Republic of Rwanda National Commission for the Fight against Genocide Commission Nationale de Lutte contre le Génocide
RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 4 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 6 PART 1: CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS 1900-1994 8 PART TWO: GENOCIDE AGAINST THE TUTSI 27 1. The Militia 27 2. Civil self-defence 27 3. Machete purchases 29 4. The genocide media 30 5. Radicalizing the extremist politicians 30 6. Failure of the churches 31 7. Interim Government 32 8. France’s complicity in the genocidal regime 37 9. Judging the genocide 39 2.1. Status of extraditions and transfers 45 2.2. Status of judgments rendered by jurisdictions of third States 46 10. Courts of Rwanda 48 11. Genocide memorial 51 12. Against negationism 53
PART THREE: REBUILDING THE COUNTRY 54 1. Abunzi (Committee of community reconciliators or mediators) 54 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 5
2. Access to justice bureau (MAJ) 55 3. Unity and reconciliation 56 4. Umuganda (community work) 56 5. Imihigo (Performance contracts) 57 6. Ubudehe (participatory socioeconomic 57 development mechanism) 57 7. Girinka (one cow per poor family programme) 58 8. Army week (Icyumweru cy’Ingabo) 58 9. Vision 2020 59 10. VUP (Vision 2020 Umurenge) 60 11. Agaciro development fund 60 12. Mutual health insurance 61 13. Decentralization programme 61 14. Inama y’Igihugu y’Umushyikirano (national dialogue) 62 15. Itorero ry’Igihugu (National civic education programme) 63 16. Ingando (Solidarity camps) 63 17. Ndi Umunyarwanda (I am Rwandan) 64
CONCLUSION 65 6 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
INTRODUCTION
«There is no doubt that considering their undeniable scale, their systematic nature and their atrociousness, the massacres were aimed at exterminating the group that was targeted1»
7 April 1994 to 7 April 2019, would be exactly twenty-five years to the day when Rwanda went through a horrific and gruesome genocide that took the lives of over a million people. For three good months, soldiers and government gendarmes accompanied by militias of the ruling party and its satellites, scattered throughout the country, supervised by national and local officials - ministers, prefects, bourgmestres, municipal councilors - exterminated the Tutsi of Rwanda.
While the full-scale genocide against the Tutsi was carried out from April to July 1994, their extermination had begun decades before that, in November 1959. In December 1963, the massacres took on the scale of mass extermination, to the extent that Westerners who witnessed the events, journalists and researchers termed them as genocide.
The Belgian daily, “Le Soir” of 3 February 1964 reported the account given by an English missionary, who had witnessed the massacres: “The Tutsi are scattered around the country and are being systematically exterminated, just like the extermination of the Jews by the Nazis”.
The French daily, Le Monde of 4 February 1964 published an article by Denis-Gilles Vuillemin, a member of the UNESCO team working in Butare, who resigned from his post saying that he
1 ICTR, The Prosecutor versus Jean-Paul Akayesu, Case no. ICTR-96-4-T, Jugement, 2 September 1998, paragraph 118 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 7 wanted no part in the genocide: “I can no longer stay and work for a government that is responsible for or an accomplice in a genocide. (…) How could I teach under a UNESCO assistance programme in a school where students have been killed for the sole reason that they are Tutsi? How could I teach students who will be killed in a few months’ or years’ time?” February
In its 11 February 1964 bulletin, Radio Vatican reported the same story: “The most atrocious systematic genocide since the genocide of the Jews, is taking place in the heart of Africa. Thousands of people are being massacred by the day in Rwanda”. All this proves that 1994 was not when the genocide started, it was the year of its “Armageddon”.
The massacre came to an end in July 1994 when the Rwandan Patriotic Front gained control over the country and established a Broad-based Transitional Government, comprising vital forces of the nation, which had not taken part in the genocide. This booklet recounts some highlights of this genocide as well as those of the reconstruction of Rwanda.
Dr BIZIMANA Jean Damascene Executive Secretary, National Commission for the Fight Against Genocide (CNLG) 8 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
PART 1: CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS 1900-1994
2 February 1900: Mgr Hirth, Fathers Brard and Paul Barthelemy and Brother Anselme, White Fathers, appear before the Court of Mwami Yuhi Musinga.
8 February 1900: Founding of the first catholic mission in Save. 1906: Founding of the first protestant mission in Kirinda by Bethel Society German missionaries.
April 1916: Belgium replaces Germany as colonial power. This sets off racialization of social relations.
1926: Reforms introduced by Georges Mortehan and Charles Voisin, Belgians, aimed at considerably reducing the powers of the King and his subordinates.
1931: Introduction of the identity card stating Hutu, Tutsi and Twa ethnicity.
17 October 1943: King Mutara III Rudahigwa is baptized after a 14-year long catechumenate.
25 July 1959: Suspicious death of King Mutara Rudahigwa in Bujumbura. “Hutu social revolution” under Belgian Catholic Church control. Persecution of Tutsi, thousands die.
28 January 1961: Grégoire Kayibanda takes over power. The “ethnic democracy” concept becomes one of the foundations of the Parmehutu party.
1 July 1962: Declaration of independence of Rwanda. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 9
20 October 1962: Friendship and cooperation accord between France and Rwanda, signed in Paris.
4 December 1962: Economic, cultural, technical and radio accords signed in Kigali, between France and Rwanda.
December 1963: Massacre of Tutsi, described as Genocide by international press, foreign witnesses and independent researchers. 200,000 Tutsi flee their country.
July 1973: Tutsi hunted down at secondary schools, the university, and public and private sector offices. Military coup d’état by General Juvenal Habyarimana.
18 July 1975: France and Rwanda sign special military assistance agreement. French to supply weapons worth 4 million French francs per annum.
20 December 1978: New constitution adopted for MRND. ID cards maintain mention of ethnic group, a measure introduced by the Belgians in 1931. Right from birth, every Rwandan automatically becomes a member of the single party, MRND.
24 December 1978: Juvénal Habyarimana, sole candidate is elected President of the Republic with 98.99% of the votes.
3 December 1979: The Rwandese Alliance for National Unity (RANU) is established in Kenya.
October 1982: Over 250,000 Tutsi refugees are expelled from Uganda by the Milton Obote regime, while the Rwandan regime also drives them back at the border.
1983: Thérèse Pujolle, Head of mission of the civil cooperation in Kigali from 1981 to 1984, attests to human rights violations 10 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on perpetrated under the Habyarimana regime. Habyarimana is reelected with 99.8% of the votes.
22 March 1983: The Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs requests France to amend article 3 of the military assistance agreement signed by the two countries in 1975. The draft provides that “French military personnel supplied to the Republic of Rwanda [may now serve] in Rwandan uniform.
20 April 1983: The draft codicil amending article 3 of the special military assistance agreement is approved by the French Ministry of Cooperation.
1986: Jean-Christophe Mitterrand, son of the French President is appointed advisor for African Affairs at the President’s office. He establishes close ties with Jean-Pierre Habyarimana, first child of the Rwanda President.
24-26 December 1987: 4th RANU Congress is held in Kampala. Name is changed, and the Rwandan Patriotic Front is formed.
1988-1989: Many opposition members and journalists are murdered: Felicula Nyiramutarambirwa, an MP, Father Silvio Sindambiwe, director of the catholic newspaper, Kinyamateka, and Dr Francois Muganza, former Minister of Health, all Hutu from the south of the country.
1 October 1990: RPF begins war for liberation.
3 October 1990: Casimir Bizimungu, Rwandan Minister for Foreign Affairs, arrives in Paris, where he is received by his counterpart of the Ministry for Cooperation.
4 October 1990: Operation Noroit takes off (under the command of Colonel Rene Galinié, followed by Colonel Jean-Claude Thomann), RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 11 purportedly to protect French nationals in Rwanda. However, the French get involved in the conflict, together with Zairean troops.
Night of 4 to 5 October 1990: The Rwandan armed forces organize a fake attack of the RPF on Kigali. On national radio, Juvenile Habyarimana announces that the enemy has forcibly attacked the capital. He decrees a state of siege and calls for vigilance and for people to denounce others. Some 10,000 Tutsi and political opponents are arrested in Kigali. First Tutsi massacre takes place in Kibilira: over 500 killed. 8 October 1990: Massacre of some 1000 civilian Tutsi population in Mutara.
9 October 1990: Colonel René Galinié, the French attaché in Kigali, transmits several messages to Paris for ammunition, weapons and equipment requested by the Rwanda Ministry of Defence.
18 October 1990: Juvénal Habyarimana meets President François Mitterrand at the Elysée.
11 November 1990: In a speech, President Habyarimana announces that by June 1991, the country would have a multiparty system, there would be a constitutional referendum, and ethnicity would be removed from identity cards and other official documents. All these never happened until the genocide in April 1994.
December 1990: The sixth edition of the Hutu extremist monthly, Kangura, which had the backing of the Rwandan regime, publishes the “Hutu Ten commandments”, which says that “All Hutus must know that all Tutsis are dishonest in business. Their only goal is ethnic superiority”; “Hutu must stop taking pity on the Tutsi”. On the fourth cover is a photo of the French President, Francois Mitterrand, with a caption in French that translates as: “A friend in need is a friend indeed”. 12 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
14 December 1990: President Habyarimana meets with French delegation, led by General Varret, in Kigali.
22-23 January 1991: RPF launches an attack on Ruhengeri and frees prisoners. Operation Noroit French military forces conduct direct intervention.
24 January 1991: Juvénal Habyarimana tells French Ambassador that he had spoken on the phone the previous day to François Mitterrand, and that Mitterrand had “promised that the French Ministry for Cooperation would provide that support”.
