Moharram 1 Eamanne Moharram Dr. Rossen UGS 303, 60710 3

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Moharram 1 Eamanne Moharram Dr. Rossen UGS 303, 60710 3 Moharram 1 Eamanne Moharram Dr. Rossen UGS 303, 60710 3 December 2020 American Belly Dance: Authentic or Appropriated? This essay will examine the origins of belly dance, the several types that emerged in the 20th century, and how its practice in American/Western culture is a result of transcultural fusion that contributes to problematic Western patterns of Orientalist appropriation. Its mixed origins and its history of appropriation make the practice of American belly dance distinct from its Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) origins and the overall MENA culture and identity. Central to this analysis is the question “Is belly dance an accurate representation of MENA culture?” The answer is yes and no. One cannot say that belly dance isn’t Middle Eastern because its vocabulary and physical forms are deeply rooted in Middle Eastern, specifically Egyptian, dance vocabulary and the first belly dancers were indeed Middle Eastern. To fully deny the dance’s lineage would be an unfair erasure of its originators. However, its evolution was greatly driven by catering to Western tastes, both by its Middle Eastern creators and by its American dance practitioners, making it thoroughly distinct from authentic MENA dance practice. In contrast to other cultural dance forms in the U.S. like Indian classical dance, Latin dance, or other MENA dance forms like Palestinian Dabke that maintain their cultural identity and ownership, belly dance exists as a manifestation of MENA culture that is no longer truly owned by its originators. In fact, the dance is primarily practiced by non-MENA dancers and is viewed by many Americans in the MENA diaspora as an inaccurate and uncomfortable representation of their culture (Deagon 3). Moharram 2 The core motions of modern belly dance are similar to what is at the heart of traditional Egyptian dance, but overall, modern belly dance has evolved in a different direction. To fully understand the evolution and hybridization of belly dance, one must examine its history from the beginning. Belly dance is commonly known by its Arabic name, “raqs sharqi,” which literally ​ ​ translates to “eastern dance.” In fact, Egyptian raqs sharqi is arguably its own dance form, ​ ​ which was created in the 1920s Cairo Renaissance, and is the origin point of all modern American belly dance (Deagon 3). Raqs sharqi is characterized by improvisation, hip and torso ​ ​ isolations, extended arm movements, and interaction between the dancer, audience, and musicians on stage (Lo Iacono). Dance is undeniably at the heart of Egyptian culture with three “local social and celebratory dances and… traditions” informing the primary dance vocabulary of raqs sharqi: baladi dance, Ghawazee dance, and the Awalim tradition (Lo Iacono). ​ ​ First, baladi dance comes from the working class of Egypt with “baladi” translating to “country,” “traditional,” or “local.” The dance is characterized by improvisation and, in contrast to the theatrisized and performance based raqs sharqi, is typically practiced as a social dance, at ​ ​ home or at parties, in women only spaces. The dance emphasizes the strength of the working class “thus [its] danced on flat feet rather than releve” but remains playful with the Egyptian concept of dela’a representing a “flirtatious and cheeky” feminine persona (Lo Iacono; Deagon ​ ​ ​ ​ 13). This baladi attitude remains a thread in raqs sharqi (Lo Iacono). ​ ​ Second, Ghawazee dance originates from the Ghawazee, a nomadic people in Egypt. In contrast to baladi dance, practiced privately, the dance of the Ghawazee manifests specifically as a performance art form. The Ghawazee were traditionally travelling performers with female dancers and male musicians who performed between holidays in the streets, primarily for rural and lower class Egyptians. These women performed in local costumes with simple props like Moharram 3 scarves or objects balanced on their heads or bodies. The dance itself focused heavily on torso movement with minimal arm movement and minimal footwork, was performed typically with a primary soloist, used finger cymbals, and was accompanied by live music from which the dancer(s) would improvise and build her movements (Lo Iacono). Finally, the Awalim were female performers of the well-educated, Egyptian upper class. In 1920s Cairo, these dancers who previously performed primarily at women’s celebrations and gatherings began to open up nightclubs in which to perform for the upper class elite, both Egyptian and international. Awalim dance practitioners are crucial to the development of raqs ​ sharqi and to the hybridization and fusion of its roots which can partially be seen as a ​ combination of the privately performed baladi and the publicly performed Ghawazee dance traditions. The high class nightclub setting shifted the dance practice from a social, celebratory, and participatory dance to one “performed purely for watching” (Lo Iacono). This shift laid the foundation for the dance to become much more of a spectacle catered to the male gaze. Changes to the dance form