Using Social Studies Themes to Investigate Modern Egypt Janie Hubbard
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The Political Economy of the New Egyptian Republic
ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ Hopkins The Political Economy of اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻰ the New Egyptian Republic ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﳉﺪﻳﺪة ﻓﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ The Political Economy of the New Egyptian of the New Republic Economy The Political Edited by ﲢﺮﻳﺮ Nicholas S. Hopkins ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻس ﻫﻮﺑﻜﻨﺰ Contributors اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن Deena Abdelmonem Zeinab Abul-Magd زﻳﻨﺐ أﺑﻮ اﻟﺪ دﻳﻨﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳌﻨﻌﻢ Yasmine Ahmed Sandrine Gamblin ﺳﺎﻧﺪرﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﺒﻼن ﻳﺎﺳﻤﲔ أﺣﻤﺪ Ellis Goldberg Clement M. Henry ﻛﻠﻴﻤﻨﺖ ﻫﻨﺮى إﻟﻴﺲ ﺟﻮﻟﺪﺑﻴﺮج SOCIAL SCIENCE IN CAIRO PAPERS Dina Makram-Ebeid Hans Christian Korsholm Nielsen ﻫﺎﻧﺰ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎن ﻛﻮرﺷﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻠﺴﻦ دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻜﺮم ﻋﺒﻴﺪ David Sims دﻳﭭﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺰ Volume ﻣﺠﻠﺪ 33 ٣٣ Number ﻋﺪد 4 ٤ ﻟﻘﺪ اﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻓﻰ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻞ ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎرئ اﻟﻌﺎدى واﳌﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﻰ ﺷﺌﻮن CAIRO PAPERS IN SOCIAL SCIENCE is a valuable resource for Middle East specialists اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ. وﺗﻌﺮض ﻫﺬه اﻟﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎت اﻟﺮﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺔ - اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﺪر ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ١٩٧٧ - ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺎم ﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮن and non-specialists. Published quarterly since 1977, these monographs present the results of ﻣﺤﻠﻴﻮن وزاﺋﺮون ﻓﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ. ,current research on a wide range of social, economic, and political issues in the Middle East وﺗﺮﺣﺐ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﻻت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﺎﻻت ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻰ ﻣﺪى ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ. وﻳﺮاﻋﻰ ان ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺒﺤﺚ .and include historical perspectives ﻓﻰ ﺣﺪود ١٥٠ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮك ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺘﲔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺴﻄﻮر، وﺗﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ وأﺧﺮى ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﻄﻮاﻧﺔ ﻛﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ (ﻣﺎﻛﻨﺘﻮش Submissions of studies relevant to these areas are invited. Manuscripts submitted should be أو ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺳﻮﻓﺖ وورد). أﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ، ﻓﻴﺠﺐ ان ﺗﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﳌﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻰ ﻛﺘﺎب ”اﻻﺳﻠﻮب ﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ around 150 doublespaced typewritten pages in hard copy and on disk (Macintosh or Microsoft ﺷﻴﻜﺎﻏﻮ“ (The Chicago Manual of Style) ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻬﻮاﻣﺶ ﻓﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ، أو اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﳌﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻰ Word). -
The Pharaoh's Garbage
The Pharaoh’s Garbage: Growth and Change in Egypt’s Waste Management System Rachel Leven Mahmoud is 45. The city’s dust and grime is ingrained in the deepening creases of his brow. It is as close to him as his skin. He is our tour guide for the week and we are, at present, in his car, navigating the crowded traffic of Cairo. “Is the city cleaner?,” I ask him as we dodge a woman with her arms full of the next day’s food provisions. I am referring to the changes that have taken place since the waste management of Egypt’s major cities was taken over by multinational corporations. “The streets are cleaner,” he says with little conviction. “Really?” I look out the window at a passing street sweeper, hunched over his broom, in a tired green uniform. If things are really better, I hate to imagine what the streets were like before. An image of the pyramids runs through my mind. The mighty giants of Egypt flanked in trash. “What about the garbage collection?” Mahmoud looks puzzled. “Who collects your garbage? Do the new companies collect it or do the Zabaleen?” “Oh. The Zabaleen. They have always collected it.” “What about the big companies? Aren’t they there? Aren’t they collecting anything?” My tour guide turns to me and gives me a look as if I just asked whether red is really green, or if there really is any such thing as a traffic light in Cairo. “Yes but we don’t use. It is not good for us.” As we pull out of another near crash, I realize his statement probably applies as much to the traffic laws as it does to the new waste management system. -
