Social Affairs. Vol.1 No.3, 23-32, Fall 2015

Social Affairs: A Journal for the Social Sciences ISSN 2362-0889 (online) www.socialaffairsjournal.com

CHANGING UNIVERSITY STUDENT POLITICS IN : FROM NORM ORIENTED TO VALUE ORIENTED STUDENT MOVEMENTS*

Gamini Samaranayake**

Political Scientist

ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the causes of student political activism in Sri Lankan universities by paying attention to the history of student politics starting from the 1960s when the first traces of such activism can be traced. Towards this end, it makes use of the analytical framework proposed by David Finlay that explains certain conditions under which students may be galvanized to engage in active politics. Analyzing different socio-political contexts that gave rise to these movements, and the responses of incumbent governments to such situations, it concludes that in order to mitigate the risk of youth getting involved in violent politics, it is necessary to address larger structural issues of inequality.

Keywords: Student Politics, Violence, University Education, Sri Lanka

INTRODUCTION

Student politics is a significant phenomenon sense it could be stated that the universities are in University . The barometers of social and political discontent. involvement of students in politics has a long history and has always reflected the When tracing the history of student politics, social and political changes in the country. it is evident that Sri Lanka did not have Consequently current student councils are a single student movement until 1960. highly politicized bodies and the universities However, with the expansion in the number are strong centers of youth led agitation. In a of universities student councils became a

* A previous version of this paper was presented **Author e-mail: at the 3rd International Symposium of the South [email protected] Eastern (2013) and is ©2015 Social Affairs Journal. This work is available on the university repository. licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

-23- Social Affairs. Vol.1 No.3, 23-32, Fall 2015 wing of the radical or leftist political parties. argues that confrontational politics arises out After 1971, university student politics of three main reasons. The first is the lack became a part and parcel of insurrectionary of integration into adult power structures and violence and guerrilla warfare in Sri Lanka. decision making processes. The second is The causes behind changing student the degree to which a political authority is politics is closely linked to the expansion recognized as being legitimate. Confrontation of university education and changes in the politics may result when students feel that selection of members to student bodies. authority is not acceptable or legitimate. The legitimacy orientations of students are AIMS AND OBJECTIVES an expression of their evaluation of the appropriateness or inappropriateness of The main objective of this paper is to examine authority, particularly a political regime. the causes behind changing student politics in Sri Lanka. This paper is therefore divided There are three possible legitimacy into four major parts. The first part deals orientations: supportive, oppositional and with the analytical framework of the paper. acquiescent. When students regard authority The second part deals with factors that as legitimate, they will tend to perform have contributed to student politics among supportive or acquiescent roles in relation to university students in the country. The third the political system. However, when students part examines the nature and type of student do not grant legitimacy to the system, their organizations. The fourth part examines behavior is oppositional and confrontational. the response of the government or the university towards student movements. The According to David J. Finlay the third concluding section contains observations cause of student involvement in politics is and recommendations. the process of politicization. Politicization means the degree of political awareness ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK and involvement in the world of politics and government (Ibid). According to him the level The analytical framework of this discussion of politicization contributes to the level and is based on the analysis made by David J. type of political participation of students. Finlay’s (n.d.) pamphlet titled “Youth and Politics: A Pre-theoretic Model” which has He further argues that the levels of been of special relevance to this paper. politicization correlate with the levels of Youth are perceived of as actors in any participation. There are three politicization political system. If a political system is to levels as minimal, moderate and high. A persist, one of its major tasks is to provide high level of politicization leads to riots and for a minimal level of support for a regime rebellion, moderate participation results in of some kind. Yet political systems generally demonstrations and the formation of parties do not conceive of students as participants and minimal politicization confines the in politics. Where students find themselves orientation to voting and discussion (Ibid). ignored by or barred from participatory roles In addition there are some systemic variables in the adult power structure, “they are likely influencing the political behavior of students. to seize the initiative in an effort to make their They are as follows: demands known” (Finlay, p.2). The result is confrontational politics between students 1.The structure of the educational system and authority. 2.The propensity of the authorities to sanction According to this analytical framework Finlay political opposition

