Cambodia: Background and U.S. Relations
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Cambodia Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Situation Report #2 13 July 2020 Report As of 13 July 2020, 11:30 Am ICT
Cambodia Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Situation Report #2 13 July 2020 Report as of 13 July 2020, 11:30 am ICT Situation Summary Highlights of Current Situation Report • As of 13 July 2020, 156 confirmed cases of COVID-19 have been reported from Cambodia to WHO, of which 133 have recovered. 118 cases were acquired overseas, representing 10 nationalities in addition to Cambodian, with the rest locally acquired. Eight patients are currently being treated in Khmer Soviet Friendship Hospital and 15 at Chakangre Health Centre, both in Phnom Penh. • 79 contacts are being monitored daily over 14 days for possible development of symptoms through automatic voice calls using the 115 hotline system. • The 15 most recent cases identified on 12 July are Cambodian men between the ages of 21 and 33, who travelled from Saudi Arabia and were detected as a result of extensive airport screening measures for all incoming passengers. • Points of Entry measures are currently being strictly implemented including testing on arrival and 14-day quarantine for all airport passengers and at border crossings. • Joint high-level field missions, led by the Secretary of State, Ministry of Health (MOH) and the WHO Representative, have been undertaken to the north eastern and to the north western regions (total 7 provinces) to assess and advise on strengthening provincial-level preparedness and response. Upcoming Events and Priorities • On 15 July, the Ministry of the Interior will host a high-level meeting between the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC) key institutions and the UN Country Team (UNCT) on the joint programme to support returning migrants during COVID-19. -
Intelligence Memorandum
Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 ,E .._, ....,, TolLSect:ef: -1L_____ -------' 3.5(c) DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Memorandum CAMBODIAANDTHE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS ... 3.5(c) 3.5(c) 29 January 1968 I Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 3.5(c) Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 3.5(c) CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY Directorate of Intelligence 29 January 1968 INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM Cambodia and the Vietnamese Communists A Monthly Report Contents I. Military Developments: Communist battal~ ion and regimental size units continue to operate in Cambodian territory (Paras. 1-5). It is clear that North Vietnamese forces have had bases in the Cam bodian salient since mid-1965 (Paras. 6-8). The salient, however, has never been one of the major Communist base areias .in Cambodia (Paras. 9-12). A 3.3(h)(2) Cambodian~-----~ reports Communist units in South Vietnam are receiving Chinese arms and ammuni tion from Cambodian stocks (Paras. 13--16) . More reports have been received on Cambodian rice sales to the Corru:nunists (Paras. 17-20). Cambodian smug glers are supplying explosive chemicals to the Viet Cong (Para. 21). II. Poli ti cal Developments: Sihanouk"' con cerned over possible allied action against Communists in Cambodia for sanctuary, has reverted to diplomacy to settle the cris:is (Paras. 22-27). Sihanouk has again attempted to get a satisfactory border declara tion from the US (Para. 28). Cambodia, still believ ing the Communists will prevail in South Vietnam, sees short-term advantages to an opening to the West (Para. -
Activities on the 2017 Elections Commune Sangkat
Committee For Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (COMFREL) #138, Str 122 Teuk Laak 1, Toulkork, Phnom Penh xumE®hVl Box: 1145 COMFREL Tel: 023 884 150 Fax:023 885 745 Email [email protected], [email protected] Website www.comfrel.org Final Assessment and Report on the 2017 Commune Council Elections Contents Acronyms ................................................................................................................................................ 4 Foreword ................................................................................................................................................. 7 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................................................................. 9 2.1. Principal Findings .......................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 What Others Say ........................................................................................................................... 17 2.3 Overall Assessment ...................................................................................................................... 19 3. Political Environment ......................................................................................................................... 19 3.1 Unilateral legislative changes contrary -
Terrorism in Southeast Asia