27 January 1991: In response to the RPF offensive, comes a wave of massacres against the Bagogwe Tutsi.
30 January 1991: François Mitterrand writes to Juvénal Habyarimana that he intends “to maintain the French military troops sent last October to Kigali to ensure the safety and protection of French nationals (...) temporarily depending on the developments in the situation on the ground (...). I wish to assure you of the support of France, as your country goes through these trials”.
February 1991: Extermination of 2000 Bagogwe (Tutsi group). January Afrika, a militiaman, says he had been informed of this four months prior, in February 1991, by French soldiers.
15 March 1991: A diplomatic telegramme informs the Ambassador of France in Kigali that a detachment of military assistance and training (DAMI Panda) will be placed “very soon at the disposal of the Rwandan army”. The telegramme concludes: “We do not intend to officially announce the establishment of DAMI. Tell President Habyarimana that we would like him to act in the same way”.
10 June 1991: The Rwandan Constitution is amended. Multiparty RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 13 system is launched, as are the right for public servants to strike, and press freedom. Several opposition parties spring up: the Democratic Republican Movement (MDR), the Liberal Party (PL), the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the Christian Democratic Party (PDC).
12-21 August 1991: Eric Gillet, lawyer at the Bar of Brussels, leads an investigation on human rights violations in Rwanda. He reports that French officers have been engaging in harsh interrogations of prisoners of war (RPF).
23-25 October 1991: RPF delegation meets the Government in Paris. 8 January 1992: 100,000 people demonstrate in the streets of Kigali to protest against the Habyarimana regime.
14-15 January 1992: Another meeting in Paris between RPF emissaries and the Government. The Figaro later publishes and article saying that Paul Dijoud had told the RPF delegation that “If you don’t stop the fighting, if you take over the country, you won’t find your brothers and families, because they would all have been slaughtered”.
3 February 1992: The French Minister for Foreign Affairs sends a note to the French Embassy in Kigali saying that “Lieutenant Colonel Chollet, Head of DAMI, will act as advisor to the President of the Republic, Head of the Rwandan armed forces, and also as Advisor to the Rwandan Chief of Defence Staff”.
3 March 1992: Comminiqué read on Radio Rwanda inciting people to kill. Over 500 Tutsi are killed in Bugesera.
9 March 1992: RFI interviews Antonia Locatelli, an Italian expat, who had lived in Rwanda for 18 years, who shed light on the slaughter in Bugesera: “I know that the people who came to 14 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on commit these murders came from outside. They were brought in by government vehicles. Contrary to what is being said, it is not mere anger against the Tutsi, it is a deliberate move by the Government to commit political crimes”. That very evening she was murdered by the gendarmes.
23 March 1992: Extremist Hutu party, Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), is formed. It would play a key role in inciting hatred against the Tutsi. A contract worth $6 million in arms supplies to Rwanda is covered by Crédit Lyonnais, a French bank.
7 April 1992: Dismas Nsengiyaremye (MDR), is appointed Prime Minister. He forms a coalition government, including opposition parties within the country.
May 1992: President Habyarimana’s MRND forms the Interahamwe militia group.
29 May, 6 and 7 June 1992: Discussions are held in Brussels and Paris between the moderate opposition and RPF. These parties create a common front for peace accords.
5 June 1992: In a diplomatic telegramme, Ambassador Georges Martres extends President Habyarimana’s request to Paris for reinforcement of the Noroit contingent.
10 June 1992: France sends about 150 French soldiers based in Central African Republic to Rwanda.
18 August 1992: The Rwandan Government and RPF sign a memorandum of understanding in Arusha.
26 August 1992: The French Ambassador in Kigali and the Rwandan Minister for Foreign Affairs, Boniface Ngulinzira, sign RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 15 an amendment to the military assistance agreement between the two countries. The term “Rwandan Armed Forces” shall replace“la gendarmerie Rwandaise”.
August - December 1992: Massacres of Tutsi, following instigation by pro-government militia.
1 September 1992: Bruno Delaye, Advisor to President Francois Mitterrand, sends a thank you letter to Jean Bosco Barayagwiza (Leader of CDR, a Hutu far-right party). Barayagwiza had made a petition for the French intervention in Rwanda.
21 September 1992: Military report entitled “Defining and identifying the enemy” is distributed within the Rwandan army. This report considered the Tutsi as enemy number one.
October 1992: Belgian Senator, Kuypers denounces the criminal role of death squads called “réseau zero”.
13-14 October 1992: General Quesnot, personal Chief of Defence Staff to President Mitterrand, travels to Rwanda. He tours the main military sectors of the north border and meets the Rwandan army Chief of Defence Staff.
18 October 1992: CDR extremists pour into the streets to demonstrate against the terms of negotiation of the peace process. Some of the slogans they chanted were, “Thank you President Mitterrand!”, “Thank you French people”.
15 November 1992: President Habyarimana declares to his MRND party supporters at the Ruhengeri stadium that the Arusha peace process is “only a crumpled piece of paper”.
22 November 1992: Léon Mugesera, member of the MRND political 16 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on bureau, declares at a meeting of the party in Kabaya (Gisenyi), birth place of the President, that: “Just know that the one whose head you have not cut off, is the one who will cut yours. Now, let me tell you, Tutsi, you cockroaches. Let me tell you that your country is Ethiopia, and we will be sending you there soon, through Nyabarongo, on the express. Why don’t we arrest the parents to finish them? Why don’t we exterminate all these people? Let me tell you, we must not make the same mistake as in 1959. This time, we must even get rid of the children”.
December 1992: More Tutsi slaughter at Kibilira and in several communes in Gisenyi, where President Habyarimana comes from. January 1993: Jean Carbonare, Chairman of an international commission of enquiry in Rwanda, says that he saw French instructors at the Bigogwe camp, where “where truckloads of civilians were being brought. They were tortured and killed”.
8 January 1993: Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, a Rwandan military officer, leaves Arusha saying “I: am returning to Kigali to prepare the Tutsi apocalypse”
9 January 1993: Arusha protocol on building the Rule of Law and opening up government posts to RPF is signed.
21 January 1993: Violent demonstrations by MRND and CDR, massacres against Tutsi start again. Arusha negotiations are suspended.
8 - 20 February 1993: The RPF relaunches a military offensive. The FAR retreat. France sends two additional contingents (300 men, plus a large quantity of ammunition to the FAR). The RPF stops at Shyorongi at the entrance of Kigali. The French contingent officially increases to 600 elite soldiers. Noroit is given the mandate to provide emergency operational assistance to the Rwandan armed forces and protection for Kigali. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 17
20 - 22 February 1993: Fresh massacres of Tutsi by CDR and MRND militias in Gisenyi, Ruhengeri, Kibuye and Byumba prefectures.
28 February 1993: Marcel Debarge, French Minister for Cooperation visits Kigali. Call for “common front” against RPF. “Hutu power” movement is set up within every party in Rwanda.
February - March 1993: Captain Paul Barril is recruited by the Rwandan Minister of Defence for a mission with the code name, “operation insecticide”.
8 March 1993: Report published by the international commission of enquiry on human rights violations in Rwanda from 1 October 1990. The conclusions of the report are damning for the Habyarimana regime, implicated at the highest level.
June 1993: United Nations Security Council Resolution 846 on the deployment of a peacekeeping force in Rwanda.
17 July 1993: Agathe Uwiringiyimana (MDR, hostile to the extremist movement) is appointed Prime Minister of the transitional government.
4 August 1993: Official signing of the Arusha Peace Accord, which provides for: (a) establishment of the rule of law under the auspices of the Broad-based Transitional Government; (b) Return of refugees to Rwanda; and (c) Formation of a unified national transition army.
4 August 1993: Radio-Television Libre de Mille collines (RTLM) begins racist propaganda programmes against the Tutsi. This radio was created in July 1993.
1 October 1993: Burundian President Melchior Ndadaye is killed 18 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on by a group of soldiers. Hutu extremists in Rwanda take advantage of the event. All internal opposition parties split up into moderate and extremist branches (Hutu Power.)
5 October 1993: UN Resolution 872 establishes the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), comprising 2,500 peacekeepers.
11 October 1993: Juvenal Habyarimana goes on a private visit to Paris. He meets with François Mitterrand, Alain Juppé and Admiral Jacques Lanxade, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces.
From November 1993 to April 1994: A reserve officer close to French arms seller, Dominique Lemonnier claims to have been informed by the latter “of a request for the supply of two surface-to- air missiles. [...] This order seemed to come from a relative of Barril, a former Captain; the request was subsequently sent to a French company licensed to export war equipment”.
13 December 1993: UNAMIR, led by General Romeo Dallaire, is set up.
11 January 1994: Dallaire sent the Military Adviser to the UN Under-Secretary-General, General Maurice Baril, a telegramme providing information that a genocide was brewing. The first had to do with a strategy aimed at provoking the killing of Belgian UNAMIR soldiers and the withdrawal of their battalion. Second, 1,700 Interahamwe had been trained and divided into groups of 40 throughout Kigali; lists of Tutsi had been drawn up and the militia had the capacity to kill up to 1,000 Tutsi in 20 minutes. Thirdly, Dallaire revealed the existence of a cache of weapons containing G3 and AK 47 assault rifles. The United Nations rejected Dallaire’s request to seize those weapons. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 19
21 January 1994: UNAMIR intercepts a cargo plane in Kigali containing weapons loaded at Châteauroux in France, for FAR.
2 February 1994: Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General in Rwanda, sends a cable to Kofi Annan, Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations saying: “We are receiving more and more reliable and confirmed information that the armed militias of the parties are stockpiling and may possibly be preparing to distribute arms to their supporters”.
14 February 1994: Willy Claes, Belgian Foreign Affairs Minister sent a letter to the United Nations Secretary-General, recommending that UNAMIR should be given a firmer mandate.
17 February 1994: In a statement by its Chair (S/PRST/1994/8), the Security Council expressed serious concern at the deteriorating security situation in Rwanda, particularly in Kigali. The statement was delivered to President Habyarimana on 19 February.