Informality, Ngos, and Cairo's Trash Collectors
Informality, NGOs, and Cairo’s Trash Collectors Economic and Social Welfare Policy in the Authoritarian Egyptian State Caroline Abadeer Submitted under the supervision of Professor Ben Ansell to the University Honors Program at the University of Minnesota-Twin Cities in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts, summa cum laude, in Political Science. May 3, 2011 ABSTRACT The following analysis provides a theoretically informed explanation of how Cairo‘s Zabbaleen (informal trash collectors) fit into the political story of economic development in Egypt. Egypt presently faces much uncertainty as its citizens call for change during an era of political reordering. Their demands stem largely from the breakdown of the ―authoritarian bargain‖ that once characterized state-society relations, as since the 1970s, the government has promoted economic liberalization and abandoned social welfare provision as a fundamental objective. This move limited opportunities available to the urban poor through the public and private sectors, leading to escalated growth in the informal economy and the third sector of non- governmental organizations. The informal sector has offered greater opportunities for employment, even as social welfare provision became the responsibility of NGOs, whose influence is strongly apparent among Egypt‘s poor. As a dispossessed societal group, the Zabbaleen offer a useful lens through which to evaluate the effects of policy change upon one segment of the populace; many of the risks they face as informal workers have been partially mitigated by the efforts of numerous NGOs that support them. Yet the uncertainty that continues to characterize the condition of the Zabbaleen also provides insight into tensions inherent within the coexistence of the authoritarian state system and an extensive informal economy and third sector. -
What Is Belly Dance?
What Is Belly Dance? THE PYRAMID DANCE CO. INC. was originally founded in Memphis 1987. With over 30 years Experience in Middle Eastern Dance, we are known for producing professional Dancers and Instructors in belly dancing! The company’s purpose is to teach, promote, study, and perform belly dance. Phone: 901.628.1788 E-mail: [email protected] PAGE 2 CONTACT: 901.628.1788 WHAT IS BELLY DANCE? PAGE 11 What is the belly dance? Sadiia is committed to further- ing belly dance in its various The dance form we call "belly dancing" is derived from forms (folk, modern, fusion , traditional women's dances of the Middle East and interpretive) by increasing pub- North Africa. Women have always belly danced, at lic awareness, appreciation parties, at family gatherings, and during rites of pas- and education through per- sage. A woman's social dancing eventually evolved formances, classes and litera- into belly dancing as entertainment ("Dans Oryantal " in ture, and by continuing to Turkish and "Raqs Sharqi" in Arabic). Although the his- study all aspects of belly tory of belly dancing is clouded prior to the late 1800s, dance and producing meaning- many experts believe its roots go back to the temple ful work. She offers her stu- rites of India. Probably the greatest misconception dents a fun, positive and nur- about belly dance is that it is intended to entertain men. turing atmosphere to explore Because segregation of the sexes was common in the movement and the proper part of the world that produced belly dancing, men of- techniques of belly dance, giv- ten were not allowed to be present. -
Zabbaleen Women's Perspectives on Suffering
American Research Journal of Nursing ISSN: 2379-2922 Volume 3, Issue 1, 14 Pages Research Article Open Access Zabbaleen Women’s Perspectives on Suffering Andrea Knopp, PhD, MSN, MPH, FNP-BC Nurse Practitioner [email protected] Coordinator, Associate Professor Abstract School of Nursing, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA Aims and Objectives: To identify the cultural understanding of suffering and the effects on the healthcare of CopticBackground: Zabbaleen women in Cairo, Egypt. Gender roles, cultural norms and beliefs of the Middle East place women in a vulnerable position resulting in isolation or disconnection from society and resources within the society resulting in inequality and disadvantages in healthcare. The women of the Zabbaleen community are a unique population of women in Cairo,Design: Egypt who have multiple factors known to contribute to inequities in