars of independence, was glorified the­war­I­also­was­in­Galicia­and­in­ became the scene of bitter and as a “heroic” fight. Russia,­but­I­did­not­get­to­know­the­ fierce fighting between the German In which brutality the war had Russians”. occupying troops, the Øetniks and been waged the following example the Partisans. The German army of a peasant might illustrate. Ever “I­am­Alojz­Klariø­and­I­was­born­ soon began to “avenge” their losses since the end of the Second World in­1899.­Until­the­First­World­War­I­ and casualties by shooting civilians War this man could not bear watch- worked­on­my­father’s­farm.­At­that­ (a ratio of 1:100 for each killed and ing as his wife took their chicken time­my­family­owned­six­“jutar”­ of 1:50 for each wounded German and slaughtered them by cutting land­ (approximately­ 6­ hectares),­ soldier or ethnic German). In Kra- their throats. When he was asked and­ the­ family­ consisted­ of­ 18­ gujevac, the largest town of Íu ma- why he could not look on the man people­(brothers,­children,­kin).­In­ dija, thousands of civilians were shot answered that only too often during 1917,­I­went­off­to­war.­First,­I­was­ in a reprisal for a Partisan attack on the war had he seen how people’s stationed­in­Karlovac,­but­then­I­was­ a German patrol. throats were slit in the same way. transferred­to­Poœega­and­Debrecen­ Ora‚ac, too, suffered heavily from In Krajina the wartime events in­Hungary.­...­I­was­in­the­Austrian­ the period of the occupation. At were hardly less dramatic. In the Army­for­one­and­a­half­years.­After­ the beginning of the occupation First World War the soldiers of the the­war­I­was­in­the­Yugoslav­Army­ hostages were taken by the German former Militärgrenze had for one for­one­more­year...­After­the­war­ troops because of the slow, in the last time fought on the side of Aus- I­worked­as­a­seasonal­worker­on­ opinion of some German command- tria-Hungary. Many of these former the­side­of­the­river­Sava­while­my­ ing officers too slow, provision of “frontier men” lost their lives in this wife­worked­on­the­farm.­In­1937,­ grain and other food. They were war, and their home region also suf- our­zadruga­broke­up,­and­I­shared­ released, however, later on. In an- fered heavily from the consequences the­possessions­with­my­two­broth- other incident some peasants were of the war. ers.” (Autobiography-collection shot because they were too close to The following biographies of two of the “Halpern Collection” at the the street when a German military men from the town of Bobovac at the Department of Southeast European convoy rolled on. The population former Militärgrenze, on the right History, University of Graz.) had been ordered with the threat of side of the river Sava, southeast of In the interwar period the demo- death penalty to keep out of sight. Sisak, were written down in 1962 graphic revolution which started There were, however, also intense and give us an impression of life in very late in the southern Slavonic fights between Partisans and Øetniks this time: areas began to yield strong effects in Ora‚ac. In one of these encoun- “My­name­is­Mijo­Filar,­and­I­was­ on the economic situation of the ters a part of the village burnt down born­in­1888.­Today,­my­family­con- rural population. The traditional in 1943 and hundreds of people were sists­of­seven­members.­Apart­from­ organisation of life in the zadruga made homeless. In the aftermath of me,­my­son,­his­wife,­my­grandson­ rapidly crumbled. 40 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

