Genocide in Guatemala: Geopolitical Systems of Death and Power
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Guatemala Timeline
Guatemala Timeline 1954: The U.S. backs a coup led by Carlos Castillo Armas against Guatemala's president, Jacobo Arbenz, which halts land reforms. Castillo Armas becomes President and takes away voting rights for illiterate Guatemalans. 1957: On July 26, President Armas is killed. 1960: The violent Guatemalan Civil War begins between the government's army and left-wing groups. Thousands of murders, rapes, tortures, and forced disappearances were executed by the Government toward the indigenous peoples. 1971: 12,000 students of the Universidad de San Carlos protest the soaring rate of violent crime. 1980: Maya leaders go to the Spanish Embassy in Guatemala to protest the numerous disappearances and assassinations by the State and to ask that the army be removed from their department, El Quiché. Security forces respond by burning the Embassy, which results in 37 deaths. 1982: Under President/Dictator Ríos Mont, the Scorched Earth policy targeting indigenous groups goes into effect. Over 626 indigenous villages are attacked. The massacre of the Ixil people and the Dos Erres Massacre are two of the most severe genocides during this time. 1985: Guatemala's Constitution includes three articles protecting the indigenous. Article 66 promotes their daily life, including their dress, language, and traditions. Article 67 protects indigenous land, and Article 68 declares that the State will give land to indigenous communities who need it for their development. 1985: The Academy of Mayan Languages of Guatemala (ALMG), which promotes and advocates for the use of the twenty-two Mayan languages in the public and private spheres, is recognized as an autonomous institution funded by the government. -
Guatemala: Political, Security, and Socio- Economic Conditions and U.S
Guatemala: Political, Security, and Socio- Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 26, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42580 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Guatemala: Political, Security, and Socio-Economic Conditions and U.S. Rela Summary Since the 1980s, Guatemala, the most populous country in Central America with a population just over 14 million, has continued its transition from a centuries-long tradition of mostly autocratic rule toward representative government. A democratic constitution was adopted in 1985, and a democratically elected government was inaugurated in 1986. A 36-year civil war that ravaged Guatemala ended in 1996. This report provides an overview of Guatemala’s current political and economic conditions, relations with the United States, and several issues likely to figure in future decisions by Congress and the Administration regarding Guatemala. With respect to continued cooperation and foreign assistance, these issues include security and governance; protection of human rights and human rights conditions on some U.S. military aid to Guatemala; support for the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala; combating narcotics trafficking and organized crime; trade relations; and intercountry adoption. In November 2011, Otto Pérez Molina won the second-round presidential election run-off with 53.8% of the vote. He took office, along with the 158-member Congress, on January 14, 2012. A former military commander who served during the civil war period, Pérez Molina faces concerns from some regarding his role in the human rights abuses committed during that period. -
Corazón Indocumentado Undocumented Heart Jornaleros De Oakland Cuentan Sus Historias Oakland Day Laborers Tell Their Stories
Corazón Indocumentado Undocumented Heart Jornaleros de Oakland Cuentan sus Historias Oakland Day Laborers Tell Their Stories La mayoría de los jornaleros encuentra una La falta de seguridad económica hace que estén Most day laborers find relative safety Due to U.S. immigration law, seguridad relativa en el silencio. Las historias de entre las personas en Oakland con más riesgo de no tener in silence. The stories in this exhibit and in undocumented day laborers endure separation from estos individuos, junto con sus obras de arte, llenan ese un lugar donde vivir, tener una nutrición pobre y de sufrir the Peralta House fills this silence. That these day their families in their homelands. Many have not silencio. Su participación es un acto de valentía, y un honor problemas de salud. Con la ayuda del Proyecto de Salud al laborers have shared their stories is an act of seen their adult offspring since they were children, para la Hacienda Peralta. Nivel de la Calle, muchos en la exposición ahora pueden bravery for them and an honor for Peralta Hacienda. have never met their grandchildren, or have risked evitar las peores consecuencias. their lives to visit relatives on their deathbeds. Los jornaleros carecen de los derechos Day laborers lack basic legal rights, legales más básicos, y con frecuencia son humillados Los jornaleros de México y Centroamérica son and can be deported without notice. They are Time and Place: The timeline in the exhibit o deportados sin previo aviso. Son contratados sólo por muy importantes para la economía de Estados hired only for an hour, a day or a week at a time, stretches from before European colonization to una hora, un día o por una semana a la vez, y normalmente Unidos, como lo han sido desde inicios del siglo veinte. -