healthcare. Qualitative inquiry using constructivist methodology with semi-structured interviews were conducted inMethods the area: of Mokattem in Cairo, Egypt with women of the Zabbaleen community. A convenience sample of women who were Copts from the Zabbaleen community between the ages ofResults: 19 and 45, married or unmarried participated in interviews at home and in the community. Three aspects of suffering that characterize this population are: suffering is an expected part of life, sufferingConclusions: is a spiritual experience and this spiritual experience identifies them with God. These findings provide insight into cultural perspectives on suffering from a subpopulation in the Middle East/North Africa region. Zabbaleen women offer a truly distinctive perspective on health through their experiences as a disadvantaged population of a Middle Eastern country. Understanding their experiences increases knowledge of women in vulnerable populations and provides insight into issues related to health and illnessRelevance in another to clinical culture. -
My Voice Is My Weapon: Music, Nationalism, and the Poetics Of
MY VOICE IS MY WEAPON MY VOICE IS MY WEAPON Music, Nationalism, and the Poetics of Palestinian Resistance David A. McDonald Duke University Press ✹ Durham and London ✹ 2013 © 2013 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Cover by Heather Hensley. Interior by Courtney Leigh Baker Typeset in Minion Pro by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data McDonald, David A., 1976– My voice is my weapon : music, nationalism, and the poetics of Palestinian resistance / David A. McDonald. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8223-5468-0 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn 978-0-8223-5479-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Palestinian Arabs—Music—History and criticism. 2. Music—Political aspects—Israel. 3. Music—Political aspects—Gaza Strip. 4. Music—Political aspects—West Bank. i. Title. ml3754.5.m33 2013 780.89′9274—dc23 2013012813 For Seamus Patrick McDonald Illustrations viii Note on Transliterations xi Note on Accessing Performance Videos xiii Acknowledgments xvii introduction ✹ 1 chapter 1. Nationalism, Belonging, and the Performativity of Resistance ✹ 17 chapter 2. Poets, Singers, and Songs ✹ 34 Voices in the Resistance Movement (1917–1967) chapter 3. Al- Naksa and the Emergence of Political Song (1967–1987) ✹ 78 chapter 4. The First Intifada and the Generation of Stones (1987–2000) ✹ 116 chapter 5. Revivals and New Arrivals ✹ 144 The al- Aqsa Intifada (2000–2010) CONTENTS chapter 6. “My Songs Can Reach the Whole Nation” ✹ 163 Baladna and Protest Song in Jordan chapter 7. Imprisonment and Exile ✹ 199 Negotiating Power and Resistance in Palestinian Protest Song chapter 8. -
A Contemporary Cairo Raqs Sharqi Ethnography a Dissertation
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Core Connections: A Contemporary Cairo Raqs Sharqi Ethnography A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Critical Dance Studies by Christine M. Şahin September 2018 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Jacqueline Shea Murphy, Chairperson Dr. Sherine Hafez Dr. Anthea Kraut Copyright by Christine M. Şahin 2018 The Dissertation of Christine M. Şahin is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Greatest thanks to God. Thank you for, and God bless, the beautiful dancing, stories, and people not only within these pages but throughout the vibrantly remarkable and resilient city of Cairo, Egypt. This dissertation has been a great collaborative effort, and there are many I wish to thank. Starting in Cairo, I owe deepest gratitude to the dancers, workers and staff, audiences, and management throughout the raqs sharqi dance industry. Additional gratitude goes to those that directly helped me as research collaborators in this project, and the transportation drivers (Mohamed and Ahmed, among many others) that made the links between my site-specific chapters so rich and insightful. Thank you Karim for being a key research partner and translator for this project, for your patience, kindness, support, and comradeship throughout my fieldwork. Thank you to Shahrzad, Vanessa, Sara Farouk Ahmed, Zara, Ramy, Khaled, Eman Zaki, Samia, Ali, Wael, Heba, and Nashwa for your generosity, assistance, and wealth of wisdom. Greatest gratitude to Sayyad Henkesh for keeping the history of music and dance on Mohamed Ali street alive and for your generosity in sharing your wealth of knowledge. Particular dancers and musicians I’d like to thank are Suzy, Julia, Amina, Randa Kamel, Camelia, Azizia and her husband Ahmed, Raqia Hassan, Farida Fahmy, Sahar Samara, Amie Sultan, Yossry el Hefni, Bossy, Mona, Donya, Aicha Babacar, Hussien Mansour, Luna, Kawakeb, Hamada, Tamra Henna, Tito Seif, Soraya, Shams, and Farah Nasri and her crew: Ahmed, Wael, Mahdy, and Salah. -
Informal Housing in Cairo: Are Ashwa’Iyyat Really the Problem?