In 1941, World War II hit Krajina. Bobovac lies directly at the border to schools also made an important From 1941 to 1945 the former the “Republika Srpska Krajina” on contribution to this development. Militärgrenze became a part of the Croatian side, the UN restriction The entire system of school educa- the fascist Croatian Usta‚a state. zone begins right at the end of town. tion was geared towards stressing This “Independent State of Croatia” The majority of the men constantly and conveying the benefits and also (NDH: Nezavisna Drœava Hrvatska), wear uniforms, even while working the attraction of industrial employ- set up and supported by the German on the farms, and carry arms. Every ment in the city. This was strongly military command, after the take- evening the military units of the vil- connected to the Communist ideal over quickly implemented a policy lage gather fully dressed in combat of a socialist society that was to of expulsion and eradication of the uniforms, and the commands are follow the model of the “progres- Serbian population in Krajina. In issued for military assignments ( sive” industrial worker instead of the same year the excesses directed at present for the most part guard the “conservative and retrograde” against the Serbian population or patrol duty) in the town cen- peasant. Parallel to the building of were beginning. The concentration tre. Meanwhile working life on the an extensive system of education, camp of Jasenovac, close to Sisak farmsteads – Bobovac has escaped health and, above all, infrastructure in Krajina, was built. The number destruction – just goes on. which made the urban centres far of Serbian victims of the Usta‚i ter- better reachable the wish, in par- ror is heavily disputed today and, New values in the process of ticular among the young generation, according to the respective political modernisation after 1945 to “break out of this mess” grew stance, varies between 100.000 and more and more urgent. A steadily 700.000 people killed. The harmful After World War II the Communist rising share of the rural population consequences of this genocide for government began to transform began to combine village life with the Serb-populated area of Krajina Yugoslavia into a socialist state. The employment in the city. For many are beyond imagination. Entire vil- programme of modernisation was this was the first step towards a per- lages were destroyed and an enor- designed to reorganise the predomi- manent residence in the city. Many mous wave of refugees followed. A nantly agrarian into a “socialist” others, however, stayed commuters high proportion of the men joined society. ( In 1931, 73,3 per cent of and kept a small farm in their home the Partisans and fought against the male workers in Yugoslavia had village – a long-term adaptation that the NDH state and the Germans. still worked in the agricultural sec- was supported by the state, since Interestingly, most Serbs joined the tor.) As to reach this goal a series of then the effort of having to provide Partisans and not the Øetniks. The “five year plans” was implemented additional infrastructure for these experiences of the Second World in order to massively promote and new workers could be spared. War were traumatic for the Serbian push forward above all the indus- A factor which increased the at- population of Krajina and today are trial development. The building of traction of the urban areas were of crucial importance still in the industrial production in the cities the better educational facilities and conflict between the Krajina Serbs triggered massive migration to prospects offered to the children. and the Croatian state. The end of these new industrial centres grow- In order to take advantage of this the war and the victory of the Parti- ing at a lightning speed. In the six- opportunity one did not necessarily sans entailed a series of massacres of ties alone in Yugoslavia more than have to move over to the city. There- the defeated camp. Some estimates 400.000 new jobs were created in fore, a large number of pupils from show up to 100.000 killed soldiers the industrial sector. Private forms the rural areas lived with their rela- and sympathisers with the NDH of agriculture, in stark contrast to tives in the cities during the phase state who had fled to Ca rinthia, but the former, were strongly restricted of their education. In return, the were turned away there and forced to on account of the collectivisation of family from the land would provide return by the British troops. agrarian property. After Yugoslavia’s the relatives in the city with food The events in both World Wars break with Moscow in 1948 a policy from the own farm. forced the former “frontier men” of setting up agrarian co-operatives Another characteristic feature of to resort again to the fighter’s role. was initiated. The limitation of the modernisation in Yugoslavia was the But this had also been one of the scale of private land-ownership and a extremely high number of Yugoslav fundamental elements in the devel- structure of taxation which strongly migrant workers in the West. At the opment of their society right from favoured gainful employment in beginning of the seventies more the beginning. In the current war, comparison with self supporting, than 800.000 Yugoslav guest work- too, they were once again forced to private forms of farming and stock- ers with 250.000 relatives worked take up arms. On a visit to Bobovac breeding led to massive migration and lived in Western Europe, and in May of 1994 one felt taken back to from the land to the cities. The this number has steadily risen over the era of the Militärgrenze. Today, level of education provided by the the past two decades. Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 41

