DOCSLIB.ORG

The Left in Crisis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Left in Crisis Lindsay Tanner The Left in Crisis The various groupings on the left can no longer ignore the serious decline of socialism in Australia, argues Lindsay Tanner. He argues that socialists must confront the real causes of this failure to mobilise long-term support and thereby seek new initiatives to ensure the future of socialism in Australia. A hard-headed examination of the Australian leading national figures like Jim Cairns because of ;i jCM political scene in 1985 suggests that the Left is now temporary hiatus between the expiring older generation in a very serious state of decline. Whether one looks and a rising new generation of Left leaders. At the stale at superf icial indicators or deeper trends, the short-term level, the Left is strong only in Victoria and Nev. Sotnh outlook lor the Left is bleak and the longer-term outlook Wales. Yet. in New South Wales, the Right forces ,Lemain simply unknown. ftrmlv in control of the party and. in Victoria, the relative The Communist Party is in severe difficulties after strength of the Left at the parliamentary level is merely having proved to be a relatively durable if not dynamic exacerbating the deep divisions within the Socialist Lett force in the turmoil of the 'sixties and 'seventies. The over the role of labor governments. contradictions of a Eurocommunist line in a small socialist Within the trade union movement, the Left's position sect have gradually been exposed. The departure of the has fluctuated. The massive assault on the A M W U Victorian C P A leadership to form Socialist Forum in 1984 (Amalgamated Metal Workers Union) has been averted has had a traumatic impact on the Victorian AL.P Left and for the time being, but has highlighted the v ulnerability of union movement. The emergence of Socialist Forum has progressive unions to attack by external forces with vast amounts of money. The I eft has made ma jor gains in w hite " .... the short-term outlook for the left is collar unions and more or less held its position in other bleak and the longer-term outlook simply areas. However, the divisions within the trade union Left, particularly over the Accord and relationships with labor unknown." governments, have severely hampered the Left. led to quite vicious internal conflict both within the A L P Among the rank and file of the labour movement, and in the community generally. the situation is a good deal more Left and in the trade union movement. The C P A is now serious. The proportion of the population professing a seriously contemplating the formation of a new political commitment to socialism is small, and apparently party founded explicitly on the sort of "community declining. The absence of a unifying, inspirational focus on coalition" approach which gave birth to Socialist Forum. the Left and the increasing fragmentation of Left forces The major area of disagreement between the two groups has brought things to the point where Outright appears to be ovr the issue of forming a new socialist part j marginalisation looms. The political debate in Australia rather than attempting to influence or convert the AL P — appears to be over the issue of forming a new socialist party over the next five years is likely to be fought between rather than attempting to influence or conver the A L P — Thatcherite radicals and social democrat preservers of the the perennial dilemma of Australian socialists. status quo. The socialist sects, which have been characterised by a renewed bout of splits and realignments, have fared ".... the Left is rapidly acquiring an image suffered the problem of S W P entrism and is now also in of an old-fashioned, outmoded theology." disarray and decline. However, thousands of Australians are now actively involved in community groups and issue Young working class people have retreated from campaigns which tend to reflect Left attitudes and political activity, and the idealism of middle class youth of philosophy, such as animal liberation, consumer groups, the late 'sixties and early 'seventies has been usurped by People for Nuclear Disarmament, the women's movement mindless hedonism and self-interest. Rank-and-file and so on. Both the Socialist Forum group and the involvement in trade unions and the Labor Party, remaining C PA stalwarts have recognised the importance particularly among the young, is very low, and appa enilv of harnessing the latcm political energy which rests in these declining, the trade union movement is more unpopular, forces. even among union members, than it has been for decades. The values ol the Right are spreading, and the Left is n parliament, and in the trade union movement, the rapidly acquiring an image of an old-lashioned. outmoded Loft's position is weakening. In federal parliament, theology, perhaps appropriate during the'forties, but now though more organised and cohesive than ever before, completely out of touch with contemporary reality. the Left remains in an entrenched