20 February 1994: Colonel Deogratias Nsabimana, Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Army shows his cousin Jean-Berchmas Birara, former governor of the National Bank, a list of 1,500 names of people to be killed. In the Belgian newspaper of 24 May 1994, Birara testified that he had given that information to Western diplomatic missions based in Kigali. The Belgian ambassador to Rwanda at the time, Johann Winnen, confirmed that information when he was questioned by the Belgian Senate in 1997.
21 February 1994: Bagosora wrote in his diary (found in his ar chives in Kigali after the genocide), the need to carry out “identification of reservists” who were to be reintegrated into the army. UNAMIR reported a plot by death squads to exterminate Tutsi and senior opposition officers. 20 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
21 February 1994: Félicien Gatabazi, Executive Secretary of the PSD, is assassinated. In Butare, PSD militants take revenge the next day by stoning Martin Bucyana, President of the CDR, to death.
23 February 1994: In a report to the UN Secretary-General, Dallaire wrote that information regarding weapon distribution, death squad target lists, planning for civil unrest and demonstrations abounded. “Time does seem to be running out for political discussions, as any spark on the security side could have catastrophic consequences”.
25 February 1994: Robert Kajuga chairs an important meeting of Interahamwe leaders, which decides to warn all Interahamwe to be extremely vigilant towards the Tutsis, and then to be ready to take action.
25 February 1994: The Peace Volunteers Association (PVA), a Rwandan human rights organization, issues a statement denouncing the existence of a massacre plan and called on UNAMIR to put an end to it.
27 February 1994: A note from the Belgian intelligence points to continued arms trafficking for the Rwandan army and its militia, in violation of the arms embargo imposed by the United Nations Security Council. These sources indicated that those weapons had been bought by Rwanda from UNITA (an Angolan rebellion), transited through the Kamina military base in the Democratic Republic of Congo (erstwhile Zaire), and then conveyed to Goma airport, for final delivery to the Rwandan armed forces.
01 March 1994: A telex sent to the Belgian authorities by the Belgian ambassador to Rwanda, Johann Swinnen, reported that RTLM broadcasted “inflammatory statements calling for hatred or even the extermination of the other component of the population” . RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 21
2 March 1994: A Belgian intelligence document reported that an MRND informant had revealed to the Belgian authorities that the MRND had drawn up a plan to exterminate all Tutsi in Kigali. The informant said: “If things go wrong, the Hutu would massacre them without mercy”, adding that “the regional divisions no longer exist, and the morale of the army has never been this high”.
3 March 1994: Major Podevijn of UNAMIR informed Dallaire that weapons were being distributed to militias in the Gikondo neighborhood, which was one of the major strongholds of the CDR.
10 March 1994: UNAMIR discovered several caches of heavy weapons meant for the Rwandan army and reported that increasing numbers of militia and soldiers were being enrolled. Dallaire sought UN authorization to seize those weapons and called for reinforcements from the UN peacekeepers; no positive answer came.
15 March 1994: A dispatch of the Belgian secret services reports “deliveries of weapons and ammunition to Rwanda” by DYL-Invest in France (contract dated 3 March 1993).
28 March 1994: Ferdinand Nahimana sends around a document originally broadcast on RTLM, calling on the population to exercise “self-defense” for a “final solution” to what he called the “Tutsi league”. It was a direct call to genocide.
30 March 1994: The Prefect of the city of Kigali, Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho, sends a list of selected persons, including reservists, to the FAR Chief of Staff for participation in the Tutsi extermination campaign.
30 March 1994: The UN Secretary-General presents a report on UNAMIR (S/1994/360) to the Security Council describing the 22 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on political stalemate, the deterioration of security conditions and the humanitarian situation in Rwanda.
3 April 1994: RTLM broadcasts an odd piece of news: “On 3, 4 and 5, April, temperatures will rise. On the 6th, there will be a respite, but something slight could happen. Then on the 7th and the 8th and the other days of April, you will see something”. This is the thinly veiled announcement of the genocide.
6 April 1994: Habyarimana travels to Dar es Salaam to discuss the implementation of the Arusha Accords with his Tanzanian, Burundian and Ugandan counterparts. On return from Dar- es Salaam, his plane is shot down by two missiles fired from the Kanombe military camp, a FAR stronghold.
7 April 1994: The genocide against the Tutsi begins. Several ministers and moderate Hutu are assassinated.
9 April 1994: French Amaryllis operation to evacuate expatriates starts. The Rwandan Interim Government is set up at the request of Théoneste Bagosora. Théodore Sindikubwabo, MRND extremist, becomes acting president. Jean Kambanda becomes Prime Minister. Agathe Habyarimana and her family are evacuated to Paris. Upon her arrival, she receives 200,000 francs from the French Ministry of Cooperation.
10 April 1994: Western nationals evacuated. Some Tutsi manage to board the trucks en route to the airport. Many of them are driven back from the vehicles and massacred by the Hutu militia in front of the French and Belgian soldiers who do not intervene.
19 April 1994: Radio Rwanda broadcasts a speech by President Theodore Sindikubwabo in Butare inviting the population to “get to work”. Lieutenant-Colonel Cyprien Kayumba, director of the RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 23 financial department of the Rwandan Ministry of Defense, oversees six deliveries of weapons to the genocide army, to the tune of $5,454,395.
20 April 1994: Commenting on his report to the Security Council, UN Secretary-General Bouros-Boutros Ghali speaks of “Hutu killing Tutsi and Tutsi killing Hutu” and calls for a cease-fire between genocidaires and those of the RPF who were fighting to stop it, thereby causing confusion as to whether this was a mere civil war or not.
21 April 1994: Per Security Council Resolution 912, the UNAMIR force is reduced from 2,500 to 270.
22 April 1994: The International Committee of the Red Cross declares that it has never seen “a human tragedy of the scale of these massacres”, saying that genocide and civil war are not the same thing.
27 April 1994: Foreign Affairs Minister, Jérôme Bicamumpaka, and CDR representative, Jean Bosco Barayagwiza, are received in France at the Elysée and the Ministry of Defense. Belgium and the United had refused to issue them the visas.
29 April 1994: The United Nations authorize the Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs of the genocidal government to travel to New York to the Security Council.
9 May 1994: Rwandan army chief of staff Colonel Ephrem Rwabalinda is received at the military cooperation mission in Paris by General Huchon, who says, “it is necessary to provide all the evidence proving the legitimacy of the war that Rwanda is waging, so as to turn international opinion in its favour and be able to resume bilateral cooperation. Meanwhile, the French military cooperation service is preparing measures to save us”. Encrypted communication 24 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on equipment is provided to allow regular and confidential contact between Paris and Kigali.
11 - 12 May 1994: United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Jose Ayala Lasso travels to Kigali. He utters the word “Genocide”. 16 May 1994: At the United Nations, Minister Bicamumpaka denies the government’s role in the killings, saying that “Hundreds of thousands of Hutu were massacred by the RPF simply because they were Hutu” and that “the RPF soldiers eat the hearts of their victims”. The representatives of Argentina, Spain, New Zealand, the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom disagree.
17 May 1994: Security Council resolution 918 extends the UNAMIR mission for the protection of the people and, for that, authorizes the deployment of 5,500 peacekeepers (UNAMIR II). It also provides for an arms embargo on Rwanda.
22 May 1994: RPF seizes Kigali International Airport.
25 May 1994: The United Nations Human Rights Commission unanimously adopts a resolution stating that “acts of genocide may have occurred in Rwanda” and plans for the dispatch of a special rapporteur on the ground to investigate the abuses committed. The Rwandan embassy in Egypt announces to the interim government, a delivery of 35 tons of weapons, in violation of the embargo; the document mentions a transaction concluded in Paris.
June 1994: Payment of $1,200,000 to Paul Barril under a “service and assistance” contract signed on May 28, 1994 by the genocidal government.
13 June 1994: Gitarama taken by the RPF. The interim government moves to Gisenyi. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 25
14 June 1994: At a Council of Ministers meeting, François Mitterrand announces French intervention. Rwandan President Sindikubwabo enthusiastically welcomes this decision.
14 - 15 June 1994: Transaction for a shipment of weapons from the Seychelles for the genocidal army. The funds are from an account held in France by BNP. The mandator is the National Bank of Rwanda. In the course of the transaction, nearly a million dollars disappear. 17 June 1994: Mitterrand wants the army to take control of the entire country. But following the advance of the RPF, the delinquency of the government army, a second plan was put in place to have a zone under French control, encompassing the western half of the country. This will be the Operation Turquoise “safe humanitarian zone”.
22 June 1994: The Security Council authorizes a humanitarian intervention, upon proposal by the French. This intervention is immediately condemned by the RPF.
23 June 1994: Official entry of French forces into Rwanda. The genocidaires cheer the French army and wave French flags.
27 June 1994: Jean Kambanda, Prime Minister of the interim government says: “We are receiving weapons, that’s right. Without that, we couldn’t have withstood them”.
29 June 1994: François Léotard, visiting Goma, launches “an urgent appeal” to the international community to join operation Turquoise, assuring them that France intends to “stick to the limits of manpower and timeframe”.
3 July 1994: Butare taken by RPF 26 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
6 July 1994: The safe humanitarian zone, covering 20% of the territory is set up by the French in the south-west of the country.
18 July 1994: RPF takes Gisenyi.
19 July 1994: Inauguration of a new government, end of genocide.
31 July 1994: Visiting Goma, the French Prime Minister, Edouard Balladur, declares that French troops will remain in Zaire, after the withdrawal from Rwanda, to provide “logistical support” to the soldiers who have taken over.
August 1994: Germany, Belgium and the United States reopen their embassies in Kigali. France sends a mere representative to man a diplomatic unit. It was not until January 1995 that he would be appointed as ambassador.