The regional disparities in the eco- pearing in these stories were, and The following extract from “Sta- nomic development were enormous. still are, glorified in the traditional rac Vujadin” (literally, the old Vuja- The social transformations accompa- folk-songs and folk-tales and also din) depicts the hayduke as symbols nied by the economic development in literature and historiography. of challenge to the Turks and of were also very different from one The ideal hero for the most part is a heroism to the Serbian people. It region to the other. In the big cities strong and courageous fighter who is translated here from the form in many people lived a life according to is utterly fearless in the face of death which it was chanted by an Ora‚ac Western standards, while in some ar- and sacrifices his own life fighting villager, accompanying himself with eas there still existed the traditional for his people. The struggle against his “gusle”. forms of the organisation of life. a superior opponent and the hero’s death are at the heart also of the Oh my eyes, that you hadn’t seen The relation to war most popular Serbian legend, the All that you saw last night, When the Turks from Lijevno passed depiction of the battle on Kosovo by How does this traditional world polje in 1389. What importance and Leading the hajduke down from the of values of the societies in Serbia relevance these myths still possess mountains and Croatia look like? Were some of in the political and social reality of Leading the old man Vujadin, the elements preserved despite the today is illustrated compellingly by Old Vujadin and both his sons. modernisation in postwar Yugosla- Slobodan Milo‚eviƒ’s speech on the When they neared wretched Lijevno Old man Vujadin spoke out, via, and if indeed, how are they con- 600th anniversary of the battle on “My children, my own two sons, nected to the current wars? Kosovo polje which strengthened Do you see the cursed Lijevno? When one examines the connec- his position in the quest for political There they will torture and beat us. tion of traditional values in a society dominance in Serbia. Do not reveal the young maidens at and its relation to war, it is necessary The following verses from a hero- the inn to proceed extremely cautiously and ic poem shall illustrate these epics. Where we drank red wine be rather sceptical. One of the fore- The strong attachment to this tradi- And where we spent the winter.” With these words, they reached Lije- most lessons to be learnt from the tion in everyday life is evidenced by vno, Nazi holocaust is that never again the fact that in the sixties almost And the Turks threw them in a dun- can one make simplifying comments all inhabitants of Ora‚ac, whether geon. on the characteristics of one specific children or adults, could recite these They remained in the dungeon for society and its relation to violence. verses from memory. They describe three days, It is certainly permissible, however, the first Serbian revolt against the And when the fourth morning dawned The Turks led the hajduke from the to speak about types of violence, Turks which began here in this vil- mountain and in this respect there is a clear lage in 1804: And started to beat and torture them distinction between the legitimised, And break their legs and arms. bureaucratic eradication of a minor- “O Lord, what a great miracle, “Tell us, you scoundrel, Old Vujadin, ity in a civilian society, as has hap- When in the Land of the Serbs the time Tell us, scoundrel, who your young pened in the Third Reich from 1939 had arrived, helpers are, to 1945, and the victims of a conflict That great change was about to take Tell us, scoundrel, the names of the place. young maidens, in which both sides seek to harm Where you drank red wine, each other, as is the case in the con- That others be the rulers of the coun- try. And where you left your treasure!” text of the war in Ex-Yugoslavia. It is The prefect did not want the fight, They crushed his legs and arms, also possible to relate the historical And neither did the Turkish looters, And when they began to poke out his development of a society, its notion But this is the struggle of the poor eyes of heroism, as finds expression in the peasants, The old man Vujadin spoke out, Who no longer can stand the burden “Don’t be fools, you Turks of Lijevno – heroic epics and poems as well as in I didn’t reveal them to spare my heroic the traditional stories, to behaviour Who no longer can bear Turkish op- pression. legs, patterns in the time of a crisis. And the saints, they will it so. I didn’t reveal them to spare my white For the Serbs in Íumadija indi- Enough blood has been poured onto arms, vidual heroism plays an important the earth. And shall not reveal them to spare my part in the traditional stories and The time for fighting has come, treacherous eyes, These eyes which led me to misfor- tales. This is manifested in the ado- For shedding blood for the holy cross, tune!” ration of the hayduke – they were And every man shall avenge his ances- tors”. seen as “just” bandits – as well as (Halpern, J.M.: A Serbian Village. in the stories about the great wars (from:­“Poøetak­Protiv­Dahija”,­in:­ New York 1958, p. 18) against Turkish oppression. The Stani­(ed.):­Srpske­Narodne­Pese­me,­ feats achieved by the heroes ap- Prvi­Ustanak,­p.­3) 42 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde

It has to be stressed that in con- one is frequently told in Croatia, has interwar period. After the miserable trast to the murderous ethnic con- now repeated itself for the country failure of various attempts at reforms flicts in Bosnia and Croatia the Turks in the present conflict. one started to blame the crisis with in these heroic epics were portrayed The fostering of heroism was very increasing vehemence on the respec- as an enemy of honourable standing important also in the Communist tive other nation. Beginning with that feels sympathy also with the ad- era. Generations of Yugoslav chil- Milo‚eviƒ, who used the “Serbian versary. The following passage from dren grew up with the stories about people under threat” as a vehicle to the Kosovo epic illustrates this very the great deeds of the legendary power the nationalist movements well. Both Prince Lazar of Serbia heroes (junaci). The Communist succeeded in steadily gaining influ- and the Turkish sultan Murad fall in state tied on to this old tradition. ence until eventually seizing political battle, and the dying sultan speaks The heroic Partisan was celebrated power in the respective republics. to his men: as model and seen to be endowed They leaned on a propaganda which with the same qualities as the ideals was aimed strongly at people’s fears. “You Turkish brothers, advisers and in former times, that is to say for This nationalism, however, could vezirs. instance with a great capacity for never have led to war without con- I am dying, and I leave the empire to the endurance of suffering and sor- scious steering “from above”. This you. Now, listen intently to what I have to row, so as to liberate the people from war was preceded by a media war say, brutal heteronomous domination. which “prepared” people for the real That for a long tome the empire may The glorification of the heroic Par- war. The media permanently picked last: tisan war became one of the pillars up and referred to the “great and Don’t be hard on the peasants, of the ideology of socialist Yugoslavia heroic history of the own people”, Treat them in a kindly manner. under Tito. the historical myths, legends and They shall pay fifteen denars of poll tax, the national tradition which “for Or let them pay thirty denars at the Breakdown – orientation crisis – so long had been oppressed by the most. recourse to the past enemy”. Such, the battle on Kosovo Don’t burden them with punishments polje, for example, was filmed in and taxes The breakdown of socialism in Yugo- a bombastic style and shown on And don’t make their lives bitter with slavia, respectively the ever-increas- Serbian TV as a national spectacle. hardship. ing acceleration of the decline of History was and is misused to get Interfere neither with their churches, Nor with their laws and honour”. this system after Tito’s death, led to a nationalist point of view widely an orientation crisis in the Yugoslav accepted. Thus, the mutual demo- (Halpern, J.M.: A Serbian Village. society. And with the break-up of nisation of the enemy which later New York 1958, p. 18) the political system the world also followed is hardly surprising. Here, crumbled in which people – albeit the adversary was portrayed solely in Not only the Serbs, however, are reluctantly – were used to living in. role images from the time of World deeply committed to this tradition of The political infantilisation of the War II. The Serbs regarded the Cro- heroism, but also the other peoples citizens – for that was what the state ats as Usta‚i, and the Croats saw the in the Balkan area. In Croatia for had ordered – increased the general Serbs as Øetniks. It is interesting instance – similar to the hayduke desire for a different ideology which that both the Serbian as well as also tradition – the heroic deeds of the was to take the place of the failed the Croatian side use the symbolism Uskoke are celebrated in song who Communist ideology. These devel- of these groups. This is shown for are depicted as brave defenders of opments were accompanied by a instance by the introduction of the Christianity against the Turks. What steadily deepening economic crisis new Croatian currency, the “kuna”, is admired again about these heroes whose effects became palpable more in May of 1994 which had last been is their daring, their aggressiveness, and more dramatically at the end of used as a currency by the fascist their capacity for the endurance of the eighties and the beginning of state of Croatia. The uniforms and great suffering and their prepared- the nineties. This situation formed insignia of the Serbian and Croatian ness to die in the fight against a the background to the differences of armed forces also borrowed from superior enemy. opinion about the question of who this symbolism. Worn as symbols of The settlers around the former was going to control what resources. identity and pride on one side, they Militärgrenze also have their his- At the same time a nationalist stance signified death and destruction to torical past as defenders of the took the upper hand more and more the other side. Habsburg Empire, respectively the with regard to the entire complex The war in Krajina began with Christian Occident, who sacrificed of Yugoslavia’s problems, tying on a Serbian insurrection and in the themselves for their task and had to to a tradition of national confronta- second half of 1991 turned into a suffer greatly. This historical role, as tion which already existed since the real campaign of conquest of the Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 43