minority, lacking /16 Australian Left Review The Left in Crisis Causes of Decline he primary causes of the declining strength of the Left lie inevitably in the dramatic changes in Australian socicty in recent decades. In particular, the semi-tribal working clas communities of earlier years have all but been destroyed by suburbanization, rimprovements in transport and communications, the development of the mass media, and burgeoning materialism and theconsumerculture. The post-war boom raised individual expectations and reduced the influence of work relations over social horizons. Increasing detachment of working class leaders in union and party apparatus from the people they represent has been accompanied bv the disintegration ol an entire political ' culture The "consciousness industries" which blossomed during the 'sixties, such as television, music and fashion, have dramatically eroded the distinctive working class culture ol the shop floor, trade union consciousness ;md the ethics of socialism. Trade union consciousness has been diluted by the artificial accretion of paper membership brought on by the spread of compulsory membership bv means ol agreement between union and company rather than Lindsay Tanner pressure from below product of burgeoning tertiary education, while collar "The older generation within the Left employment, and radical professional activism. appears to believe that bad publicity does The older generation within the Left appears to believe that had publicity does not really matter, as it will not not really matter." affect the faithful rank and file. Many left leaders still shun the media because il is the "capitalist press" run bv The changing industrial structure in Australia has establishment lackcys like Rupert Murdoch. The same rapidly reduced the numerical and industrial strength of leaders drive around in cars manufactures by American the manual working class, traditionally the primary b;isc ol multinationals which oppress Ausiralian workers and the 1 .clI and the labour movement There are now more cheat Australian consumers, I ike everything else, members o! the Australian working class working in including the Labor Party and the trade union movement, Ol (ices than in factories. The I eft has compounded the the media is part of Australian capitalism. To use it effects of this change irt the structure ol Australian society intelligently lo convey the Left's message does not by its almost obsessive attachment lo the images of the necessarily imply capitulation to superficial "image factory floor and the blue collar worker and its failure to politics". analyse the change and adjust its political approach the media is naturally biased against the l.elt, but is accordingly, lo r years the Communist Party clung to a obliged by its own precepts lo provide the Left with some position ol "proletarian sectarianism", and the Victorian coverage: the Left should, therefore, aim to use that Socialist l.elt is still heavily permeated with an idealised cove rate to neutralise to the greatest extent possible the conception of the revolutionary blue collar worker and a impact of that bias. It is a sad fact, but true, that the perception of the tertiary educated white collar employee ordinary A! P member and trade union member gets the as "middle class". This attitude is not calculated to bulk ol his her political information from The Sun, engender wide appeal for the Left within the ranks of white C hannel 9 News, and so on. collar workers. he increasing dominance ol educated professionals The Left and Economic Theory M within the AI I’ has provided a base for the he I eft has failed to come lo terms w ith the demise of I formation ol a Centre-! ell. Wedded to the concepts state capitalism of Keynesian economics in the mid- ol efficiency, professionalism and elitism, most people in seventies. The l ed has vacated the field ol economic thisgioup tend to recoil from the industrial militancy and policy and allowed the A L P Right to dominate almost economic policies ol the Left, and content themselves with J unchallenged: consequently. the central economic debate radical reformism on social issues. The l.elt laces the in Australia today is between spciaI democratic supporters difficult task ol trying to separate out the truly radical ol ihe status quo and privatising l iberals. Yet there are spints from the naked opportunists among the centrists, signs that the l.elt is now slowly and painfully coming to white avoiding being "colonised" ys a power vehicle to be terms with recent change: nationalisation is now widely Used in a struggle for internal party supremacy against the regarded as an inadequate solution, there is growing Right. I he I ell also needs lo develop a strategy lot coping realisation that Keynesianism is essentially a social With the increasing problem ol blue collar alienation from democratic rather than a socialist economic sirategy.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Which Political Parties Are Standing up for Animals?