21 August 1994: French troops leave Rwanda, Operation Turquoise ends.
22 August 1994: RPF removes ethnic mention from identity cards and administrative papers.
9 November 1994: United Nations resolution setting up the International Criminal Court of Rwanda. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 27
PART TWO: GENOCIDE AGAINST THE TUTSI
1. The Militia
The genocide committed against the Tutsi in 1994 would not have been possible by mobilizing the population itself. One of the strategies used was to set up militias of young killers, mainly within the MRND, presidential party. Starting 1992, these militias, called Interahamwe (those who fight together), received military training at various locations, including the Bigogwe, Gabiro, Mukamira and Gako military camps, often in the presence of the French soldiers who also provided the training. The Impuzamugambi militias of the Hutu extremist party CDR, teamed up with this group.
As early as February 1992, the Interahamwe played a leading role in the massacres, killings and murders perpetrated in the country, especially in Bugesera in early March 1992 and in the north and west of the country from late November 1992 to late January 1993. These massacres were described in March 1993 and August 1993 as acts of genocide by international human rights organizations, including the United Nations.
This intensification of militia training took place at a time when extremist circles were importing 581,000 machetes between January 1993 and March 1994. The main importer was Félicien Kabuga, currently wanted by the ICTR.
2. Civil self-defence
In addition to the Interahamwe movement, a second process of military training and arming of civilians, called the “civil defense organization” was introduced. This programme was initiated following the advice given to the Rwandan army by a senior French 28 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Gilbert Canovas during a stay in Rwanda in February 1991. He proposed “the establishment of small plain clothes elements, disguised as farmers, in sensitive areas, so as to neutralize the rebels who were generally isolated”.
From 1991, the plan to set up a civil defense programme was developed, starting with the Ngarama sub-prefecture2 in Byumba prefecture . A meeting was held there on 26 September 1991, and a decision made to create a “people’s self-defense group, that would infiltrate the masses all the way to the tiniest administrative entity “Nyumba Kumi”. Candidates must be at least 25 years of age and at most 40 years of age, preferably married, and having “good” morals, be patriotic, sociable and courageous. The army would handle the training of these civilians. With 10 weapons per cell, the four communes where the programme should be initiated would require 350 weapons for Muvumba, 580 for Muhura, 530 for Ngarama and 300 for Bwisige”.3
On 7 February 1992, another meeting of the prefectural security council of Byumba Prefecture was held at the Muvumba municipal office. The participants were informed of the status of the civil self- defense issue in the Mutara region, since the Ministry of Defense provided 300 weapons. A group of 250 people selected from among the population at the discretion of the mayor and his municipal security council had been sent to train at the Gabiro military camp from 29 January to 5 February 1992 to learn how to handle firearms.4
In Mutura Commune, Gisenyi Prefecture, on the night of 29 to 30 November 1993, weapons were distributed to the people. The commander of the Gisenyi operational sector, Lieutenant-Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva, asked the Ministry of Defense to extend
2 Republic of Rwanda, Byumba prefecture, Ngarama sub-prefecture, report of the security meeting held in Muvumba on 25 August 1991. 3 Letter from Colonel Déogratias Nsabimana to the Minister of Defence on people’s self-defence, 29 September 1991. 4 Message sent by Vincent Rwirahira, officer of the Byumba prefecture intelligence service on 7 February 1992. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 29 this measure to other communes of Gisenyi prefecture: Mutura Commune 150 rifles and 9,000 rounds, Rwerere 150 rifles and 9,000 rounds, and Rubavu 190 rifles and 9,000 rounds. Karago already had weapons and ammunition, making a total of 450 rifles and 27,000 cartridges.
In late 1993 and early 1994, these weapons were distributed countrywide. Retired military officers were appointed to lead this operation: Colonels Simba Aloys, Singirankabo, Pierre Celestin Rwagafirita, Athanase Gasake, etc.
3. Machete purchases
In February 1994, an employee of Chillington, claimed that within a few months, his company sold to Rwanda a quantity of machetes which far exceeded what was ordered the entire previous year. Import license applications examined between January 1993 and March 1994 show that 581 tons of machetes were imported into Rwanda. These machetes were ordered for a total amount of 95 million Rwandan francs by the genocide financier Félicien Kabuga.
The British newspaper, The Sunday Times, of 24 November 1996, revealed that between August and December 1993, Chillingnton had sold a batch of 1600 machetes to two employees of Rwandex, Eugène Mbarushimana and François Burasa. Mbarushimana, who was an agent of Rwandex, was also son-in-law of Kabuga and was at the same time secretary-general of the Interahamwe militia at the national level. As for François Burasa, he was a former soldier, a member of the Hutu extremist party, CDR, and was the brother of one of the party’s leaders, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza.
The purchase and distribution of machetes to civilians, who had received military training, was part of the civil self-defense plan revealed in Colonel Bagosora’s diary. It noted that some of the 30 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on members of this organization would receive firearms, while others received knives, including machetes.
4. The genocide media
As the liberation struggle began in October 1990, those in power adopted radical positions that tended to directly incite genocide. Various extremist newspapers cropped up, some of which endorsed the emerging parties, while others supported President Habyarimana, whose wife, Agathe Kanziga, was the real power behind the regime. She was the central figure of a small group called Akazu, meaning household. The Akazu stepped up the hate media, churning out publications that called for massacres targeting Tutsi and opposition members, in the Kangura newspaper which started publication in May 1990. The tempo heightened in April 1993 with the creation of the Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM). This radio was the main medium used to call for the heads of the Tutsi and moderate Hutu.
The month of February 1994 saw a media upsurge of the call to exterminate Tutsi. The 57th edition of the newspaper Kangura, for instance, carried an article on an alleged plan of “the final onslaught” of the city of Kigali by the RPF. Kangura called upon “all concerned by this action” to gear up to defend themselves, or else they perish. Another hate paper, the Médaille Nyiramacibiri (No. 5), announced that a deadly war was looming, in which civilians, supervised by the army would be involved: “Who will survive the March war? (...) The masses will rise up, with the help of the army, and there’ll be much bloodletting. In fact, the battle lines have now been drawn.
5. Radicalizing the extremist politicians
Investigations conducted by the Belgian military prosecutor indicate that UNAMIR was aware that a major massacre was looming. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 31
Lieutenant-Colonel Jacques-Albert Beaudouin, a Belgian technical advisor in Rwanda to General Gratien Kabiligi, G3 of the FAR General Staff, who appeared before the Belgian military prosecutor on 5 May 1994, revealed that the Rwandan Defence Minister had publicly announced that there would be a genocide if the RPF did not stop the war: “Ten days before the attack on the last Friday of March, Colonel Vincent (Head of the Belgian military cooperation in Rwanda), invited General Nsabimana and G3 Colonel Kabiligi to his home, where they again clearly stated that Arusha was not possible, that eventually, they would accept early elections and that if they wanted to impose Arusha at all costs, they could just eliminate the RPF and the Tutsi - all they needed was a fortnight to do so. They were sure of themselves”.
Several UNAMIR intelligence service notes made public by the report of the Belgian Senate make this very same observation.
6. Failure of the churches
During the genocide, many civilians sought refuge in churches and were killed, sometimes with the involvement of the clergy. Adventist pastor Elisaphan Ntakirutimana was the first churchman convicted and sentenced for genocide in Mugonero (Karongi District). He was joined by catholic priests, Emmanuel Rukundo of Kabgayi Diocese and Athanase Seromba, Nyundo Diocese. The case of Seromba was the most outrageous. He was parish priest of Nyange during the genocide. In April 1994, he had the church, with over 2,000 Tutsi crammed in it, bulldozed to the ground. He was sentenced by the ICTR to life imprisonment. 32 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
7. Interim Government
On the morning of 7 April 1994, many officials of the Habyarimana regime, including supporters of the extermination of the Tutsi, gathered in the French embassy, where they were lodged with their families. The formation of this government was led by Colonel Théoneste Bagosora.
Membres du Gouvernement intérimaire
Nº Ministry Minister Political Remarks party 1 Prime Minister Jean Kambanda MDR Tried and sentenced to life imprisonment by ICTR 2 Ministry of Eliézer Niyitegeka MDR Tried and sentenced Information to life by ICTR 3 Ministry of Clément-Jérôme MDR Tried and acquitted Foreign Affairs Bicamumpaka by ICTR and Cooperation 4 Ministry of Straton PSD Dead Agriculture Nsabumukunzi and Animal Husbandry 5 Ministry of Jean de Dieu PL Disappeared Labour and Social Habineza Welfare 6 Ministry of Emmanuel PSD Tried and sentenced Finance Ndindabahizi to life by ICTR 7 Ministry of Rafiki Hyacinthe PSD Fled to France ; Works and Nsengiyumva sought by Rwandan Energy courts 8 Ministry of Daniel MRND Not wanted Higher Education Mbangura5 and Research RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 33
9 Ministry of Faustin MRND Not wanted Interior and Munyazesa6 Communal Development 10 Ministry of Jean de Dieu MRND Tried and sentenced Higher Education Kamuhanda7 to life by ICTR 11 Ministry of Augustin MRND Tried and sentenced Planning Ngirabatware to 30 years imprisonment by ICTR 12 Ministry of Casimir MRND Tried and acquitted Health Bizimungu by ICTR 13 Ministry of Civil Prosper MRND Tried and acquitted Service Mugiraneza by ICTR 14 Ministry of Justin Mugenzi PL Tried and acquitted Trade, Industry by ICTR and Craft 15 Ministry of Agnès PL Tried and sentenced Justice Ntamabyariro to life by the Rwandan court 16 Ministry of Pauline MRND Tried and sentenced the Family and Nyiramasuhuko by ICTR to 47 years Women imprisonment 17 Ministry of Augustin MRND On the run. Wanted Defence Bizimana by ICTR 18 Ministry of André MDR Acquitted by ICTR Primary and Rwamakuba Secondary Education 19 Ministry of Ruhumuliza PDC Case dropped Environment Gaspard by Switzerland. Wanted by Rwanda.