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3.The degree of relationships between the On the basis of the above-mentioned model student population and the political elite the roles of students can be presented as follows: The structure of the education system may be elite or mass in both quantitative and 1. In a mass educational system with a low qualitative terms. If the legitimacy orientation sanction, student politicization will be of students in an elitist system tends to be acquiescent or supportive in the minimal supportive, the salience of oppositional or moderate activity ranges if elite activity decreases. It does not leave space for congruity is at the moderate to high end of oppositional politics due to the small student a continuum. bodies, residential accommodation of quality 2. If however, elite-student congruity is low standards, and close student supervision for significant proportions of the student through low student-faculty ratios, tutorials population, supportive orientations will be and geographic isolation of the campus. less frequent and oppositional orientations The mass educational system does not give will increase and will be directed against any guarantee of elite status to students. the regime. On the one hand, students have more time 3. In a mass educational system in a closed and freedom to enroll in national politics as political system with a high propensity to compared to the elite system mostly because sanction (but with the sanction function of the lack of supervision. On the other, in still low) if student-elite congruity is countries where the economic infrastructure high, participation will be largely ritually fails to keep pace with educational supportive or acquiescent, oppositional expansion, career opportunities are likely to activity will be more sporadic than be insufficient to meet the high expectations sustained and will be at a high participation of graduates. Thus the introduction of mass level when it does occur. For example education may lead to student frustration there will be fewer attempts to form and alienation. As a result what emerges political parties but demonstrations and is a class of career students, unable and riots will occur involving a large number of perhaps unwilling to leave the university, who participants. are active dissidents in the political process. 4. If student-political elite congruity is low, The second variable is the ability of the supportive orientations at any level of political elites to employ sanctions against participation will largely disappear as oppositional political activity. students move into increasingly sporadic The third variable is the congruity of the opposition. Oppositional politicization student and political elite. At least three is at its height in this category with the factors must be considered when deciding largest number in the perceptually-related the degree of congruity or incongruity but minimally participant category. The between students and political elites. discussion stage of oppositional politics will be at sustained levels initiated by the The first is similarities or differences in social highly politicized participants. It is this cell backgrounds and recruitment. The second of the model that provides instances of is the existence and extent of competition student riots that precipitate government among elites. The third factor is the extent or regime change in developing countries. of shared (or opposed) attitudes, beliefs and values (Ibid). 5. In an elitist educational system in an open polity if the student-political elite

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congruence is high, the politicization government policy. These movements tend distribution will be normal and legitimacy to be transitory. Periods of intense activism orientations will be supportive. on specific issues are often followed bya sharp decline in activity once that issue has 6. If however, student-political elite declined in salience. congruence is low, legitimacy orientations will shift to ambivalence or opposition and A second type of student movement is value- levels of politicization will correspondingly oriented, that is, concerned with ultimate depart from normal as the ambivalent take ends or basic conceptions about social refuge in inactivity and opposed become institutions. Value-oriented movements tend more active. to press for more extreme and ideological programmes than do norm-oriented groups. 7. In an elitist education system in a closed polity where the sanction function is Norm-oriented student movements tend to at high levels, if student-political elite arise in either elitist or mass systems when congruence is high, legitimacy orientation there is low congruity between students will be supportive and politicization levels and elites and a low propensity to sanction will skew toward higher participation, by authorities. The low sanction function particularly if a mobilization system enhances the probabilities of successfully demands overt manifestations of support. resolving particular issues, and with success militancy declines. 8. If, however, elite-student congruence is low, legitimacy orientation will again move Value-oriented student movements tend to into the ambivalent or opposed categories develop where congruity between students but activity will diminish to inactivity or and elites is low and where a high propensity minimal activity. The high sanction function to sanction exists. The high sanction function combined with the careerist-orientation of minimizes opportunity for activism and elitist students will severely mitigate overt alienates students. Thus, for those who are opposition at any level (Ibid). highly politicized, radicalism is virtually the only available alternative to acquiescence, Given the possible combinations of these and it is the highly politicized students who three systemic variables, what kind of are affiliated with value-oriented movements situations are conducive to student activism (Ibid). in politics? What conditions determine whether student activism will be directed CAUSES OF STUDENTS POLITICS mainly against the authority structure of society or whether it will be expressed University education in Sri Lanka began through traditional affiliations with status quo with the establishment of a University political parties or social fraternities? College in 1921 with 115 students. The University of Ceylon was established in 1942 To answer these questions it is necessary to with 904 students. Currently, there are 14 differentiate two types of student movements. conventional universities, three campuses, The first are those student organizations 9 undergraduate and 7 post-graduate which are norm-oriented, that is interested in institutions providing education to a student affecting particular norms or means to attain population of 72, 000 students in the country. agreed upon social values. Generally, such The rapid expansion of free education from student movements are concerned primarily primary education to tertiary education has with particular issues such as student led to this rapid enrolment and completion rights, university reforms, or a particular rates in primary and secondary education and