    Which political parties are standing up for animals? Has a formal animal Supports Independent Supports end to welfare policy? Office of Animal Welfare? live export? Australian Labor Party (ALP) YES YES1 NO Coalition (Liberal Party & National Party) NO2 NO NO The Australian Greens YES YES YES Animal Justice Party (AJP) YES YES YES Australian Sex Party YES YES YES Pirate Party Australia YES YES NO3 Derryn Hinch’s Justice Party YES No policy YES Sustainable Australia YES No policy YES Australian Democrats YES No policy No policy 1Labor recently announced it would establish an Independent Office of Animal Welfare if elected, however its structure is still unclear. Benefits for animals would depend on how the policy was executed and whether the Office is independent of the Department of Agriculture in its operations and decision-making.. Nick Xenophon Team (NXT) NO No policy NO4 2The Coalition has no formal animal welfare policy, but since first publication of this table they have announced a plan to ban the sale of new cosmetics tested on animals. Australian Independents Party NO No policy No policy 3Pirate Party Australia policy is to “Enact a package of reforms to transform and improve the live exports industry”, including “Provid[ing] assistance for willing live animal exporters to shift to chilled/frozen meat exports.” Family First NO5 No policy No policy 4Nick Xenophon Team’s policy on live export is ‘It is important that strict controls are placed on live animal exports to ensure animals are treated in accordance with Australian animal welfare standards. However, our preference is to have Democratic Labour Party (DLP) NO No policy No policy Australian processing and the exporting of chilled meat.’ 5Family First’s Senator Bob Day’s position policy on ‘Animal Protection’ supports Senator Chris Back’s Federal ‘ag-gag’ Bill, which could result in fines or imprisonment for animal advocates who publish in-depth evidence of animal cruelty The WikiLeaks Party NO No policy No policy from factory farms.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism and the ALP Left
    John Sendy Socialism and the ALP Left THE FEDERAL TAKE-OVER of the Victorian Labor Party, inspired by rightwing policies, ruling class desires and the ambi­ tions of attaining electoral victory at any cost, has proved a grand failure, irrespective of what occurs in the next weeks. The interventionists had a completely unreal estimate of the situation in Victoria and have proved quite unequal to the job undertaken. They in no way realised the depth of support for Hartley, Hogg and their colleagues. Estimating that Hartley, Hogg & Co. would have only a handful of supporters faced with strong-arm tactics, they to a large degree were paralysed by the strength and full-blooded nature of the opposition and defiance which they confronted from a membership sickened by the traditional parliamentary antics of a Whitlam and the hare­ brained, opportunist, power-game manoeuvrings of a Cameron. The idea of reforming the ALP to enhance its 1972 electoral prospects by eliminating “the madmen of Victoria” in exchange for some curbing of the rightwing dominance in NSW was swal­ lowed readily by sundry opportunistic, unprincipled “left wingers" in NSW and Victoria obsessed with positions and “power” and with achieving the “advance” of electing a Labor Government under Whitlam. The “Mad Hatters tea party” of Broken Hill was fol­ lowed by the circus-style orgy of the Travel Lodge Motel in the John Sendy is Victorian Secretary of the Communist Party. This article was written in mid-January. 2 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW— MARCH, 1971 full glare of television cameras and the shoddy backroom dealings of the dimly lit Chinese cafes of Sydney.
    [Show full text]
  • Which Political Parties Are Standing up for Animals?
    Which political parties are standing up for animals? Has a formal animal Supports Independent Supports end to welfare policy? Office of Animal Welfare? live export? Australian Labor Party (ALP) YES YES1 NO Coalition (Liberal Party & National Party) NO2 NO NO The Australian Greens YES YES YES Animal Justice Party (AJP) YES YES YES Australian Sex Party YES YES YES Health Australia Party YES YES YES Science Party YES YES YES3 Pirate Party Australia YES YES NO4 Derryn Hinch’s Justice Party YES No policy YES Sustainable Australia YES No policy YES 1Labor recently announced it would establish an Independent Office of Animal Welfare if elected, however its struc- ture is still unclear. Benefits for animals would depend on how the policy was executed and whether the Office is independent of the Department of Agriculture in its operations and decision-making. Australian Democrats YES No policy No policy 2The Coalition has no formal animal welfare policy, but since first publication of this table they have announced a plan to ban the sale of new cosmetics tested on animals. Nick Xenophon Team (NXT) NO No policy NO5 3The Science Party's policy states "We believe the heavily documented accounts of animal suffering justify an end to the current system of live export, and necessitate substantive changes if it is to continue." Australian Independents Party NO No policy No policy 4Pirate Party Australia policy is to “Enact a package of reforms to transform and improve the live exports industry”, including “Provid[ing] assistance for willing live animal exporters to shift to chilled/frozen meat exports.” 6 Family First NO No policy No policy 5Nick Xenophon Team’s policy on live export is ‘It is important that strict controls are placed on live animal exports to ensure animals are treated in accordance with Australian animal welfare standards.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism
    The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism By Xiaoxiao Xie Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Studies School of Social Science Faculty of Arts University of Adelaide October 2016 Table of Contents Declaration II Abstract III Acknowledgments V Glossary XV Chapter One Introduction 01 Chapter Two Powell’s Flowing ‘Rivers of Blood’ and the Rise of the ‘Dark Nations’ 22 Chapter Three The ‘Wind from the East’ and the Birth of the ‘First’ Australian Maoists 66 Chapter Four ‘Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party’ 130 Chapter Five ‘Things Are Beginning to Change’: Struggles Against the turning Tide in Australia 178 Chapter Six ‘Continuous Revolution’ in the name of ‘Mango Mao’ and the ‘death’ of the last Australian Maoist 220 Conclusion 260 Bibliography 265 I Declaration I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name, in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name, for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint-award of this degree. I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the University Library, being made available for loan and photocopying, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968.