Krajina Serbs in Croatia, massively strong degree. Groups of “soldiers” against the entire population of the supported by the Yugoslav Army began to live in a “warrior reality” all disputed territory. The method of with the delivery of arms. This war their own which was shaped by the the cruelties was to drive people which then spread into Bosnia was old heroic ideals. Thus, in the reality away from their homes in such a accompanied by horrible atrocities, of these “warriors” the old heroic traumatising way that they would by massacres, “ethnic cleansings” myths and patriarchal notions at- never want to come back again. and plundering and looting, thus tained a level of importance which A further characteristic of this gradually creating a new reality. In ought not to be underestimated. war are the atrocities perpetrated this context we would like to stress This war was an organized military against women. How better to give that according to reports by various conflict but also a confrontation of expression to one’s firm hold over international organisations such armed groups attacking the civilian the enemy and hurt his honour more as the United Nations, Amnesty population. deeply in a patriarchal world than International and Helsinki Watch The plundering and looting, the to rape the women of the enemy the major part of the violations of rapes, massacres and mutilations and thereby prove to him that he is human rights in the crimes against perpetrated by this marauding mob unable to protect “his” women? In the civilian population in Croatia are reminiscent time and time again patriarchal ways of thinking the ex- and then in Bosnia was committed of characteristic elements already pectations are that men fall in battle, by Serbian troops. In these reports, appearing in earlier conflicts in the but the rape, torture and sometimes however, similar violations of hu- Balkans (in the massive “ethnic even the brutal murder of a woman man rights from the Croatian and cleansings” for example in the two are beyond this world and its no- Muslim side are also documented. Balkan wars of 1912/13) and also tions. Brutal violence against women related to historical patterns of re- is aimed also at the male family acting in war situations.. members as well as at the extended Patriarchal traditions in the war In this specific situation of ethnic circle of a woman’s male kin. The conflict many young men turned emphasis of this aspect of violence The horrible events of the war trans- into warriors who fought not only against women is certainly not about formed many people involved to a against the enemy warriors but also establishing sex-specific violence as a

Der Standard, 16. 4. 99, p. 4 It would be better if she were dead

Samir’s horny hands are trembling when he talks about his wife. She is in the sixth month of pregnancy and he has not heard anything of her and the rest of his family in three weeks. The family lives in the village of Vragolja near the town of Pristina. “If she is still alive”, Samir says, who works as a mechanic in Slovenia, with a forced smile on his lips. He simply could not stand the uncertainty any more, the man who is just short of his thirtieth year explains to me in good German, he had to go home. So, for a fare of 2100 schillings Samir had obtained a place on the “Hornbeam”, a ferry which twice per week leaves the Slovenian town of Koper and heads east for the port of Durres in Albania... The ferry is scheduled to arrive at Durres on Monday at lunchtime. Samir is sitting in the ship’s bar together with other Kosovo-Albanians, they exchange all the latest news about the NATO bombings, the men try to keep each other’s spirits up. The young ones in particular, their hearts invigorated by a fair amount of slivovitz, act belligerently and defiantly. In a corner of the bar they hang up a poster with the letters “UCK” on it and give themselves Dutch courage. What they want to do is take revenge, the Serbs, they say, should not go unpunished for all their horrible crimes. If NATO was to hand them the arms they would sure settle the score with their own hands. Horrible news is passed on, there is talk of tortures and executions by the Serbian militias. Rumours circulate and eventually become factual reports. Samir does not feel like joining in. He only worries about his relatives, he says. Slowly, he fumbles with his wallet and produces a crumpled photo of his wife. On the photo there is a dainty, young girl with a headscarf. “Her name is Bojana”, Samir tells me. It was only in last October that they got married, and Bojana is the great love of his life, the tall man says with tears in his eyes. He had left her with his parents and his brothers, in the belief that she would be safe and protected there. “It’s Bojana’s first pregnancy, she is so delicate, so gentle, so fragile”, Samir worries, and then falls silent again for minutes. The village of Vragolja by now has probably been overrun by the Serbs. He does not even know about the whereabouts of his wife. It is a few minutes past midnight. All of the sudden Samir erupts with emotion: “What shall I do if my Bojana has been raped by the Serb swines?” Despairingly he adds: “Shall I leave her then?” His honour, the honour of his entire family would of course be shattered to pieces in this case. I object carefully that after all Bojana alone and not the whole family would have become the victim of such an attack, but all I get is an uncomprehending stare and the reply: “That’s the way things are over here, Bojana would remain dishonoured for the rest of her life. It would be better if she were dead”. Samir does not say anything else that night, he bites his nails until they start bleeding.