-26- Changing University Student Politics in Sri Lanka Gamini Samaranayake the demand for tertiary education. There are in 1952 (Warnapala 2011). also degree awarding fee levying institutions With the expansion of university education and 72 cross border universities. The Open along with the change of the medium of University which has 27 regional centers instruction from English to Sinhala and provides broad based distance education Tamil, the admission policy of university (Samaranayake 2010). education in Sri Lanka moved from Elite to a The transformation of systems of education mass model. The most significant feature of from an elitist-oriented education to a mass mass university education was the changing based system over the years has contributed socio-economic composition of the student to the change of political participation population from the period 1960 onwards. of students in Sri Lanka. According to A study of university students by Murray David J. Finlay the main cause of student Strauss in 1951 reveals their socio-economic involvement in politics is the process of background (Strauss 1951). According to politicization. According to him the level of the study most of the university students politicization contributes to the level and belonged to the urban middle class type of political participation of students. A families. There was a marked transition high level of politicization leads to riots and from the high representation of the Urban rebellion, moderate participation results in English speaking middle class to a high demonstrations and the formation of parties representation of rural Sinhala-Buddhists and minimal politicization confines the among student cadres. This trend has orientation to voting and discussion. been a result of the standardization and The expansion of university education district quota system introduced in 1973 contributed to the politicization of the student (De Silva 1974). Furthermore, the change population in two respects. The first is the of the socio-economic backgrounds of the structural changes in university education. student population is vividly indicated by David J. Finlay perceives a dichotomy in the the employment structure of the parents educational system between elitist and mass of the university students. According to educational systems. According to him an the University Grants Commission (UGC) elite system is one in which restrictiveness of Statistical Handbook of 1988/89, the the upper-levels of the educational pyramid employment structure of the parents of the virtually guarantees the elite status of those students in that academic year was weighted in institutions of higher education. to the low-income category. Nearly 40 percent of the parents of the university students had The early days of the education structure a monthly income of less than Rs.1000 (The at the University of Ceylon could be safely Statistical Handbook of 1988/89). referred to as an elitist one with English as the sole medium of instruction. It provided The expansion in the number of universities residential facilities and was an exclusive and the student population was not marked university with a limited student population. by a concomitant expansion in facilities The structural focus was on imparting the for extra-curricular activities, sports and British model of education. The curriculum, infrastructural services. Furthermore, staff- examination and teaching patterns of the student relations have not developed but university were derived from the University of deteriorated. The current staff-student London. The University of Ceylon built on the relations in universities do not encourage Ox-bridge model was initially established in meaningful academic relationships. in 1942 and moved to Peradeniya