Order Code RL31672 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Terrorism in Southeast Asia Updated November 18, 2003 Mark Manyin Coordinator Richard Cronin, Larry Niksch, Bruce Vaughn Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Terrorism in Southeast Asia Summary Following the defeat of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, U.S. attention turned to radical Islamist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore that are known or alleged to have ties to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. For more than a decade, Al Qaeda has penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti- American Islamic terrorist groups. Members of one indigenous Al Qaeda affiliate, Jemaah Islamiyah, is known to have assisted two of Al Qaeda’s September 11, 2001 hijackers and have confessed to plotting and carrying out attacks against Western targets, including the October 12, 2002 bombing in Bali, Indonesia that killed approximately 200 people, mostly Western tourists. The Bali attack signalled a shift in Jemaah Islamiyah’s tactics, from targeting Western military and government installations to focusing on “softer” targets such as tourist resorts, Western business, and schools serving Westerners. The August 2003 bombing of the J.W. Marriott Hotel in Jakarta, thought to be carried out by Jemaah Islamiyah, appears to fit this pattern. Arrests in Thailand and Cambodia in the spring and summer of 2003 may indicate that the network has established and/or stepped up operations in those countries, as well as Laos and Burma. -
Cambodia: Human Rights Before and After the Elections
May 1993 Vol.5 No.10 CAMBODIA: HUMAN RIGHTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ELECTIONS I. INTRODUCTION Cambodians will go to the polls on May 23 in an atmosphere of political and ethnic violence and renewed civil war. The elections are the culmination of a 17-month United Nations presence, the largest, most ambitious and most expensive peace-keeping effort ever, which was supposed to bring about an end to the conflict. Instead, Cambodia is faced with as much fighting as when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered the country in March 1992, and a spiralling level of serious human rights abuses. The "neutral political environment" that was supposed to be the precondition for elections is entirely absent. The five permanent members of the Security Council and other drafters of the 1991 Paris peace accords, formally known as the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, are determined to go ahead with the elections regardless. But what happens on May 23 is almost less important than what happens in the days after the results are announced. Asia Watch believes that an analysis of the missteps that led to the current human rights situation is critically important to determining how, or perhaps whether, human rights of Cambodians can be protected under whatever government comes to power then. The reasons for the deterioration in the human rights situation in late 1992 and early 1993 are complex. None of the parties to the conflict has a history of respect for human rights and one, Democratic Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, has one of the worst human rights records in modern history. -
Vietnamese and Cambodian Refugee Crisis Cecilia Bobbitt, Paige Amico, Emily Poehlein, Sara Seper, Megan Caveny, Bianca Zarrella, Shiqi Lin, Ashley Lamere
Vietnamese and Cambodian Refugee Crisis Cecilia Bobbitt, Paige Amico, Emily Poehlein, Sara Seper, Megan Caveny, Bianca Zarrella, Shiqi Lin, Ashley LaMere Introduction and Causes of Crisis: The Vietnamese and Cambodian refugee crisis spanned from 1969 to 1973. During the 1960’s, America and Vietnam were participating in the Vietnam War, which, along with internal conflict, was responsible for the displacement of not only Vietnamese but also Cambodian people. Due to the violent conditions from the war, many Vietnamese fled the country. Many were referred to as “boat people” because they escaped by boat on a dangerous trip to refugee camps in neighboring countries like Thailand. The Vietnam war also strongly had an effect on the lives of Cambodian citizens. Cambodia served as a transport route between North and South Vietnam. Cambodia remained neutral during the war; however, they were bombed heavily due to the presence of Vietcong Army bases. In 1975, a communist group called the Khmer Rouge that was led by Pol Pot took control of Cambodia and attempted to create an agrarian utopia. Cities were evacuated and destroyed. 1.5 million Cambodians (~20% of the country’s population) was murdered by the Khmer Rouge. In 1979, the Vietnamese army invaded Cambodia, causing many to flee the country to refugee camps in Thailand. Over 100,000 refugees relocated in the United States. Lived Experiences of Refugees: https://www.ted.com/talks/tan_le_my_immigration_story?language=en https://www.ted.com/talks/sophal_ear_escaping_the_khmer_rouge The Life We Were Given, Dana Sachs South Wind Changing, Jade Ngoc Quang Huynh US Government Response to the Refugee Crisis: On April 28th, 1970 President Nixon approved the Cambodian incursion, against the requests of Secretary of State William Rogers and Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird. -