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A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War. Juan Carlos Mazariegos Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2019 Juan Carlos Mazariegos All Rights Reserved Abstract A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence. Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war. -
Armen Sarkissian • Adama Dieng • Henry Theriault • Fernand De Varennes • Mô Bleeker • Kyriakos Kyriakou-Hadjiyianni •
GENOCIDE PREVENTION THROUGH EDUCATION 9-11 DECEMBER 2018 YEREVAN • ARMENIA ORGANIZERS Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia WITH SUPPORT OF IN COOPERATION WITH UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON GENOCIDE PREVENTION AND THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT TABLE of CONTENTS 9 Message from the Organizers 12 PROGRAM 9-11 December 2018 16 HIGH LEVEL SEGMENT • Zohrab Mnatsakanyan • Armen Sarkissian • Adama Dieng • Henry Theriault • Fernand de Varennes • Mô Bleeker • Kyriakos Kyriakou-Hadjiyianni • 47 PLENARY Dunja SESSION: Mijatović 70th Anniversaries of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the Uni- versal Declaration of Human Rights. 69 PANEL ONE: Supporting Genocide Prevention through Perpetua- tion of Remembrance Days of Genocide Victims. 101 PANEL TWO: New Approaches to Education and Art about Geno- cide and its Prevention. 123 PANEL THREE: Combating Genocide Denial and Propaganda of Xenophobia. 161 PANEL FOUR: The Role of Education and Awareness Raising in the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide. 190 PREVENTION 194 SIDE EVENTS 200 AFTERWORD 10 MESSAGE FROM THE ORGANIZERS he 3rd Global Forum against the Crime of Genocide was held in 2018 and was dedicated to the issues of genocide preven- T tion through education, culture and museums. It examined the challenges and opportunities, experiences and perspectives of the genocide education. This book encompasses presentations that address among other things the role of genocide museums, memorial sites and institutes for perpetuation of remembrance, as well as such complex issues as - tings in which reconciliation, memory, and empathy help to restore aworking modicum with of groups-in-conflicttrust and open communication; in non-traditional combatting educational genocide set denial and propaganda of xenophobia. -
Maquetación 1
ROOTS OF LIBERTY Antonio Merino Santamaría Álvaro Chapa Imaz Foreword by Mariano Rajoy © Fundación Popular de Estudios Vascos, 2011 Cover design: luzpublicidad.com Layout: Mono-Logo comunicación English translation: Elena Muñoz Aldecoa All rights reserved DL: BI-324/2011 ISBN 13: 978-84-615-0648-4 Collaborate: So that our children understand why her parents fought INDEX ¬ Presentation 7 ¬ Foreword 9 ¬ Introduction 13 ¬ Luis Candendo Pérez 17 ¬ José Antonio Vivó Undabarrena 23 ¬ Modesto Carriegas Pérez 29 ¬ Luís María Uriarte Alzaa 39 ¬ Ramón Baglietto Martínez 47 ¬ José Ignacio Ustaran Ramírez 57 ¬ Jaime Arrese Arizmendiarrieta 63 ¬ Juan de Dios Doval de Mateo 71 ¬ Vicente Zorita Alonso 83 ¬ Alberto López Jaureguizar 91 ¬ José Larrañaga Arenas 99 ¬ Gregorio Ordóñez Fenollar 115 ¬ Miguel Ángel Blanco Garrido 127 ¬ José Luís Caso Cortines 139 ¬ Juan Ignacio Iruretagoyena Larrañaga 151 ¬ Manuel Zamarreño Villoria 159 ¬ Alberto Jiménez Becerril and Ascensión García Ortiz 169 ¬ Jesús María Pedrosa Urquiza 177 ¬ Manuel Indiano Azaustre 189 ¬ José María Martín Carpena 199 ¬ José Luis Ruiz Casado 209 ¬ Francisco Cano Consuegra 217 ¬ Manuel Giménez Abad 223 ¬ List of victims of ETA 233 7 PrESENtatION he first objective with which the Fundación Popular de Estudios Vascos was born -Popular Foundation for Basque TEStudies- is completed today with the presentation of this book. Roots of Liberty is a deeply felt tribute to the victims ETA´s terrorism, murdered for the sole fact of being representative of a Right-Centre ideology in politics tied to the -
Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930S to the Present
Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930s to the Present Undergraduate Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors research distinction in Spanish in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Benjamin Chiappone The Ohio State University April 2020 Project Advisor: Professor Eugenia Romero, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Co-Advisor: Professor Ignasi Gozalo-Salellas, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………3 1. The Franco Regime • Francoism & Fascist European Counterparts…………………………………………6 • Franco & the Coup d’état……………………………………………………10 • Memory of the Dictatorship…………………………………………………...12 2. Left-Wing Reactions • CNT & Anarchist Traditions…………………………………………14 • ETA’s Terrorism………………………………………………………………21 • The Catatonia Crisis…………………………………………………………31 • Catalonia & Protest Through the 1992 Olympic Games…………………..35 3. VOX: a Right-Wing Reaction • VOX’s Success & Politics……………………………..…………………...41 Conclusion……………………………………………………..