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In spite of the structural changes in the dramatically. Consequently, the smooth system of education from elite to mass, functioning of law and order within universities there has been no corresponding change are under threat and the authorities are not in in the aspirations of the students. The a position to enforce discipline. emphasis continues to be on white collar What is significant about the growth and employment. This emphasis necessitates development of the student movement is rapid economic development to meet the the decline of student organizations which aspirations and expectations of university belong to elite political parties such as the students. However, due to the slow growth United National Party (UNP) and the Sri of the country’s economy, opportunities for Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and orthodox employment are fast dwindling. An additional left-wing parties, and the emergence of 20,000 who graduate annually enter the student organizations dominated by the labour force leading to a steady expansion in clandestine or semi-clandestine youth the rate of unemployment among graduates movements. These developments show the (Samaranayake 1996). The government changing relations between the political elite therefore is compelled to absorb these and university student bodies in the country. graduates into its cadres in the public sector even though there is no real necessity to TYPES OF STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS expand the public sector. Student movements can be distinguished Underemployment is another facet of the as either norm-oriented or value-oriented economic dynamics related to student unrest movements. A norm-oriented movement and their involvement in political violence is an attempt to restore, protect, modify or organizations. The level of underemployment create norms in the name of a generalized is manifest in the type of employment belief. It is concerned with a specific limited opportunities offered to social science issue such as student’s rights, university graduates. Around 8000 graduates were reforms, or a particular government policy. A temporarily absorbed into the public sector value-oriented movement refers to a student in 1994 for a monthly salary of RS.2, 500 movement that is fundamentally oriented amounting to a daily wage of Rs. 113 (Ibid). toward rendering some change in the social As a result, university education has become structure. It is characterized by a concern for a source of frustration rather than a means broad ideological issues and is associated of upward mobility. The structural changes with revolutionary organizations. in education and the decline in white collar employment opportunities are causal factors With the change of the education system the of the politicization of university students. typology and pattern of student organizations have changed. Prior to 1977, they were more Ability to impose sanctions is another facet of norm or theoretical oriented and belonged student discontent related to student unrest to the national political parties. During this and their involvement with confrontational period student politics were dominated either politics. “Ragging” within universities by the Lanka Jathika Shishya Sangamaya, which has become a widespread problem the Student wing of the Pro Moscow can be cited as an issue where authorities Communist Party (CP) or the Lanka Shishya have failed to impose sanctions effectively. Sammelanaya, a student wing of the Lanka Initially, ragging began as clean fun but Sama Samajaya Party (LSSP). In terms of has now degenerated into one of the worst ideology, the CP was committed to the Soviet forms of student behavior and has increased line while the LSSP followed the Trotskyite

-28- Changing University Student Politics in Sri Lanka Gamini Samaranayake ideology. These two student organizations batch meetings are not disputed and are were subsequently challenged by the accepted as the general will of the students. Socialist Student Union (SSU) which was Each batch elects two students as batch the student wing of the pro Mao-Communist representatives per academic year. These Party (MCP). During this period student batch leaders become leaders of the students issues were dominated by issues of student union. Representation in the student union welfare (Samaranayake 1996). is also based on batch representations. These changes in the system of union have However this situation changed from the mid contributed to the imposition of the will of 1970s and resulted in more value or action the student union on the university student oriented student organizations. Consequently, population in general. This also discourages the ideology and perception of the student the formation of alternative student groups. movement shifted from interpretations of Marxism to varying interpretation of ethno- The student council with the blessing of nationalism. The student bodies perceived the Inter University Students Federation themselves as a vanguard of social change. (IUSF) converts new students through the This shift in ideology led to a process of “ragging” (a system of induction for new alienation where student politics separated students) and indoctrination classes, and from national politics and merged with mobilizes students for confrontational politics underground organizations controlled by the with administrative and decision making militant youth. institutions including the Vice Chancellors of the respective universities (Wimalasuriya The shift in paradigms also changed the 2012). Furthermore, it mobilizes students centres of agitation. Issues were no longer for national issues based on the political confined to on-campus educational issues, agendas of hidden forces. A key mobilizing but also involved secondary educational factor is the issue of free education and and national issues. Of these issues the opening up tertiary education to the private following are noteworthy: the issue of the sector. North Colombo Private Medical College, and the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 The Inter University Students federation (Samaranayake 1996). (IUSF) is another development in student politics in the country. The organization Student councils play a significant role in serves as a bridge between the student politicizing the student population in the polity and underground organizations. The universities. Until 1968, student councils Inter University Student Federation (IUSF), were selected through the system of election a cat’s paw of the militant Janatha Vimkuthi based on halls of residence (Samaranayake Peramuna (JVP), manipulates student 1992). Since 1968, the election system politics for its political agenda. Currently changed into a direct election at university university student politics is controlled by level. Currently, the open election system the Inter University Student Federation. has been done away with and student Although it is not a legal entity recognized by councils are selected through systematic the University Act of 1978, it functions as a de manipulation. A significant development facto student federation. It serves as a bridge has been the importance attached to the between student politics and insurrectionary batch, which has become the nucleus of movements in the country. student politics within the university. The general student meeting is replaced by The direct impact of student politics on the batch meeting. The decisions taken at insurrectionary movements is witnessed