5 Mbangura Daniel was replaced by Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda (MRND) after his appointment as Chief of cabinet of President Sindikubwabo. Jean de Dieu Kamuhanda was sentenced by ICTR (ICTR-99-54). 34 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
20 Ministry of Youth Callixte MRND Tried and sentenced and Associations Nzabonimana to life by ICTR 21 Ministry of André Ntagerura MRND Acquitted by ICTR Transport and Communication 22 Ministry of Edouard MRND Tried and sentenced Interior (since Karemera8 to life imprisonment May 1994) by ICTR
Jean Kambanda, Prime Minister of the interim Government, pleaded guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court for Rwanda.
Jean Kambanda, at a rally inciting the people to commit genocide
6 He did not take up his post. Communiqués from that ministry were often signed by Kalimanzira C, Director of Cabinet. Karemera E. occupied the post during the second half of May 1994. Kalimanzira C. was tried after an appeal and sentenced to 30 years’ imprisonment (ICTR-2005-88). 7 Appointed following ministerial reshuffle. 8 Appointed following the ministerial reshuffle RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 35
Contents of confessions and plea of guilty by Jean Kambanda:
» “there was in Rwanda in 1994 a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population of Tutsi, the purpose of which was to exterminate them” (par. 39,1)9;
» as Prime Minister of the interim Government, he was head of the 20-member Council of Ministers and exercised de jure authority and control over the members of his Government. The Government determined and controlled national policy and had the administration and armed forces at its disposal (§ 39,ii);
» he participated in meetings of the Council of Ministers, cabinet meetings and meetings of prefects, where the course of massacres were actively followed, but no action was taken to stop them. He was involved in the decision of the government for visits by designated ministers to prefectures as part of the government’s security efforts and in order to call on the civilian population to be vigilant in detecting the enemy and its accomplices”, who are the Tutsi and Hutu opposed to the genocide (§ 39,iii);
» he issued the Directive on Civil Defence addressed to the prefects on 25 May 1994 (Directive No. 024-0273, disseminated on 8 June 1994). Jean Kambanda further admits that this directive encouraged and reinforced the Interahamwe, who were committing mass killings of the Tutsi civilian population in the prefectures; by this directive, the Government assumed the responsibility for the actions of the Interahamwe (§ 39,v);
» the interim Government distributed arms and ammunition to these groups. Additionally, roadblocks manned by mixed patrols of the Rwandan Armed Forces and the Interahamwe were set up in Kigali
9 The plea of guilty of J. Kambanda. The Prosecutor v. Jean Kambanda, Case no ICTR 97-23-S 36 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
and elsewhere as soon as the death of President J.B. Habyarimana was announced on the Radio; he used the media to mobilize and incite the population to commit massacres of the civilian Tutsi population (vi, vii);
» the Prime Minister and members of Government, visited prefectures to incite and encourage the prefects, mayors and the population to commit these massacres and killings of civilian Tutsi and Hutu opposed to the genocide project;
» J. Kambanda admits that in his particular role of making public engagements on behalf of the government, he addressed public meetings, and the media, at various places in Rwanda, directly and publicly inciting the population to commit acts of violence against Tutsi and moderate Hutu (39,x); he further admits that he was an eye witness to the massacres of Tutsi and also had knowledge of them from regular reports of prefects, and cabinet discussions (39,xii); » Lastly, J. Kambanda acknowledges that he knew or should have known that persons for whom he was responsible were committing crimes of massacre upon Tutsi and he failed to prevent them or punish the perpetrators (39,xii).
» The court concluded that: “Jean Kambanda abused his authority and the trust of the civilian population. He personally participated in the genocide by distributing arms, making incendiary speeches and presiding over cabinet and other meetings where the massacres were planned and discussed. He failed to take necessary and reasonable measures to prevent his subordinates from committing crimes against the population”. (§ 44).
ICTR sentenced him to life imprisonment. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 37
8. France’s complicity in the genocidal regime
Since the beginning of the liberation war by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, in October 1990, France has never been neutral either militarily or politically. In 1990, the Rwandan army was only able to stop the advance of the RPF with help from French contingents. With each major RPF offensive, the French military forces were boosted to take an active part in the fighting. French officers also took part in heavy-handed interrogations of RPF prisoners-of-war. The French Government funded a massive increase in military equipment for the Rwandan Armed Forces, whose numbers shot up from 7,000 to 50,000 men in no time. The French army took from its own stocks to ensure deliveries to Rwanda.
In 1994, when the genocidal forces lost the war, France found a way to come back to Rwanda with the idea of an operation called Turquoise. 38 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
On 22 June 1994, the Security Council voted resolution 929, which allowed France to intervene in Rwanda under Chapter VII (authorization to use force if necessary). Five of the Council members abstained: Brazil, China, Nigeria, New Zealand and Pakistan. The international community authorized this operation with much reluctance and conditionally. The resolution emphasizes the strictly humanitarian nature of the intervention, its two months’ time limit, and forbade it to constitute “a force of interposition between the parties. But in fact, it was a highly military operation. For this operation, France lined up a total of 3,060 men10 from its crack army units11. Describing the exercise, a journalist of the Libération newspaper portrays Turquoise as a group of “elite forces from the army, the air force, the navy and the gendarmerie, with the best training and the best equipment of the French army, including firepower, communication system and intelligence.”12
Seven African countries: Chad, Congo, Egypt, Guinea-Bissau, Mauritania, Niger and Senegal, provided 508 soldiers13 to back up the troops of the French army. They served as international backing for the French army.
In terms of equipment, the French army had pulled all the stubs. As far as the most visible part of the airborne equipment is concerned, according to a specialized military magazine, Operation Turquoise deployed on the bases of Goma, Bukavu and Kisangani “six C-130 Hercules, nine C-160 Transall, a Falcon-20 and a CASA-235 link. The Air Force also chartered an Airbus, a Boeing -747 as well as 17 Antonov-124 Condor and Illyshin II-76 Candid for heavy cargo. On the Kisangani base, there were four Jaguar tactical support aircraft (from Bangui), four Mirage-F1 CT tactical support aircraft (from
10 Testimony by General Lafourcade, before MIP, Enquête…, p. 104. 11 L’Express of 30/6/1994, 21 and 28 July 1994, and publications of the French Army, Képi blanc, n°549, October 1994; Raids-Magazine, n° 97, June 1994, especially n° 101, October 1994. 12 Jean Guisnel, Libération of 21 Juy 1994; Képi blanc N° 549, October 1994. 13 Testimony by General Lafourcade before MIP, Enquête…, p. 104. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 39
Colmar), four Mirage F1-CR reconnaissance aircraft (from Reims), and two C-135F air-to-air refueling aircraft”.14
Indeed, many of the commanders and members of the elite troops engaged in the COS groups were former members of Noroît and DAMI, dating back to 1990-1993: Colonel Jacques Rosier, Colonel Didier Thibaut, Colonel Etienne Joubert, Chief Warrant Officer Thierry Prungnaud, GIGN, Commander Erwan De Gouvello, Lieutenant-Colonel Marcel Gegou, Commander Chamot, Commander Fargues (or Forgues), etc.
When General Dallaire visited the Operation Turquoise Headquarters in Goma on 30 June 1994, he had lunch with General Lafourcade and his officers. This was what he heard: “They refused to accept the existence of genocide and the fact that extremist leaders, officials and some of their former colleagues are part of the same clique. They did not hide their desire to fight the RPF”.15
9. Judging the genocide
9.1. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was established on 8 November 1994 per Security Council Resolution 955, to try persons responsible for acts of genocide and other serious violations to international humanitarian laws committed in 1994.
The ICTR rendered its final judgment on 14 December 2015 and closed on 31 December 2015. In 20 years of work, the ICTR had indicted 93 people. 61 were sentenced and 14 acquitted, eight are on the run, two died before the judgment and tw9 others had their indictment withdrawn. It has been replaced by the United
14 Raids-Magazine Raids, N° 101, October 1994, p. 5.
15 Roméo Dallaire “Shake Hands with the Devil ” p. 560. 40 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
Nations International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT).
9.2. Some significant sentences passed by ICTR
(a) Very first sentence for genocide in Africa: Jean-Paul Akayesu
On 2 September 1998, Jean-Paul Akayesu, former mayor of Taba Commune (now Kamonyi District) was found guilty of involvement in the genocide. His judgment is representative in more ways than one. First, it is the first ever judgment by international justice for genocide, since the adoption of the 9 December 1948 Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The judges affirmed the evidence of the genocide committed against the Tutsi: “It is clear then that the massacres in Rwanda in 1994 had a specific objective: to exterminate Tutsi, chosen especially because of their belonging to the Tutsi ethnic group, and not because they were RPF fighters ( ...). This is a genocide that was committed in Rwanda in 1994 against the Tutsi as a group”. 16
Akayesu was then convicted of rape. This was the first time in international criminal law that rape, as a systematic attack on women, had been legally recognized as constituting the crime of genocide, when committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular group targeted as such.
(b) Guilty plea by Jean Kambanda, former Prime Minister
On 1 May 1998, former Prime Minister Jean Kambanda admitted the six charges brought against him by the ICTR: genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, complicity in genocide and crimes against humanity. On
16 ICTR, Akayesu Judgement, paragraph 18 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 41
4 September 1998, Jean Kambanda is sentenced to life for these crimes, a sentence confirmed on 19 October 2000.
In addition to being the first case heard by the ICTR, the case is important for several reasons. Kambanda became the first accused in an international court to plead guilty to genocide. More importantly, Kambanda acknowledged the existence of the Tutsi genocide organization, establishing that the atrocities committed against the Tutsi were a State plan and policy and not the result of the collateral damage of the civil war between the FAR and the RPF.