……………..50 2 Introduction George Santayana, a 20th century philosopher once said, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” In Spain’s Pacto de Olvido, the goal was just that, to forget. The pact was initially a political decision, but was given legal legitimacy in the Ley De Amnistía. The decree prevented any accountability for the people who were killed, tortured, and exiled during the civil war. It pardoned those (even far-right military commanders) who were involved in the regime, allowed those who were exiled to return to Spain, and has prevented the nation from investigating human rights violations under the dictatorship. Further, the pact prevented any observation of the war or any commission to look into who bore responsibility for the war (Encarnación). Regardless, memory is crucial in order to understand the past of a nation and its trajectory moving forward. -
The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits
© The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits by Paul “Woody” Scott* INTRODUCTION Systematic murder, genocide, torture, terror and cruelty – all are words used to describe the campaigns of Guatemalan leaders, including President Jose Efrain Rios Montt, directed toward the indigenous Mayans in the Guatemalan campo. The United Nations-backed Truth Commission concludes that the state carried out deliberate acts of genocide against the Mayan indigenous populations.1 Since Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro took Guatemalan presidential office in 1966, Guatemala was involved in a bloody civil war between the army and guerrilla groups located in the Guatemalan countryside. The bloodshed escalated as Montt, a fundamentalist Christian minister, rose to power in 1982 after taking part in a coup d’état and becoming the de facto president of Guatemala. He was in power for just sixteen months, considered by many to be the bloodiest period of Guatemala’s history.2 Under his sixteen-month rule, more than 200,000 people were victims of homicide or forced kidnappings, 83% of whom were of indigenous Mayan origin. Indigenous Mayans were targeted, killed, tortured, raped, and * Paul “Woody” Scott is an associate attorney with Jeri Flynn & Associates in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. His practice is primarily immigration law and criminal defense, specializing in defending immigrants charged with criminal offenses, and deportation defense. He was born in San Pedro Sula, Honduras and moved to the United States at a very early age. He is fluent in both English and Spanish. 1 United Nations Office for Project Services [UNOPS], Commission for Historical Clarification [CEH], Conclusions and Recommendations, GUATEMALA, MEMORIA DEL SILENCIO [hereinafter, GUATEMALA, MEMORY OF SILENCE], Volume V, ¶ 26 (1999). -
I Implementation of the Peace Accords in Guatemala 1990-The Present
Implementation of the Peace Accords in Guatemala 1990-the Present: Relationships of Cooperation, Complementarity, and Competition between the Government and NGOs By Nicole Kleiman-Moran Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the College of Literature, Science, & Arts at the University of Michigan in partial fulfillment for the requirement for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (International Studies with Honors) 2016 Thesis Committee: Professor Sueann Caulfield Doctor Anthony Marcum I Abstract Title of Thesis: Implementation of the Peace Accords in Guatemala 1990-the Present: Relationships of Cooperation, Complementarity, and Competition between the Government and NGOs Nicole L. Kleiman-Moran, Bachelor of Arts, 2016 Thesis directed by: Sueann Caulfield and Anthony Marcum The 1996 Guatemalan Peace Accords attempted to address the major issues and grievances remaining from a 36 year long civil war that had ravaged the country. Peace Accord implementation requires work both from a government and NGOs. Using the relationship typology developed by Adil Najam and Jennifer Costen, this study finds that the Guatemalan government formed three distinct types of relationships (cooperation, complementarity, and competition) with the NGOs depending on the persistent post conflict issue. The Guatemalan Government assumed a relationship of cooperation with the NGOs on human rights and memorialization issues. The two entities assumed a relationship of complementarity on refugees and on indigenous rights. Finally, the entities assumed a relationship of competition on justice issues. Applying political survival theory, developed by James Morrow, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Randolph Siverson and Alastair Smith, onto the relationship types utilized in post conflict Guatemala, I argue that these relationships developed as a result of the political survival motivation by the Government who formed these relationships to retain its power in post-conflict Guatemala. -
Human R Ights Studies Online