self-testimonies such as this one are a clear reference to the cultural specific of violence, at least in the subjective perception of those affected. the cultural difference existing in reality is evidenced by the reporter’s lack of understanding. 44 • Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde particular characteristic of this war. nor an explanation for the war is English Version: Violence against women and mass just as obvious as it is clear that the STEFAN MENHOFER ©, 1999 rapes are, as many studies could traditional notions of fighting and show, unfortunately documented honour in a society – as is evidenced from many contexts of war, not least not least by the many forced recruit- also from the Second World War ments and desertions – are often also on the part of the German/Austrian repudiated. Nonetheless, the afore- soldiers. It is conclusive, however, to mentioned patriarchal backgrounds reflect this reading as well, presented have undoubtedly been not without above, in a patriarchal context. relevance for the male-dominated Generally, it should be stressed reality of crisis escalation of the that the fighter’s ideals which were soldiers and participants in this very strongly propagated in the pub- war. For a process-oriented under- lic in the process of the escalation standing though of how particular of this war – shaped by scenarios of traditions have in effect become threat – clearly represented only one points of reference in the reality aspect in the intricate and complex of the war for the soldiers’ actions process of the escalation of violence. further extensive research work will That they are neither the reasons undoubtedly be needed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY r. F. BYrnes, communal Families in the Balkans: the zadruga. notre dame/london 1973.J. k. caMPBell, honour, Family and Patron- age. a study of institutions and Moral Values in a greek Mountain community, oxford 1964. V. st. erlich, Family in transition. a study of 300 Yugoslav Villages. Princeton 1966.“das Fremde vernichten“. Österreichische zeitschrift für geschichtswissenschaften (Özg) 5/1, 1994. J. M. halPern, a serbian Village, new York 1956. J. M. halPern/B. kereWskY-halPern, a serbian Village in historical Perspective. new York 1972.e. a. haMMel, the Yugoslav labyrinth, in: crisis in the Balkans. institute of international studies. university of Berkeley 1993. e. a. haMMel u. a., (hg.), among the People. selected Writings of Milenko s. Filipovic. Michigan 1982. M. harris, kulturanthropologie. ein lehrbuch, Frankfurt/Main 1992.M. olsen: redefiningg ender in Yugoslavia. Masculine and Femi- nine ideals in ritual context, in: east european Quarterly. XXM. 1990 no. 4. p. 431–144. k. kaser, Familie und Verwandtschaft auf dem Balkan. analyse einer untergehenden kultur. Wien 1995. derselbe, ahnenkult und Patriarchalismus auf dem Balkan, in: historische anthropologie 1, 1993, p. 93ff. derselbe, the Balkan Joint Family household seeking its origins, in: continuity and change 9, 1994, p. 45–68.“War among the Yugo- slavs“. the anthropology of east european review. Band 11/1 u. 2, 1993. Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 45

The Crusades – A Subject of Interdisciplinary Teaching

One of the most sought-after publications in the series “Beiträge”, the issue “Crusades” (3/96) is now available in a multilingual, greatly expanded and revised edition: “The Islamic World and Europe during the Age of Crusades”

Inhaltsverzeichnis Beiträge zur Dominique Faber 1 Introduction Dominique Faber 2 Introduction historischen Sozialkunde 3 Preface Crusades Sondernummer/Special Issue Michael Mitterauer 5 The War of the Pope John Morrissey 21 Routes to the Orient – The Italian Sea Republics Peter Feldbauer 30 The Islamic World in the Era of the Cru- sades Gottfried Liedl 43 El nacimiento de la moderni dad desde el The espíritu del poder: Consideraciones filosófi- co-culturales en torno a la Reconquista Islamic World Gottfried Liedl 50 The Birth of Modernity from the Culture of and Violence – cultural and philosophical Reflections on Europe the Reconquista during the Manfred Pittioni 52 The Idea of the Crusades in the Conflicts Age of between the European States and the Otto- man Empire Crusades Jean-Paul Lehners 58 La perception de l’autre dans le domaine de l’enseignement. Perspectives euro-méditer- ranéennes John Morrissey 60 Didactic Seminar for Trainee Teach- ers: “Non-European Cultures in History Classes. The Islamic World and Europe during the Crusades.’’ Antoinette Reuter 62 Mir schwätzen arabesch –, Nous parlons l’arabe –, Wir sprechen arabisch –, Par- liamo l’arabo –, Falamos arabo 64 VGS – Verein für Geschichte und Sozi- alkunde