were greatly influenced by the socio-cultural environment of urban/upper class Egypt’s 1920s Cairo Renaissance. Egypt, and specifically Cairo, was highly multicultural. Nightclubs became major cultural “contact zones” as international patrons and performers exchanged ideas with Egyptian patrons, performers, and nightclub owners. Additionally, in early 20th century Egypt, Westernization was often conflated with modernization by the upper class, furthering the dance’s evolution and development guided by and tailored to Western tastes rather than local traditions (Lo Iacono). Arguably playing the most influential role of a single individual in shaping Egyptian belly dance was Badia Masabni, a prominent Syrian belly dancer and owner of many nightclubs in Cairo. In the late 1920s, the dance of the Awalim tradition in the nightclubs that previously Moharram 4 held so many similarities to Ghawazee dance began to deviate. Masabni incorporated more varied foot and arm movements, included dance ensembles alongside soloists, expanded the use of floor space, mixed music from Western and Arab orchestras, and incorporated Latin, Turkish, and Persian dance movements to ensure routines weren’t too repetitive or “boring” to international audiences (Lo Iacono). Though improvisation was still highly valued, Masabni brought in choreography as a dominant feature in the dance, bringing in many Western choreographers who incorporated ballet and ballroom elements into raqs sharqi. Non-Western ​ ​ choreographers were also employed and brought movements that became foundational to the Oriental dance framework like adding figure-eight twists and dramatic drops to the floor. Another massive change Masabni contributed to the dance form was the costumes worn by performers. Traditional costumes, which stemmed from Ghawazee styles, fully covered the body and consisted of long skirts, with a ribbon overskirt, long-sleeved tops, short vests, and heeled shoes. The first appearance of two piece, midriff-baring costumes was in the U.S. by Orientalist dancers like Ruth St. Dennis which were then incorporated by Masabni in Egypt in what became the bra and skirt look we know today. Masabni was so influential because a large percentage of her dancers were picked up by Egyptian cinema, and thus raqs sharqi spread to the masses in ​ ​ Egypt and to the world, attracting more Egyptian and foreign/Western dancers alike (Lo Iacono). With all the changes by Middle Eastern creators like Badia Masabni, raqs sharqi was ​ ​ already a culturally mixed form before its arrival to the U.S. and the world stage. But how did it get to become a widespread practice in the U.S.? Belly dance first appeared on a large stage in the U.S. with the title performer “Little Egypt” and imported Algerian belly-dancers at the 1893 Chicago World Fair (American Belly Dance Legends). From the early 20th century, belly dance ​ ​ had a strong place in Hollywood. American practitioners of modern dance, like Ruth St. Dennis, Moharram 5 made careers out of performing “Oriental dance,” a mix of MENA dance, South Asian dance, and fantasy invention, while many films featured it for American and global audiences alike (Maira 322). By the 1950s, belly dance was a popular form of U.S. entertainment in nightclubs with primarily Arab and Turkish performers. In the 1960s and 70s, a massive boom of non-MENA dancers joined the scene as demand for dancers went up and pay increased. These first nightclub dancers were trained by their Arab/Turkish employers and dance peers. However, as more non-MENA dancers took to the stage, MENA belly dancers and MENA “‘-owned’ belly dance’” were increasingly marginalized (Deagon 7). The 1960s-1970s was a crucial time period for the formation of two other primary forms of American belly dance aside from nightclub performance: recreational belly dance and tribal belly dance. During this time period, the dance moved out of nightclubs and was marketed to the masses as a recreational activity. Recreational belly dance was co-opted by the White middle class and many of the hippie-type on the coasts, with the Bay Area in California as a huge catalyst for its growth. European ballet and vaudeville performer, Roman “Bert” Balladine, played a huge role in this shift, popularizing the dance form in 1960s California by teaching in local community centers and clubs. He was extremely sought after and even won an award from Governor Reagan of California for his efforts which increased his popularity and credibility to teach more people. He was the first person to introduce the concept of dance workshops while touring in Germany, which opened the door for American dance workshops and the international dance seminars that have become so important to the dance’s modern practice and spread (American Belly Dance Legends). In the 1980s through the early 2000s, the dance’s popularity ​ ​ as a fitness craze came to a head as new video technology pushed it further into the mainstream (Deagon 9). Moharram 6 Tribal belly dance emerged in the late 60s in San Francisco renaissance fairs as a fusion style that mixed the MENA aesthetic, fantasy elements, and an eclectic mix of other ethnic styles.
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