Informal Housing in Cairo: Are Ashwa’iyyat Really the Problem? Shawn O’Donnell A map of the informal settlements of Greater Cairo Source: Sims (2003, p.5) Page 2 Informal settlements are widely viewed as a contemporary urban ‘problem’ in the Global South. Moreover, their production and proliferation, a widespread global phenomenon, has become the urban ‘problem’ of the 21st century to be solved. Few recognize informal settlements as producing housing solutions for the vast majority of urban residents in the Global South or acknowledge the economic and social contributions, as well as participation, of those who live there. Furthermore, those who live in informal settlements, areas blamed for producing social ills, are commonly viewed as marginal to mainstream society and as unproductive citizens in a modern city. Cairo is one city that has experienced tremendous urbanization in the form of informal settlements, labeled ashwa’iyyat; 1 over half of the city’s residents live in informal areas (70%).2 Similar to informal settlements in other cities, the ashwa’iyyat in Cairo are commonly viewed by the state and non‐settlement residents as a problem; in their view, these settlements produce social ills and violate the modern, cosmopolitan image they hold for Cairo. Problems are solved based on how they are framed. Employing a new perception of informal housing, which relies on particular understandings of the ‘city,’ urbanization, and what it means to be ‘modern’ and ‘cosmopolitan,’ the 1 Ashwa’iyyat is the Arabic word used in Egypt for informal housing settlements or slums. It literally means ‘random’ or ‘haphazard.’ The Egyptian government uses the terms aswha’iyyat, informal settlements/areas, and slums interchangeably, and U.N. -
Transformation in Belly Dance: Movement, Rhythm, Ritual, and Connection
Sarah Lawrence College DigitalCommons@SarahLawrence Dance/Movement Therapy Theses Dance/Movement Therapy Graduate Program 5-2015 Transformation in Belly Dance: Movement, Rhythm, Ritual, and Connection Hillary Elise Posey Sarah Lawrence College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.slc.edu/dmt_etd Part of the Dance Movement Therapy Commons Recommended Citation Posey, Hillary Elise, "Transformation in Belly Dance: Movement, Rhythm, Ritual, and Connection" (2015). Dance/Movement Therapy Theses. 6. https://digitalcommons.slc.edu/dmt_etd/6 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Dance/Movement Therapy Graduate Program at DigitalCommons@SarahLawrence. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dance/Movement Therapy Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@SarahLawrence. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Running Head: TRANSFORMATION IN BELLY DANCE 1 Transformation in Belly Dance: Movement, Rhythm, Ritual, and Connection by Hillary Elise Posey Submitted in partial Completion of the Master of Science Degree in DanCe/Movement Therapy at Sarah Lawrence College May 2015 TRANSFORMATION IN BELLY DANCE 2 Table of Contents AbstraCt ____________________________________________________________________ 3 Dedication ____________________________________________________________________ 4 Acknowledgements ____________________________________________________________ 5 Introduction ____________________________________________________________________ 6 Brief History -
Raqs Sharqi – an Introduction to the Dance
Raqs Sharqi – an introduction to the dance Raqs Sharqi simply means ‘oriental dance’ but the term has come to be associated solely with the music and folk traditions of Egyptian dance. This dance style has been mainly an oral tradition handed down through the family by women: but men do dance too, including the ‘tahtib’ or male stick dance (a type of ritualised combat). The age and ancestry is hard to determine as it was not deemed sufficiently important to record - being both a female tradition and part of everyday life - unlike wars and the deeds of (male) rulers! It’s impossible to date accurately or source all the roots of Raqs Sharqi but, some of the movement, musical and costume traditions can be traced to the migration of the Rajasthani gypsies through North Africa as well as to more southern influences from the Nubians (southern Egyptian peoples). Over the centuries the dance has experienced