This case will go down in the annals of international criminal justice as the first conviction of a Head of Government for his direct participation in a genocide.
(c) The media trials
On 3 December 2003, in the trial of the three accused of “hate media” (Ferdinand Nahimana, Hassan Ngeze and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, the Tribunal concluded that the three men had agreed to develop a plan to exterminate the civil Tutsi population of Rwanda. They would broadcast calls for ethnic hatred, incite violence, form militias, distribute weapons and prepare lists identifying civilians to kill. By this judgment, the ICTR established the role played by the media in the genocide.
Former Minister of the Family, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, was sentenced on 24 June 2011 in the first instance, to life imprisonment, then to 47 years of imprisonment on appeal. She was found guilty of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide and crimes against 42 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on humanity. She was judged together with her son, Arsene Shalom Ntahobali, who was handed the same sentence as his mother. Nyiramasuhuko was the first woman tried and convicted by an international court.
(e) MRND leaders
On 21 December 2011, the leaders of the former ruling party at the time of the genocide, the MRND, were convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity and sentenced to life imprisonment. Matthieu Ngirumpatse was president of the MRND while Edouard Karemera was vice-president of the party. In this judgment, the two men were convicted of various crimes perpetrated throughout the country in 1994 by members of their party, particularly the MRND Interahamwe militiamen.
(f) First referral of a case to Rwanda
On 28 June 2011, after rejecting several requests for referrals of accused persons to Rwanda, the ICTR made its first decision to transfer a case to Rwandan justice. This was that of Jean Uwinkindi, confirming the ability of the Rwandan justice system to try international crimes. Several governments would follow suit by extraditing genocidaires, including Leon Mugesera, Leopold Munyakazi and Ladislas Ntaganzwa.
9.3. Mistakes and shortcomings of ICTR
(a) Dysfunction in the administration of the Tribunal
The ICTR has completed its work on an unconvincing note. As early as 1997, the United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services conducted the ICTR inspection and found serious flaws that continued to ruin its operation.17 The report stated, among other
17 Report of the United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services on verification and inspection of the ICTR, Doc. UN A/51/789, 6 February 1997 (Paschke report) RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 43 abuses, that the Registrar of the Tribunal had been on official travel for over 150 days from December 1995 to October 1996; he had spent his time traveling for five months without attending to the administration of the Tribunal.
Right from the beginning of its activities, the ICTR did not have the requisite qualified workers to fill its key positions. The 1997 United Nations report found that investigating team lawyers lacked criminal investigation experience, whereas they were supposed to advise investigators on the ground on how to search for evidence and in the preparation of indictments. The International Crisis Group (ICG) observed that quite often, dense and complex cases were handled by young legal assistants, or even trainees, who did not have thorough knowledge of the legal issues they were dealing with.18
These shortcomings led to the acquittals of genocidaires, due to poorly prepared cases. A case in point was that of the former prefect of Cyangugu, Emmanuel Bagambiki and transport minister André Ntagerura who were tried in a joint trial called the “Cyangugu case”. The foreign investigators responsible for these cases were lax and incompetent and failed to produce essential evidence, despite the existence of serious evidence of the guilt of these former officers.
Apart from the Office of the Prosecutor and the Registry, the ICTR courts experienced similar hitches. For example, between 1999 and 2000, six of the nine judges at the ICTR did not conduct any trials for 14 months. The only trial conducted was that of Ignace Bagilishema, from July 1999 to September 2000, whereas the Tribunal had, at that time, three Trial Chambers and about 30 accused persons.
The Tribunal was also beset with serious scandals, whereby fees were shared between defendants and defense lawyers. These scandals were brought to light by the United Nations Office of Internal
18 ICG, Africa Report N° 30 44 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
Oversight Services in two damning investigation reports published in 2001 and 2002. Worse still, the ICTR employed certain Rwandan agents involved in the genocide committed against the Tutsi, some of whom were eventually arrested, tried and sentenced by the same Tribunal, which had hitherto employed them as investigators or legal assistants of the defense teams. b) Failure in its mandate to render justice
In the first place, the justice rendered by this Tribunal was far removed from the Rwandan people. Establishing its headquarters outside Rwandan territory, where the genocide had been committed, was a flagrant flaw in the exercise of justice. If the main perpetrators of the genocide had been tried by a court established in Rwanda, as was the case with the Special Court of Sierra Leone, it would have served as a lesson in the fight against impunity and national reconciliation.
Secondly, some sentences that had been wrongly rendered, which entailed unjustified reductions of sentences that were pronounced in the first instance, and then acquittals of the perpetrators of the genocide for errors by the judges or the Prosecutor. A case in point is that of Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, who was sentenced, in the first instance, to life imprisonment, and then had his sentence reduced on appeal to 35 years in prison, which will grant him the right to apply for early release despite the seriousness of the crimes for which he was indicted. The Bagosora case is a miscarriage of justice that will remain in the annals of the ICTR and MICT, headed by Theodor Meron.
Other criminals of Bagosora’s ilk, such as Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva, Ferdinand Nahimana, Emmanuel Rukundo, Major François-Xavier Nzuwonemeye, Captain Innocent Sagahutu, to name a few, also had their sentences significantly commuted, with the possibility of early release, which would not have occurred had the ICTR justice system been properly exercised. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 45
It is also very unfortunate that the Residual Mechanism unilaterally grants release of genocide perpetrators without seeking the views of the victims, Rwanda itself or the Prosecutor, even though they are still heavily under conviction and are expected to be reintegrated into society.
9.4. State courts
Most organizers of the genocide committed against the Tutsi in Rwanda fled to foreign countries. There are States which, by virtue of universal jurisdiction, have judged certain suspects; there are others who extradited or transferred them to Rwanda to be prosecuted in the courts of the country where they committed crimes.
2.1. Status of extraditions and transfers
Date of Nº Names Coming from extradition or transfer 1 Enos Kagaba USA 26/4/2005 Jean Pierre Kwitonda 2 Uganda November 2010 alias Kaparata Augustin 3 Uganda 4/8/2010 Nkundabazungu Marie Claire 4 USA 27/12/2011 Mukeshimana Jean Marie Vianney 5 Mudahinyuka alias USA 28/1/2011 Zuzu 6 Jean Uwinkindi ICTR-ARUSHA 19/4/2012 7 Dr Léon Mugesera Canada 24/1/2012 8 Charles Bandora Norway 10/3/2013 46 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
9 Bernard Munyagishari ICTR-ARUSHA 24/7/2013 Emmanuel 10. Denmark 03/7/2014 Mbarushimana Jean Paul 11 Uganda 15/1/2015 Birindabagabo 12 Ladislas Ntaganzwa DRC 10/12/2016 Lt Jean Claude 13 Canada 18/11/2016 Seyoboka Prof. Leopold 14 USA 28/09/2016 Munyakazi Jean Baptiste Mugimba 15 and Jean Claude Netherlands 12/11/2016 Iyamuremye 16 Jean Twagiramungu Germany 18/8/2017 17 Wenceslas Twagirayezu Denmark 11/12/2018 18 Vincent Murekezi Malawi 28/01/2019
2.2. Status of judgments rendered by jurisdictions of third States
Country Nº Names that passed Sentence sentence Alphonse 20 years’ imprisonment 1 Belgium Higaniro (2001) Sister 15 years’ imprisonment 2 Mukangango Belgium (2001) Consolate Sister Mukabutera 12 years’ imprisonment 3 Julienne (Sister Belgium (2001) Kizito) RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 47
Vincent 12 years’ imprisonment 4 Belgium Ntezimana (2001) Etienne 12 years’ imprisonment 5 Belgium Nzabonimana (2005) Samuel 10 years’ imprisonment 6 Belgium Ndashyikirwa (2005) Bernard 20 years’ imprisonment 7 Belgium Ntuyahaga (2007) Désiré Life imprisonment 8 Canada Munyaneza (2009) Died in 2009 following Ephrem 9 Belgium sentencing to 30 years’ Nkezabera imprisonment François Life imprisonment 10 Finland Bazaramba (2012) 11 Sadi Bugingo Norway 21 years’ imprisonment Jacques 12 Canada Acquitted (2013) Mungwarere Pascal 25 years’ imprisonment 13 France Simbikangwa (2016) Stanislas 14 Sweden Life imprisonent (2014) Mbanenande Onesphore 15 Germany Life imprisonent (2015) Rwabukombe Yvonne 6 years 8 months’ 16 Ntacyobatabara- Netherlands imprisonment (2013) Basebya Life imprisonment 17 Joseph Mpambara Netherlands (2010) Life imprisonment 18 Claver Berinkindi Sweden (2017) Life imprisonment 19 Octavien Ngenzi France (2018) 48 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
Life imprisonment 20 Tito Barahira France (2018) Theodore Life imprisonment 21 Sweden Rukeratabaro (2018) 22 Straton Musoni Germany 10 years’ imprisonment Ignace 23 Germany 12 years’ imprisonment Murwanashyaka
10. Courts of Rwanda
10.1 Traditional courts
In 1994, there was no legal text that could serve as a legal basis for prosecutions and trials. To fill that legal void, the Rwandan legislator established organic law n° 08/96 of 30/8/1996 on the organization of the prosecution of crimes constituting the crime of genocide or crimes against humanity (see law on genocide below)19. Yet, since 1976, Rwanda had ratified the Genocide Convention, but had not taken legislative steps to incorporate the provisions of that convention into domestic legal texts.
The reason for this lack of interest is that the Habyarimana regime had based its policy on ethnic discrimination and did not feel ready to apply the Genocide Convention, which prohibits such practices. Moreover, the fact that governments were compelled to prevent and punish the crime of genocide did not go down well with the Habyarimana regime, which had just conducted the Tutsi ethnic cleansing of 1973.