-29- Social Affairs. Vol.1 No.3, 23-32, Fall 2015 in the composition of the Janatha Vimukthi confrontational politics spearheaded by the Peramuna (JVP) polit-bureau before the student unions which have targeted decision insurrection from 1987 to 1989. Of the 13 making bodies such as the Ministry of members in the polit-bureau of the JVP 9 Higher Education and the University Grants were university students. In the Central Commission has placed these institutions in a Committee out of 49, 10 were university difficult situation where change management students. According to the University Grants and maintaining the normal functions of Commission (UGC) 300 students were the universities are of primary concern. In reported missing due to the insurrection from such an operating environment all forms of 1987-1989, and 227 were in custody while change, even minor ones, are difficult and 49 were reported dead (Samaranayake it is imperative that the universities do not 1996). Thereby, the legitimacy orientation precipitate national crises at a time when of university students has changed. delicate and decisive social and economic Consequently, the nature and scope of measures are being undertaken by the student politics has shifted from pro-system Government of Sri Lanka. oriented politics to confrontational politics. GOVERNMENT RESPONSE In an elite education system, the general atmosphere is not conducive for highly Given this situation, the response of the politicized student bodies which challenge government is important in the context of authority. The authorities maintained a student and youth confrontational politics. monopoly of the university decision making Increasingly, successive governments have process as exemplified in the University Acts appointed commissions and brought in of 1972 and 1978. The universities were legislation/acts in order to align the university also in a position to maintain law and order in system with their desired form of change. the absence of a decisive challenge from the Of these, the Educational Act of 1972 was a student body. As a result, the university was landmark in the development of universities in a position to impose sanctions where and and student politics in Sri Lanka. Through when necessary, and maintain law and order the act all the universities merged as the without upsetting the university calendar. “University of Sri Lanka”. This merger gave rise to the Inter University Student However, the change in the education system Federation (ISUF). This act also made from elite to a mass system, change in the provision for Student Councils to nominate level of politicization, and the legitimacy representatives to the senate and the faculty orientation of the university students had a board, and introduced the student counseling direct impact on the authority of the university. system. The policy making authority of the Ministry of Higher Education, University Grants However, the University Act of 1978 once Commission and the university has already again created separate universities and left been challenged by the Inter University no provision for student councils to forge Student Federation. It has developed a links forming an integrated body. Besides, parallel organization to the UGC concerning the act abolished the system of nominating student affairs. student representatives to the senate but made provisions for nomination to the The change of the higher education system to faculty board. In 1978 a separate minister incorporate fee levying or private universities was appointed in charge of university to the system is a tenacious issue that education. The most significant event was has implications on national politics. The the abolishing of the student councils by

-30- Changing University Student Politics in Sri Lanka Gamini Samaranayake the University Amendment Act of 1985. students and their deviation from the According to the act student councils were to national democratic politics has become a be replaced by a new committee chaired by major challenge to the policy makers and the Vice Chancellor (VC) of that respective implementers involved in the higher education university. These student committees were sector in the country. In the absence of an never formed and Action Committees (ACs) articulate and coherent policy addressing the emerged as a result (The Revised University problem of political violence in the country, Act of 1988 No. 26). As a result of these the student movement continues to be a voice Acts, universities came increasingly under of discontent and agitation. Furthermore, government control and directs. their alienation from the mainstream socio- economic and political system has led them In terms of employment, since 1994 to take up an agitational and confrontational governments have introduced special stand. It is not possible to alleviate student employment programmes for graduates. problems without addressing these major They have been recruited as teachers, structural issues that have a direct bearing development officers and trainees in the on the higher education system and its graduate scheme in order to ease the constituent student populace. problem of unemployment.

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS REFERENCES

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