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QuErSChnITTE Einführungstexte zur Sozial-, Wirtschafts- und Kulturgeschichte

Vol. 1 Helgard Fröhlich, Margarete Grandner, Michael Weinzierl (eds.): 1848 im europäischen Kontext. 1998 Turia und Kant

Vol. 2 Peter Feldbauer, John Morrissey und Gottfried Liedl (eds.): Von der mediterranen zur atlantischen Macht. 1999 Turia und Kant

Vol. 3 Franz X. Eder, Sabine Frühstück (eds.): Neue Geschichten der Sexualität. Beispiele aus Ostasien und Zentraleuropa 1700–2000. 1999 Turia und Kant

Beiträge zur historischen Sozialkunde

Set of issues 2000: (Arbeitstitel) Set of issues 1998: 1/2000: Die Weltwirtschaftskrise 1/98: Die islamische Welt 7–14. Jh. 2/2000: Rußland 2/98: Geschichte und Kommunikation 3/2000: Der demographische Übergang 3/98: Disziplinierung in der (Aus)Bildung 4/2000: “Ehrenrettungen” 4/98: China nach der Revolution.

Set of issues 1999: 1/99: Kunst und Kultur im 20 Jahrhundertt 2/99: Städtische Sozialstrukturen in der Frühen Neuzeit 3/99: Der Investiturstreit 4/99: Der informelle Sektor

Edition Weltregionen

Vol. 1 Sepp Linhart, Erich Pilz (eds.): Ostasien. Geschichte und Gesellschaft im 19. und 20 Jahrhundert . 1999 Promedia

In preparation: Vol. 2 Inge Grau, Christian Mährdel, Walter Schicho (eds.): Geschichte und Gesellschaft Afrikas im 19. und 20 Jahrhundert. 2000 Promedia

Preview:  Die beiden Amerikas 15.–18. Jahrhundert  Süd- und Südostasien im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert  Ostasien 15 –18. Jahrhundert  Islamische Welt  Süd- und Südostasien 15.–18. Jahrhundert  Die beiden Amerikas 19. und 20. Jahrhundert  Afrika 15.–18. Jahrhundert  Islamische Welt 19. und 20. Jahrhundert Beiträge zur historischen s ozialkunde • 47 HSK – Historische Sozialkunde

Vol. 1 Peter Feldbauer, Hans-Jürgen Puhle (eds.): Bauern im Widerstand. Agrarrebellionen und Revolutionen in Ländern der Dritten Welt und im vorindustriellen Europa. 1992, Böhlau-Verlag

Vol. 3 Birgit Bolognese-Leuchtenmüller, Michael Mitterauer (eds.): Frauen-Arbeitswelten. Zur historischen Genese gegenwärtiger Probleme. 1993, Verlag für Gesellschaftskritik

Vol. 4 Ernst Bruckmüller, Sepp Linhart, Christian Mährdel (eds.): Nationalismus. Wege der Staatenbildung in der außereuropäischen Welt. 1994, Verlag für Gesellschaftskritik

Vol. 5 Markus Cerman, Sheilagh C. Ogilvie (eds.): Protoindustrialisierung in Europa. In dustrielle Produktion vor dem Fabrikszeitalter. 1994, Verlag für Gesellschaftskritik

Vol. 6 Peter Feldbauer, August Gächter, Gerd Hardach, Andreas Novy (eds.): Industrialisierung: Ent wick- lungsprozesse in Afrika, Asien und Lateinamerika. 1995, Brandes & Apsel/Südwind

Vol. 8 Franz Kolland, Erich Pilz, Andreas Schedler, Walter Schicho (eds.): Staat und zivile Gesellschaft. Beiträge zur Entwicklungspolitik in Afrika, Asien und Lateinamerika. 1996, Brandes & Apsel/Südwind