periods of both excellence and decline and even today there is still some dissonance between social and professional dancers – you hire them for your wedding but you wouldn’t want your daughter to become one! You may have heard the term ‘belly dance’ used to describe this style of dancing. The phrase is a translation of the tem used by Western travellers to Egypt in the 18th century to describe the dance they saw performed. To their eyes, accustomed to the rigid court dances of the West, the performers looked wild and abandoned. They dubbed it ‘danse du ventre’ or belly dance. Today this term is usually applied to the more glitzy cabaret style seen in clubs and restaurants. -
Currently Available Workshop Topics Belly Dance with Nisaa [email protected] 314.599.0506
Currently Available Workshop Topics Belly Dance with Nisaa www.bellydancewithnisaa.com [email protected] 314.599.0506 Important Notes: By request, some workshops can be adjusted to shorter or longer time frames. By request, some workshops can be tailored to specific skill levels. Nisaa can also provide choreography workshops. Please contact with specific requests. Please note: the descriptions below are copyrighted by Belly Dance with Nisaa and may only be reprinted by sponsors for use in promotional materials. Lectures Nisaa can provide lectures on a variety of cultural and historical topics related to Egyptian dance, including the awalim, the ghawazi, the emergence and early development of raqs sharqi, the evolution of the Egyptian belly dance costume, and more. Please contact with specific requests! Aesthetic Essentials of Egyptian Belly Dance Egyptian belly dance is more than just a collection of movements. The movements of the dance are embedded within an aesthetic framework that informs all aspects of the dance, from posture and alignment to the interplay between dancer and music. In this intensive workshop, join Nisaa for a deep dive into this less tangible, but no less important, side of Egyptian belly dance. Go beyond the basics of belly dance posture to explore aesthetic aspects of body carriage and movement in Egyptian belly dance, such as low center orientation and the balance between internal versus external focus, and how these aspects inform how the body inhabits and moves through space. Go beyond the mechanics of the movements to explore the aesthetic aspects of how movements are executed and embellished. Discover why layering is about more than just showy technique, and dispel the myth that belly dance is all about isolations. -
The Effects of Popular Music on the Egyptian Nation
Intersect, Vol 8, No 3 (2015) Sa'ad Zaghlul's Gramophone: The Effects of Popular Music on the Egyptian Nation Haley Lepp Georgetown University Abstract Egyptian music was affected by and had a significant effect on Egyptian politics, economics, and society prior to the 1919 revolution. In this paper, I explore the diverse musical traditions of Egyptian populations in the era prior to the fall of the Khedivate to give context to the changes that occurred during the years of the British Protectorate and World War I. I highlight the democratizing effect that the introduction of new recording technologies had on Egyptian society, demonstrating that the marketization of musical culture in many ways homogenized what was previously a culturally diverse population. Finally, I argue that the social networks created by popular song allowed Egyptians of all backgrounds to construct and participate in a public national consciousness, creating an environment ripe for the 1919 revolutions and the independence movement that followed. Introduction The years during and following World War I were a time of tumultuous political change in Egypt. The dissolving Ottoman Empire finally lost its hold of the Egyptian Khedivate when the British formally declared Egypt a British Protectorate in 1914. Increased British presence incited popular dissatisfaction and failed to squash growing nationalist movements. After the arrest of Sa’ad Zaghlul, leader of the Wafd party, in 1919, massive popular protests and strikes broke out around the country. Civil disobedience grew throughout the following years, weakening the British hold on the Protectorate, and in 1922, Britain declared limited independence for Egypt (Gelvin, 2011).