2017 > China and the World After 19Th Party Congress AA.VV., Carnegie Endowment for International Peace > W
09 – 13: X : 2017 CHINA: 19º CONGRESSO DO PC | CHINA: 19TH PARTY CONGRESS China and the World After 19th Party Congress AA.VV., Carnegie Endowment for International Peace What is Xi Jinping Thought? Willy Wo-Lap Lam, China Brief Xi Jinping's Moment Richard McGregor, Lowy Institute China’s 19th Party Congress: Political Precedent and the Politburo Standing Committee Andrei Lungu, The Diplomat ACORDO NUCLEAR COM O IRÃO: INCUMPRIMENTO? | NUCLEAR AGREEMENT WITH IRAN: NONCOMPLIANCE? The Trump Administration and the Iran Nuclear Deal: Analysis of Noncompliance Claims Jarrett Blanc & James M. Acton, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Iranian Foreign Minister: ‘Arab Affairs Are Iran’s Business’ Javad Zarif, The Atlantic Decertifying the Deal: What’s the Next Step in Negotiating with Iran? James Phillips, The National Interest RECONCILIAÇÃO PALESTINIANA | PALETINIAN RECONCILIATION What’s different about the latest Palestinian reconciliation effort? Khaled Elgindy, Brookings Institution The long road towards Palestinian re-unification Hugh Lovatt, ECFR COREIA DO NORTE: TENSÃO NUCLEAR | NORTH KOREA: NUCLEAR TENSION The Growing Danger of a U.S. Nuclear First Strike On North Korea David Barno and Nora Bensahel, War on the Rocks ARCO DE CRISES | ARCH OF CRISIS How to Turn Battleground Ukraine into a Success Story? Anna Tikhonova & Cyril Fokin, National Interest Mali’s Fragile Peace Allison Chandler and Benno Zogg, CSS Trump's Surge in Afghanistan: Why We Can't Seem to End the War Daniel Byman and Steven Simon, Foreign Affairs TERRORISMO| -
Huanglongbing in Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar
Fourteenth IOCV Conference, 2000—Short Communications Huanglongbing in Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar M. Garnier and J. M. Bové ABSTRACT. Surveys conducted in Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar have shown that several citrus species were showing HLB-like symptoms. PCR analysis of leaf midrib samples indicated that “Candidatus Liberibacter asiaticus” infects various citrus cultivars in all the sites visited. Diaphorina citri, the Asian psyllid vector of HLB, was also seen in Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. Huanglongbing (HLB) has been and in Laos in 1997. The samples shown previously to be present in were brought back to Bordeaux and several south and south-east Asian tested by DNA/DNA hybridization countries, namely Bangladesh, (4) for the samples from Cambodia India, China, Vietnam, Thailand, and by PCR with primers OI1/OI2C/ and Malaysia (1) We have now OA1 (2, 3) for the samples from Laos obtained evidence for the occurrence and Myanmar. Examples of the PCR of HLB in three additional countries results are shown on Fig. 1 (top) for in South East (SE) Asia. Collection Myanmar samples. PCR results are of citrus leaf samples showing HLB- presented on Tables 1 and 2. Pum- like symptoms such as mottle were melo near Phnom Penh and Siem carried out in Cambodia in 1995, in Reap in Cambodia were found posi- Myanmar (formerly Burma) in 1996 tive by DNA/DNA hybridization TABLE 1 PCR-DETECTION OF “CANDIDATUS LIBERIBACTER ASIATICUS” IN MYANMAR Region Cultivar Sample Number PCR MANDALAY Moemeik Lime 1 + Myitngde Lime 2 2+ KALAW Mandarin seedling 3 2+ PINDAYA/ZAYDAN Mandarin/RL 4 3+ “ Rough lemon 5 2+ “Lime62+ “ Mandarin 7 3+ “ Mandarin 8 2+ “ Mandarin 9 + AUNGBAN Navel 10 + “11+ “12— INLE Kyasar Rough lemon 13 3+ “ Mandarin 14 3+ Inle Lime 15 3+ PEGU/SARLAY Pummelo 16 — “ Pummelo 17 + “Lime183+ 378 Fourteenth IOCV Conference, 2000—Short Communications 379 Fig. -
CAMFAD Final Report
CAMFAD Rural Food Security Program (CRFSP), 2007 Contract no: 06cam_4604_07at_1133 Final Report 15 February 2008 Supported By Page 1 of 16 Contents i. Organization name and address ii. Personnel status iii. Preface iv. Introduction v. Activities vi. Result vii. Cycle of CamFad working strategies viii. Conclusion ix. Recommendation Page 2 of 16 i- Organization name and Address: A- Organisation - In Khmer: SA MA KUM KAK SE KOR KAM PUCHEA APIWAT KAK SEKAM (Presently known as SAHAK PHAN SA MA KUM KAK SE KOR KAM PUCHEA APIWAT KAKSEKAM). -In English: Cambodian Farmers’ Association for Agricultural Development, (presently known as Cambodian Farmers' Association Federation for Agricultural Development). B- Office address Rop Ko village, Prey Chhlak commune, Svay Rieng district, Svay Rieng Town, Cambodia. Tel/Fax: +855 44 945 553 E-mail (personal): [email protected] E-mail (at office): [email protected] [email protected] Website: http://www.camfad.org ii- Leaders and staffs Leaders and Staffs Board Board of Director Surname and Given In charge since Name Chairperson* Koy Chhy 1996 Vice and acting chairperson Tey Saroon 2007 Vice chairperson Ké Han 2007 Vice chairperson* Tep Kosal 2005 Members CFA leader Net Thorng 2007 CFA leader Koy Sithorn 2007 CFA leader Pao Suy 2007 CFA leader Keo Onn 2007 CFA leader Kong sabo 2007 CFA leader Hoeng Prum 2007 CFA leader Kong Savoeun 2007 * (was nominated in the past) others are elected by members, Page 3 of 16 Management and resource Surname and Given In charge since persons Name Staff at the office Executive -