The 1996 genocide law pioneered the process, including the creation of novel mechanisms such as specialized chambers in
19 This law, abrogated by organic law n°16/2004 of 19 June 2004 on the organization, competence and functioning of the Gacaca courts. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 49 first instance courts and military courts, specifically devoted to genocide cases. Another innovation of the 1996 law on genocide was the introduction of other important mechanisms such as the classification of criminals into categories according to the seriousness of the alleged facts, the procedure of confession and guilty plea inspired by Anglo-Saxon plea bargaining, which affords accused persons who use them commuted sentences.
Other mechanisms were tried without much success. These include mobile groups comprising judicial officers who went from one prosecutor’s office to another to review cases and release people with insufficient charges; humanitarian releases of the elderly, sick and underage persons, as well as those accused of property offenses. These measures were used to free 35,000 people from 1997 to 1999, but the Rwandan prisons still housed nearly one hundred thousand genocide suspects.
In terms of sentences, only 330 persons had been tried in 1997 and about 600 in 1998. At that rate, it would take more than a hundred years to complete the genocide trials.
It is in response to this situation that Gacaca courts were set up in 2001 as a different mechanism that combined retributive and restorative justice, designed to meet the challenge of the backlog of genocide litigation and to encourage the emergence of judicial truth and the beginning of national reconciliation
10.2 The Gacaca court system
The Gacaca participatory justice system was introduced following several discussions held at the President’s office since 1998. Following these consultations, the Government published a Gacaca jurisdiction project which was followed by a series of discussions with groups of representatives of the population and international stakeholders. Following these consultations, Law No. 40/2001 of 50 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
26 January 2001 on the establishment of Gacaca jurisdictions was passed. The principle was based on a customary rule of participatory justice, whereby “everything works with the people and by the people”. This is why the perpetrators of the crimes were not taken to a courtroom, but to the places where the acts were committed, in order to reconstruct the historical truth.
The judges were elected by the people and empowered by law to investigate, summon, decide on preventive detention and pass sentences. With the Gacaca courts, the total number of cases tried is 1,951,388 over a period of 10 years (June 2002 - June 2012).
Number of persons tried by the Gacaca courts, by district 16. Rutsiro= 31,649 1. Huye = 81,126 17. Rulindo= 27,272 2. Nyanza= 68,566 18. Kirehe= 26,255 3. Gisagara= 63,202 19. Ngororero = 26,032 4. Ruhango= 58,092 20. Kayonza = 25,028 5. Kamonyi= 57,816 21. Gatsibo= 20,208 6. Nyamagabe= 55,724 22. Rubavu= 18,589 7. Muhanga= 51,575 23. Nyarugenge= 16,149 8. Karongi= 45,991 24. Gakenke= 15,054 9. Nyaruguru= 44,185 25. Kicukiro= 14,200 10. Bugesera= 44,076 26. Nyabihu= 9,844 11. Nyamasheke= 42,982 27. Gicumbi= 9,242 12. Ngoma = 39,933 28. Musanze= 4,029 13. Rwamagana= 38,425 29. Nyagatare= 1,952 14. Rusizi= 32,608 30. Burera = 883 15. Gasabo= 32,540 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 51
11. Genocide memorial
In 1994, Rwanda introduced a genocide remembrance policy, which is now included in its 2003 Constitution, revised in 2015. It comprises commemorations and management of memorial sites. More than 200 memorials exist throughout the country, eight of which have been classified nationally. Survivors living in the Diaspora have also contributed greatly to the effort. Monuments to the genocide of the Tutsi have been built in Belgium or in France in the communes of Cluny, Dieulefit, Begles, Paris, Toulouse, Orleans. Lastly, the Rwandan Government has begun a process to register four genocide memorial sites with the UNESCO World Heritage sites.
Scientific preservation of bodies at the Murambi Genocide Memorial, in southern Rwanda. The CNLG is carrying out this work, in conjunction with experts from the universities of Hamburg and Hanover in Germany. 52 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
La préservation de la mémoire du génocide est aussi effectuée par la conservation scientifique des autres preuves du génocide. Ici ce sont des vetements du memorial de Nyamata que la CNLG conserve avec des techniques modernes en partenariat avec des experts américains de l’Universite de Pennyslvanie. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 53
12. Against negationism
In 2015, the United Nations Security Council adopted a clear resolution calling on States to crack down on any denial of the genocide against the Tutsi. Resolution 2150 (2014) of 16 April 2014: “underscores the importance of taking into account lessons learned from the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda (...); Condemns without reservation any denial of this Genocide and urges Member States to develop educational programmes that will inculcate future generations with the lessons of the Genocide in order to help prevent future genocides”.
On 26 January 2018, the United Nations General Assembly officially proclaimed 7 April of each year as “International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda”, which corrects the inaccuracies that existed in resolution A / RES / 58/234 of 2003, which failed to mention the group targeted for extermination.
The Peace and Security Council of the African Union, at its 761st meeting held on 5 April 2018, received a briefing on the prevention of ideology of hate, genocide and hate crimes in Africa, and adopted the following decision: “(...) Reiterates the need for the use of proper terminology and clear analysis in order to avoid any risk of genocide denials, negationism and revisionism. In this regard, the Council decides that the appropriate nomenclature for the genocide against Tutsis in Rwanda shall be: “The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda”; Welcomes United Nations General Assembly resolution 72/550 adopted on 26 January 2018, which designates 7 April of each year as International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda. In this regard, the Council decides to designate 7 April of each year as the African Union Day of Commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda”. 54 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
PART THREE: REBUILDING THE COUNTRY
Following the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi, the concern of the National Union Government was to rebuild the country and promote the socioeconomic development of Rwandans. Referring always to Rwandan culture (source of local /endogenous solutions) various mechanisms and initiatives have been put in place, some of which are described in the following paragraphs.
1. Abunzi (Committee of community reconciliators or mediators)
The word Abunzi can be translated as “those who reconcile” or “those who gather” (from the verb “Kunga”). In traditional Rwanda, the Abunzi were men known in their communities for their personal integrity. They were invited to intervene when conflicts arose. The purpose of the Abunzi system was to settle disputes and also to reconcile conflicting parties and restore harmony within the RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 55 community. The Abunzi system was institutionalized in 2004 as an alternative dispute settlement mechanism.
Established at sector and cell levels, Abunzi committees operate first at the cell level, and at the sector level in the event the parties are not satisfied. Abunzi committee members are elected within cells and sectors by cell and sector council members for a renewable five-year term and must be residents of the cell and sector. Across the country, there are 2,564 Abunzi committees: 2,148 at the cell level and 416 at the sector level. An office comprising a chairperson and vice- chairperson, elected by their peers chairs the Abunzi committees at the cell and sector level.
The achievements of the Abunzi committees are many.
According to Ministry of Justice reports, in 2013-2014, out of 45,285 cases received by Abunzi committees throughout the country, 36,940 were civil cases, while 3,845 were criminal cases. A total of 36,441 cases were processed and resolved. In 2014-2015, Abunzi committees across the country received 40,111 cases, 30,719 (76.6%) of which were civil cases and 9,392 (23.4%) criminal cases. 36,830 (80.5%) of the cases were treated and resolved. The Abunzi committees successfully settled 44,679 of the 47,966 cases received in 2015/2016, leaving only 786 court cases. Among the beneficiaries of the Abunzi system are vulnerable groups such as widowers, child household heads and persons with disabilities who find the routine legal procedures complicated and costly, in terms of time and financial resources.
2. Access to justice bureau (MAJ)
The Government of Rwanda set up the access to justice bureaux (MAJ) in 2007. Now established in all 30 districts of Rwanda, the MAJs serve as the first point of orientation of the legal aid 56 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on service. They mainly provide legal information/education and legal advice and mediation. These bureaus subscribe to the ideals of decentralized, reconciliatory and participatory justice. The MAJs provide assistance, legal counsel services before all courts. They are also able to analyze cases, offer legal counsel, mediate between the parties, raise public awareness of their legal rights, assist detainees and provide legal training to the Abunzi.
3. Unity and reconciliation
To reconcile and (re) unite Rwandans after the genocide, and in accordance with the 1993 Arusha Peace Accords, the National Union Government recommended the creation of the National Commission for Unity and Reconciliation. The Commission was created per Act 03/99 of 12/3/1999, as amended and supplemented by Act 35/2002 of 14/11/2002, which was subsequently recognized by Article 139 of the 2003 National Constitution, revised in 2015. The National Commission for Unity and Reconciliation played a very important role in the reconstruction of Rwanda. It has contributed to the establishment of various initiatives aimed at promoting national unity, patriotism and the fight against divisive ideology.
4. Umuganda (community work)
On the last Saturday of every month, millions of Rwandans gather to do community work. Nearly 80% of Rwandans participate in this monthly community work, which includes the construction of schools, medical centres, rehabilitation of wetlands and creation of highly productive farmland. The value of Umuganda for the development of the country since 2007 has been estimated at more than $60 million. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 57
5. Imihigo (Performance contracts)
Imihigo is the pre-colonial cultural practice in Rwanda where an individual would set him or herself goals to be attained within a given period of time, and doing so by following some guiding principles and having determination to overcome any potential challenges.
Today, Imihigo are used in government as performance contracts to ensure accountability. All levels of government, from the local district level to ministries and embassies, are required to develop and have their Imihigo evaluated. Public officials also sign the Imihigo with their directors or other officials of the institution. The imihigo system has played a key role in the socioeconomic development of the country, especially in terms of service delivery, business planning and accountability.
6. Ubudehe (participatory socioeconomic development mechanism)
Ubudehe refers to the long-standing Rwandan practice and culture of collective action and mutual support for solving problems within a community. Ubudehe’s tradition was mainly culture- based. Ubudehe was reintroduced into Rwandan life in 2001 to better involve communities in their development by setting up participatory problem-solving mechanisms. The programme was seen as a means to strengthen democratic processes and good governance through greater community involvement in decision- making.