STUDIES ONLINE HUMAN RIGHTS learn more at alexanderstreet.com Human Rights Studies Online In the 20th century alone, more than 20 million people died as a result of genocide. Still millions of others endured violence, oppression, and violations of their basic human rights, yet survived to tell their stories. Genocide and atrocity crimes show humanity at its worst. They lead us to question our very nature—what it means to be human. Despite their horrors, they must be documented and they must be studied. In doing so, we hope to understand them. Human Rights Studies Online is the crimes and capture efforts at a research database providing “To deny people their human reconciliation. comprehensive, comparative • Reference material such as maps, documentation, analysis, and rights is to challenge their bibliographies, descriptions of the interpretation of major human rights very humanity.” violations and atrocity crimes worldwide events and document questions – Nelson Mandela from 1900 to 2010. Upon completion, created by experts that provide key the collection will include 75,000 pages overviews and analysis of events. of text and 150 hours of video that give many of which have never before been • Links to third-party Web content, voice to the countless victims of human available digitally. including resources local and rights crimes in the 20th and early 21st contemporaneous to the events. centuries. • Documentaries, interviews, monographs, essays, and articles These materials work together to The collection provides primary and help explore significant questions and secondary materials across multiple that help contextualize the primary sources and clarify the breadth of the themes, such as how these violations media formats and content types for could have been prevented, what events. -
GLOBAL BURDEN of ARMED VIOLENCE 2011 ISBN 978-1-107-60679-1 Takes an Integrated an Takes 2011
he Global Burden of Armed Violence 2011 takes an integrated approach to the complex and volatile dynamics of armed GENEVA T violence around the world. Drawing on comprehensive country- DECLARATION level data, including both conflict-related and criminal violence, it estimates that at least 526,000 people die violently every year, more than three-quarters of them in non-conflict settings. It highlights that the 58 countries with high rates of lethal violence account for two- thirds of all violent deaths, and shows that one-quarter of all violent GLOBAL deaths occur in just 14 countries, seven of which are in the Americas. New research on femicide also reveals that about 66,000 women GLOBAL BURDEN VIOLENCE and girls are violently killed around the world each year. 2 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 This volume also assesses the linkages between violent death rates and socio-economic development, demonstrating that homicide rates are higher wherever income disparity, extreme poverty, and hunger are high. It challenges the use of simple analytical classifications and policy responses, and offers researchers and policy-makers new tools for studying and tackling different forms of violence. of ARMED VIOLENCE o f ARMED BURDEN Photos Top left: Rescuers evacuate a wounded person from Utoeya, Norway, July 2011. © Morten Edvarsen/AFP Photo Lethal Centre left: Morgue workers transport a coffin to be buried along with other unidentified bodies found in mass graves, Durango, Mexico, June 2011. © Jorge Valenzuela/Reuters Encounters Bottom right: An armed fighter walks past a burnt-out armed vehicle in the Abobo 2011 district of Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, March 2010. -
Latin America Relations After the Inevitable US Military Intervention In
ARTÍCULO DE INVESTIGACIÓN U.S. – Latin America relations after the inevitable U.S. Military intervention in Guatemala in 1954 Relaciones Estados Unidos - América Latina después de la inevitable intervención militar norteamericana de 1954 en Guatemala Fecha de recepción: Agosto de 2014 Fecha de aceptación: Septiembre de 2014 Gianmarco Vassalli MA in International Cooperation for Development of Universidad de San Buenaventura, Cartagena in agreement with the University of Pavia and BA International Relations with Business Dirección postal: Calle Portobello, San Diego C38 10-15, Apt. B13, Cartagena de Indias, Colombia Correo electrónico: [email protected] Revista INTERNACIONAL de COOPERACIÓN y DESARROLLO VOL. 1, NÚM. 2. ISSN (online): 2382-5014 JULIO – DICIEMBRE, 2014 195 U.S. – LATIN AMERICA RELATIONS AFTER THE INEVITABLE U.S. MILITARY INTERVENTION IN GUATEMALA IN 1954 Abstract The 1954 U.S. intervention in Guatemala is a controversial key matter that still finds different and opposing interpretations in academia. In this article the impact of the U.S. coup in Guatemala on U.S.- Central America socio-political relations will be evaluated, through the critical analysis of different perspectives and attributes on the subject. This work identifies, with reference to academic theories, key motives and interests behind the intervention, in relation to the significance of Guatemalan democratic president Jacopo Arbenz’ s reforms in the wider social context of Central America. The possible wide-scale impact of these reforms with the creation of viable alternative model to American liberal capitalism and consequently of a perceivable potential threat to U.S. intrinsic interests in its hemisphere, will be reflectively explored throughout with the intent of proposing a solution over the 1954 U.S.