    [Show full text]
  • Dreaming of a National Socialist World: the World Union of National Socialists (Wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism
    fascism 8 (2019) 275-306 brill.com/fasc Dreaming of a National Socialist World: The World Union of National Socialists (wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton [email protected] Abstract This article will survey the transnational dynamics of the World Union of National Socialists (wuns), from its foundation in 1962 to the present day. It will examine a wide range of materials generated by the organisation, including its foundational docu- ment, the Cotswolds Declaration, as well as membership application details, wuns bulletins, related magazines such as Stormtrooper, and its intellectual journals, Nation- al Socialist World and The National Socialist. By analysing material from affiliated organisations, it will also consider how the network was able to foster contrasting rela- tionships with sympathetic groups in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Europe, al- lowing other leading neo-Nazis, such as Colin Jordan, to develop a wider role interna- tionally. The author argues that the neo-Nazi network reached its height in the mid to late 1960s, and also highlights how, in more recent times, the wuns has taken on a new role as an evocative ‘story’ in neo-Nazi history. This process of ‘accumulative extrem- ism’, inventing a new tradition within the neo-Nazi movement, is important to recog- nise, as it helps us understand the self-mythologizing nature of neo-Nazi and wider neo-fascist cultures. Therefore, despite failing in its ambitions of creating a Nazi- inspired new global order, the lasting significance of the wuns has been its ability to inspire newer transnational aspirations among neo-Nazis and neo-fascists.
    [Show full text]
  • SOCIAL DEMOCRACY and the "FAILURE" of the ACCORD Tom
    SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD Tom Bramble School of Business University of Queensland Brisbane Q 4072 AUSTRALIA [email protected] Published in K. Wilson, J. Bradford, and M. Fitzpatrick (eds) (2000): Australia in Accord: An Evaluation of the Prices and Incomes Accord in the Hawke-Keating Years, South Pacific Publishing, Melbourne, pp.243-64. 2 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD1 INTRODUCTION Most sections of the industrial relations academic community (broadly defined) started with favourable impressions of the ALP-ACTU Prices and Incomes Accord. Amongst its keenest and most articulate supporters were academics and unionists writing from an explicitly social democratic perspective. Frequently drawing on the German and Scandinavian experiences, writers such as Hughes (1981), Hartnett (1981), Higgins (1978, 1980, 1985), Stilwell (1982), Burford (1983), Ogden (1984), Mathews (1986), and Clegg et al (1986) argued that the Accord would enable the union movement to break out of its labourist straitjacket to encompass broader political concerns and to develop a social role well beyond the ranks of organised labour.2 Similarly it was the left unions such as the Building Workers Industrial Union (BWIU) and Metal Workers Union (AMWU) who were most successful in developing an ideological underpinning for the Accord within the labour movement and who were most influential in winning support for it amongst workers who had the capacity to render it impotent. Opponents of the Accord at the time were almost entirely limited to Left organisations outside the Labor and Communist Parties (below) and a minority of right-wing commentators (for example Terry McCrann in The Age), the former on the basis that it represented an attack on wages and workers' rights under the rubric of social justice, the latter that it did not attack unions hard enough.