The Iranian Therapist and Her Cambodian Clients
11/11/2018 cerieastbay.org/web3/media/dragon.html excerpt from UNDER THE DRAGON California's New Culture by Lonny Shavelson and Fred Setterberg buy the book T h e I r a n i a n T h e r a p i s t a n d H e r C a m b o d i a n C l i e n t s by Lonny Shavelson and Fred Setterberg Dr. Mona Afari studied Lay’s impassive expression as the translator rendered his words from Cambodian into English. “My mother and father,” she heard the translator repeat, “…the Khmer Rouge take them. I never see again.” Mona watched Lay’s eyes spark with pain as he recounted the story of his parents’ murder, and she asked herself the question that had haunted her since founding the weekly therapy group: Could she— an Iranianborn, female therapist—breach the chasm separating her from these six middleaged male survivors of the Cambodian holocaust and provide the help they desperately needed? The Cambodian men had spilled into Oakland’s largely Latino Fruitvale District like victims thrown from a terrible traffic accident—uneducated villagers battered physically and psychologically, utterly unprepared for life in America. In stark contrast, Mona was the upper class daughter of an Iranian industrialist, an educated urban cosmopolite, a Jew from a Muslim nation, and a willing immigrant to the United States. Mona concentrated on the tone of Lay’s voice. She did not understand the Cambodian language, but neither was she completely comfortable in English. -
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy Sophie Diamant Richardson Old Chatham, New York Bachelor of Arts, Oberlin College, 1992 Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2001 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia May, 2005 !, 11 !K::;=::: .' P I / j ;/"'" G 2 © Copyright by Sophie Diamant Richardson All Rights Reserved May 2005 3 ABSTRACT Most international relations scholarship concentrates exclusively on cooperation or aggression and dismisses non-conforming behavior as anomalous. Consequently, Chinese foreign policy towards small states is deemed either irrelevant or deviant. Yet an inquiry into the full range of choices available to policymakers shows that a particular set of beliefs – the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence – determined options, thus demonstrating the validity of an alternative rationality that standard approaches cannot apprehend. In theoretical terms, a belief-based explanation suggests that international relations and individual states’ foreign policies are not necessarily determined by a uniformly offensive or defensive posture, and that states can pursue more peaceful security strategies than an “anarchic” system has previously allowed. “Security” is not the one-dimensional, militarized state of being most international relations theory implies. Rather, it is a highly subjective, experience-based construct, such that those with different experiences will pursue different means of trying to create their own security. By examining one detailed longitudinal case, which draws on extensive archival research in China, and three shorter cases, it is shown that Chinese foreign policy makers rarely pursued options outside the Five Principles. -
Development of Party Systems After a Dictatorship: Voting Patterns and Ideological Shaping in Spain
Development of Party Systems after a Dictatorship: Voting Patterns and Ideological Shaping in Spain Submitted by Daniel de Juan Martínez to the University of Exeter as a dissertation for the degree of Master by Research in Politics In September 2015 This dissertation is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this dissertation which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. Abstract The Spanish party system after Francoism has been the subject of discussion of several academics and previous research. The purpose of this work is to approach this topic more deeply from a new perspective by paying attention to the shaping of ideology and voting patterns regionally and through time. This research has been structured into three main chapters. Firstly, a historical review of politics and key facts before the dictatorship has been carried out. Secondly, socioeconomic factors and voting patterns during the Second Republic have been analysed in detail. Thirdly, by focusing on insights acquired from previous chapters, several models of voting patterns and ideological shaping have been carried out from 1978 to 1994 at a national and regional level. The final conclusions show that (1) voting patterns and ideological identities after the dictatorship were still strongly influenced by lifelong social cleavages, (2) both voting patterns and ideological identities varied regionally, (3) preferences towards a democratic or authoritarian regimen did not affect voting and ideology after the dictatorship and (4) Francoism as a set of ideals still played an important role in defining voting patterns during the democratic era.