Vol. 9 Michael Mitterauer, Norbert Ortmayr (eds.): Familie im 20. Jahrhundert. Traditionen, Probleme, Per spek- tiven. 1997, Brandes & Apsel/Südwind

Vol. 11 Andrea Komlosy, Christof Parnreiter, Irene Stacher, Susan Zimmermann (eds.): Ungeregelt und Unter- bezahlt. Der informelle Sektor in der Weltwirtschaft. 1997, Brandes & Apsel/Südwind

Vol. 12 Peter Feldbauer, Karl Husa, Erich Pilz, Irene Stacher (eds.): Megacities. Die Metropolen des Südens zwis- chen Globalisierung und Fragmentierung. 1997, Brandes & Apsel/Südwind

Vol. 13 Olaf Bockhorn, Ingeborg Grau, Walter Schicho (eds.): Wie aus Bauern Arbeiter wurden. Wiederkehrende Prozesse des gesellschaftlichen Wandels im Norden und im Süden einer Welt. 1998, Brandes & Apsel/ Südwind

Vol. 14 Christof Parnreiter, Andreas Novy, Karin Fischer (eds.): Globalisierung und Peripherie. Umstrukturierung in Lateinamerika, Afrika und Asien. 1999 Brandes & Apsel / Südwind

Vol. 15 Peter Feldbauer, Gerd Hardach, Gerhard Melinz (eds.): Von der Weltwirtschaftskrise zur Globalisierungs- krise (1929–1999). Wohin treibt die Peripherie. 1999 Brandes & Apsel / Südwind

Vol. 16 Friedrich Edelmayer, Bernd Hausberger, Hans Werner Tobler (eds.): Die vielen Amerikas. Die neue Welt zwischen 1800 und 1930/50. 2000 Brandes & Apsel / Südwind

In preparation: Vol. 17 Karl Husa, Christof Parnreiter, Irene Stacher (eds.): Migration im Weltsystem. 2000 Brandes & Apsel / Südwind

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Verein für Geschichte und Sozialkunde

The “Verein für Geschichte und Sozialkunde” (“Association for History and Social Studies”) is an academic organization primarily devoted to activities of research and publication in the field of history and social studies. The journal Beiträge zur historischen Sozialkunde has been published since 1971. It addresses mainly topics of social historical research and concentrates on introducing topics of social studies in history teaching at schools. Over the 28 years of the journal’s existence we have achieved a remarkable collection of social history.

Since 1992, the Association has also published a series of academic books. This series is titled Historische Sozialkunde and will soon include sixteen volumes. We have attempted to follow the pattern of the English textbook system. We have several aims: First, to offer basic information, easy to read and comprehend, secondly, to provide survey studies, and thirdly, to cover controversially debated issues for a wide reading public interested in historical and social topics.

In the last two years it has become obvious that the original publication plan of this book series, comprising a volume in the spring devoted to topics of non-European history and a volume in autumn on European history, cannot be continued. We therefore decided to take up the produc- tion of a further series of books, which has been published by Turia & Kant under the series title Querschnitte. In the future, the original series, Historische Sozialkunde (HSK) published by Brandes & Apsel, will be exclusively devoted to themes in non-European history (Vol. 14 Glo- balisierung und Peripherie – Globalization and periphery; Vol. 15 Weltwirtschaftskrise – World economic depressions). The new series Querschnitte will concentrate on European topics. The first volume will deal with the revolutionary year 1848 in a European context. Further volumes on the history of the European expansion, the history of sexology, the Industrial Revolution in Europe, the European bourgeoisie and the history of technology will follow.

The publication activities of the Association will be completed by a third series of books. In the spring of 1999, the first book of essays based on an explicitly regional approach – in this case East Asia – will be published. Further books will follow annually.

In addition, the Association engages in smaller research projects, including social history, train- ing in social history, the organization of workshops and the collection of classroom-oriented materials for teachers.

The work of the Association is attracting wide support, from home and abroad. A number of in- ternationally well-known researchers in the field of history and of neighbouring disciplines can to be found among the list of authors and of subscribers to our publications. Beiträge zur historischen Sozialkunde • 49