    [Show full text]
  • Independents in Australian Parliaments
    The Age of Independence? Independents in Australian Parliaments Mark Rodrigues and Scott Brenton* Abstract Over the past 30 years, independent candidates have improved their share of the vote in Australian elections. The number of independents elected to sit in Australian parliaments is still small, but it is growing. In 2004 Brian Costar and Jennifer Curtin examined the rise of independents and noted that independents ‘hold an allure for an increasing number of electors disenchanted with the ageing party system’ (p. 8). This paper provides an overview of the current representation of independents in Australia’s parliaments taking into account the most recent election results. The second part of the paper examines trends and makes observations concerning the influence of former party affiliations to the success of independents, the representa- tion of independents in rural and regional areas, and the extent to which independ- ents, rather than minor parties, are threats to the major parities. There have been 14 Australian elections at the federal, state and territory level since Costar and Curtain observed the allure of independents. But do independents still hold such an allure? Introduction The year 2009 marks the centenary of the two-party system of parliamentary democracy in Australia. It was in May 1909 that the Protectionist and Anti-Socialist parties joined forces to create the Commonwealth Liberal Party and form a united opposition against the Australian Labor Party (ALP) Government at the federal level.1 Most states had seen the creation of Liberal and Labor parties by 1910. Following the 1910 federal election the number of parties represented in the House * Dr Mark Rodrigues (Senior Researcher) and Dr Scott Brenton (2009 Australian Parliamentary Fellow), Politics and Public Administration Section, Australian Parliamentary Library.
    [Show full text]
  • Why the Telstra Agreement Will Haunt the National Party Lessons from the Democrats’ GST Deal
    THE AUSTRALIA INSTITUTE Why the Telstra agreement will haunt the National Party Lessons from the Democrats’ GST Deal Andrew Macintosh Debra Wilkinson Discussion Paper Number 82 September 2005 ISSN 1322-5421 ii © The Australia Institute. This work is copyright. It may be reproduced in whole or in part for study or training purposes only with the written permission of the Australia Institute. Such use must not be for the purposes of sale or comme rcial exploitation. Subject to the Copyright Act 1968, reproduction, storage in a retrieval system or transmission in any form by any means of any part of the work other than for the purposes above is not permitted without written permission. Requests and inquiries should be directed to the Australia Institute. The Australia Institute iii Table of Contents Tables and Figures v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii 1. Introduction 1 2. The Telstra agreement 3 2.1 Regulatory commitments 3 2.2 Spending commitments 4 3. The flaws in the spending component of the Telstra agreement 7 3.1 Policy flaws 7 3.2 Political flaws 10 4. The GST/MBE deal 12 4.1 Background on the GST/MBE deal 12 4.2 The outcomes of the GST/MBE deal 14 5. The GST/MBE deal and the Telstra agreement 23 5.1 Comparing the deals 23 5.2 Lessons for the Nationals 27 6. Conclusions 29 References 31 Telstra and the GST iv The Australia Institute v Tables and Figures Table 1 Funding commitments made by the Howard Government 12 concerning MBE expenditure initiatives ($million) Table 2 Estimated actual spending on the MBE expenditure programs over 14 their four-year life span (2000/01-2003/04) ($million) Table 3 Spending on the MBE expenditure programs projected in 2005/06 15 federal budget (2004/05-2008/09) ($million) Table 4 Nationals’ Telstra agreement vs.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Socialism
    Eric Aarons Rethinking Socialism Socialists have not sufficiently appreciated the magnitude and quality of changes which have taken place in the last twenty or thirty years, says Eric Aarons. The way we look at the world, the connections we see (or fail to see) between politics and other aspects of society, and the absence of a philosophy which can make more cohesive the diversity of radical and leftwing thought, are some of the things we need to address, he argues. In the following extract from the book Moving Left: the future of socialism in Australia, he looks at some of the long-term questions confronting socialists in Australia. Has socialism got a future in Australia? Although I cannot take this contention further in a short essay, and will concentrate on our conditions, 1 stress my t better have! Because we face many problems which belief that socialists seeking renewal of their cause in can only intensify if capitalism continues to dictate the Australia should look deeper than the formulation of direction in which we go. This has been given added suitable sets of demands and their vigorous propagation by point by the rise of John Howard to the leadership of the a regrouped left, essential though those things are ... Liberal Party, /right. Socialist assumptions he long post-war boom had It is also highlighted by the direction taken by the Labor he long post-war boom undoubtedly had political government under Hawke and Keating. To say this is not and ideological consequences which adversely to equate Labor and Liberal, but to recognise that John affected socialist achievements in that period, Valder, Liberal Party president, did more than crack a l arge numbers of socialists, however (certainly those in political whip when he said that the best scenario was for the C P A ), expected severe depression after the war and Labor to continue implementing^ some of the main r conducted much of their activity on that assumption, even (unpopular) Liberal policies, then be thrown from office.
    [Show full text]
  • Todd Farrell Thesis
    The Australian Greens: Realignment Revisited in Australia Todd Farrell Submitted in fulfilment for the requirements of the Doctorate of Philosophy Swinburne University of Technology Faculty of Health, Arts and Design School of Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities 2020 ii I declare that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree in any university or another educational institution and to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. iii ABSTRACT Scholars have traditionally characterised Australian politics as a stable two-party system that features high levels of partisan identity, robust democratic features and strong electoral institutions (Aitkin 1982; McAllister 2011). However, this characterisation masks substantial recent changes within the Australian party system. Growing dissatisfaction with major parties and shifting political values have altered the partisan contest, especially in the proportionally- represented Senate. This thesis re-examines partisan realignment as an explanation for party system change in Australia. It draws on realignment theory to argue that the emergence and sustained success of the Greens represents a fundamental shift in the Australian party system. Drawing from Australian and international studies on realignment and party system reform, the thesis combines an historical institutionalist analysis of the Australian party system with multiple empirical measurements of Greens partisan and voter support. The historical institutionalist approach demonstrates how the combination of subnational voting mechanisms, distinctly postmaterialist social issues, federal electoral strategy and a weakened Labor party have driven a realignment on the centre-left of Australian politics substantial enough to transform the Senate party system.
    [Show full text]
  • Determining Parliamentary Parties—A Real Status Symbol
    Democratic Audit of Australia — December 2004 Determining Parliamentary Parties—A Real Status Symbol Norm Kelly∗ The current requirement for parliamentary party status in the Federal Parliament is that a party holds a total of at least five seats in the House of Representatives and/or the Senate. Some of the benefits of having party status include additional resources, such as extra research and media staff (around 12 extra staff in all), and increased salaries, travel and postal allowances for party leaders. For smaller parties such as the Nationals and Australian Democrats, these additional resources make a significant difference in the ability of these parties to be effective both inside and outside of Parliament. It is understandable that the two major parties, Labor and Liberal, have a common interest in limiting the effectiveness of minor parties; however, the Liberal Party’s reliance on the Nationals has meant that concessions have been made for its junior Coalition partner. As a result, the Democrats, who have had similar parliamentary representation and voting support as the Nationals (up until the 2004 election), have been able to benefit from the same entitlements, including party status, that have been primarily intended for the Nationals. One of the outcomes of the 2004 Senate election is that the Australian Democrats will lose party status from 1 July 2005, when the party’s representation drops from seven to four Senators. The Greens, who had a relatively successful election result, have just failed to win party status, with their Queensland Senate candidate, Drew Hutton, narrowly missing out on winning the party a fifth Senate seat.
    [Show full text]
  • Senate Brief No. 3
    No. 3 January 2021 Women in the Senate Women throughout Australia have had the right national Parliament (refer to the table on page 6). to vote in elections for the national Parliament for more than one hundred years. For all that time, There were limited opportunities to vote for women they have also had the right to sit in the before the end of the Second World War, as few Australian Parliament. women stood for election. Between 1903 and 1943 only 26 women in total nominated for election for Australia was the first country in the world to either house. give most women both the right to vote and the right to stand for Parliament when, in 1902, No woman was endorsed by a major party as a the federal Parliament passed legislation to candidate for the Senate before the beginning of the provide for a uniform franchise throughout the Second World War. Overwhelmingly dominated by Commonwealth. In spite of this early beginning, men, the established political parties saw men as it was 1943 before a woman was elected to the being more suited to advancing their political causes. Senate or the House of Representatives. As of It was thought that neither men nor women would September 2020, there are 46 women in the vote for female candidates. House of Representatives, and 39 of the 76 Many early feminists distrusted the established senators are women. parties, as formed by men and protective of men’s The Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902 stated interests. Those who presented themselves as that ‘all persons not under twenty-one years of age candidates did so as independents or on the tickets of whether male or female married or unmarried’ minor parties.
    [Show full text]