Ubudehe creates opportunities for people at all levels of society, especially at the village level, to interact with one another, share ideas, create institutions and make decisions for their collective development. 58 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
The Ubudehe programme has improved social cohesion, unity, integration and inclusion among Rwandans in their respective communities, revitalized the national identity “Ubunyarwanda” and patriotism.
7. Girinka (one cow per poor family programme)
The word Girinka describes a centuries-old cultural practice in Rwanda according to which a cow was given by one person to another, either as a sign of respect and gratitude, or in marriage, etc.
The Girinka programme was launched to respond to the alarming rate of child malnutrition and to accelerate poverty reduction and promote livestock and agriculture. This programme is based on the principle of providing a dairy cow to poor households and contributing to the improvement of their livelihoods, increasing incomes, ensuring a more nutritious and balanced diet through milk, and increasing their agricultural production using, manure which ensures better soil fertility.
Beneficiaries are then asked to give the first female calf to another trustworthy beneficiary in their community. In this way, Girinka played an important role in social cohesion in Rwanda.
8. Army week (Icyumweru cy’Ingabo)
Army week is a specific period of the year, during which the Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) contribute to Rwanda’s development programme by carrying out a series of socioeconomic activities. Army Week always ends with National Liberation Day, July 4th of each year. The awareness period lasts approximately two to three months. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 59
In general, activities conducted during Army week include: socioeconomic infrastructure development; environmental protection; provision of free medical care; contribution to various government programmes such as Girinka, construction of houses for poor and vulnerable people; building of classrooms and health centres, roads and bridges; distribution of water and electricity to disadvantaged areas; environmental protection; and free specialized consultations to the needy.
9. Vision 2020 Following the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in 1994, Rwandans became fully aware that they had to ensure a sustainable and stable future for themselves. The national consultation sessions on the future of Rwanda held at the Office of the President of the Republic of Rwanda between May 1998 and March 1999 led to the resolution to put in place a roadmap known as Vision 2020, for the development of the country. It focuses on the following major aspirations:
• Rebuilding the nation and its social capital • Harmonious running of an efficient, mobilizing and unifying State • Transforming Rwandan society, building social capital based on positive cultural values, technological know-how and balance between economic rationality and social logic • Peace, internal and external security and regional stability, which fosters economic and social integration of the country, in the region and in the world.
Vision 2020 aspires to a modern, strong and united nation, proud of its core values, politically stable and without discrimination among its citizens. To achieve this goal, Vision 2020 has set the goal for Rwanda to become a middle-income country by 2020. With its Vision 2020, Rwanda is committed to being a capable State, 60 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on characterized by the rule of law that supports and protects all its citizens, without discrimination ... and the protection of human rights in particular.
Today, the Vision 2050 document shows how Rwanda’s current situation is and what the country will look like in the future at the micro, mezzo and macro levels, as well as at the regional and international levels.
10. VUP (Vision 2020 Umurenge)
The Vision 2020 Umurenge Programme (VUP) is part of Vision 2020. It aims to reduce poverty among the poorest families across the country and has three components: a) Direct support aims to help extremely poor households which lack the capacity to work. The financial support is intended to help them meet their basic needs, such as food, and especially to cover their health insurance. b) Public works offers employment opportunities (community work) to the different categories of poor people who are able to do the job if they find employment opportunities. c) Credit packages provide financial services (credit) to extremely poor people through micro-credit.
11. Agaciro development fund
The “Agaciro” Development Fund is a Rwandan sovereign wealth fund created by Rwandans during the ninth Umushyikirano (National Dialogue) held from 15 to 16 December 2011. The name Agaciro translates the idea of “Dignity”, which has been recognized as Rwanda’s main moral value in its journey towards sustainable socioeconomic development. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 61
The goal is to accumulate public savings to achieve self-sufficiency, maintain stability in times of shocks to the national economy, and accelerate the country’s socioeconomic development goals. This fund is unique because it was created on the basis of voluntary contributions from Rwandans.
The creation of the Agaciro Development Fund is part of the Kwigira culture that promotes autonomy, the reduction of foreign aid and dependence.
12. Mutual health insurance
The Mutuelle de Santé (Mutual health insurance scheme) is a system where individuals organize collectively by paying contributions for themselves and their families, in order to protect themselves against diseases and to access medical care in the event of illness. The introduction of mutual health scheme in the health system has improved the living conditions of Rwandans, because since the genocide, life expectancy has doubled and Rwanda has experienced some of the most dramatic improvements in health in the world. This is a phenomenal achievement stemming from serious leadership and partnership. Indeed, Rwanda has achieved exceptional results, not by how much money it spends on health, but how it is spent.
13. Decentralization programme
The Government of Rwanda adopted the National Decentralization Policy in May 2000 to achieve three main objectives: (i) good governance; (ii) pro-poor service delivery; and (iii) sustainable development.
Good governance is characterized by eight principles at least: It is participatory, consensual, accountable, transparent, sensitive, effective, equitable and inclusive. Since Rwanda embarked on a 62 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on process of decentralization, it has made tremendous progress that has had a positive impact on unity and reconciliation. Decentralization has completely changed the image of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled. Activities that were once planned from above and brought to the people by surprise are now planned by the people, and community members feel a sense of belonging because they have a say in all decisions.
Umwiherero, better translated as “retreat”, refers to a tradition of Rwandan culture where leaders gather in a serene place to reflect on issues affecting their society, and work on solutions to those issues. The Rwandan Government draws on this tradition to reflect and meet the challenges that the country faces each year. The overall objective is to conduct an evaluation and strategic planning exercise on ensuring unity and service delivery.
14. Inama y’Igihugu y’Umushyikirano (national dialogue)
Umushyikirano refers to a meeting where participants can exchange ideas, share experiences and question themselves. Umushyikirano is a forum where participants discuss issues related to both central and local governance and national unity.
Umushyikirano is another example of participatory and inclusive governance. It brings together members of the Government and Parliament, representatives of the Rwandan community abroad, local authorities, the media, the diplomatic community and others invited by the President. People who cannot get there may participate by phone, SMS, Twitter and Facebook, as well as follow the live debate on TV and radio.
In short, Umushyikirano serves as a platform that provides a forum or space for Rwandans to discuss national unity, reconciliation and other social and development issues that affect the country, in an effort to build a reunited and prosperous Rwanda. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 63
15. Itorero ry’Igihugu (National civic education programme)
The traditional Itorero was a cultural school where Rwandans learned language, patriotism, social relations, sport, dance, song and defense. Itorero was reintroduced in 2009 as a means of rebuilding the country’s social fabric and mobilizing Rwandans to defend important cultural values. Itorero creates opportunities for participants to develop positive values and a sense of responsibility through patriotism, and also to gain professional knowledge.
In June 2017, a total of 1,700,607 Rwandans passed through Itorero. This number includes 1,098,599 staff members from different levels of local government and 602,006 employees from specialized sectors such as education, health, the media, the private sector, the physically challenged, and Rwandan students in the diaspora.
16. Ingando (Solidarity camps)
The word Ingando comes from the verb “Kugandika”, which means going to a place far away from home, often with a group, for a specific reason. Traditional Ingando evoked a retreat in which elders, leaders or young people left their homes and stayed in a place where they meditated and shared ideas about how to solve problems affecting their communities or the nation.
The term Ingando has evolved to describe a place where a group of people come together to work toward a common goal. Today, Ingando trainings are conducted to share ideas and offer young people a space to build a better future, in which negative ideologies belong to the past. During the Ingando camps, participants learn about history, current development and reconciliation policies, and are encouraged and motivated to play an active role in rebuilding their country. Thousands of Rwandans from all over the world have participated in Ingando. 64 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on
17. Ndi Umunyarwanda (I am Rwandan)
Before and during the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in 1994, the social fabric was completely torn apart. After the genocide, the Rwandan Government had to do its best to bring peace and national unity. The Ndi Umunyarwanda initiative was launched in 2013 with the aim of rebuilding national identity and promoting a community based on trust and unity. The long-term vision is to use this initiative to help Rwandans, especially young people, who represent the future of the country, to better understand their origin and their history.
Thanks to the “Ndi Umunyarwanda” initiative, Rwandans, including those convicted of crimes of genocide, are able to critically review the dark history of their country in order to shape a better future, without sect or ideology of genocide. RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on 65
CONCLUSION
The genocide committed against the Tutsi was preceded by a long period of maturation, marked by intensive propaganda of hate, which had been carefully thought out. Initially, there was a racist system of thought established by the colonizer, based on the denial of Tutsi humanity, the sanctity of biological ethnic communities and the reduction of democracy to the right of the majority to crush the minority. Then, successive Rwandan regimes from Gregory Kayibanda to Juvenal Habyarimana created an organized discrimination and a systematic demonization of the Tutsi.
Unable to prevent the extermination of Tutsis in April-July 1994, the United Nations set up an International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in November 1994 with a mandate that was strangely limited to crimes committed between January 1 and December 31, 1994, although the genocide had been cooking well before then. ICTR judges described the Rwandan massacres as “genocide” after their very first judgment in September 1998.
Although the international recognition of the genocide of the Tutsi is today a universal legal act, the efforts to build a memorial and deliver justice is made difficult by the lies, cover-ups and denials practiced by the initiators of the genocide. They try to make it appear that it was a “civil war triggered by the RPF”, an “inter-ethnic war” or a “double genocide”. In fact, the genocide was the work of a group that sought to seize power using an extremist ideology that was etched in the imagination of a large part of the population.
During this genocide, it was not “Hutu” who killed “Tutsi”, but a Hutu extremist group imbibed with an ideology of hate and means of propaganda. This group had chosen to make Rwandans labeled as Tutsi scapegoats for the difficulties faced by the country, and sought to take power by killing also those labeled as Hutu, who opposed 66 RWANDA: Genocide against the Tutsi, 25 years on their criminal project The genocide was stopped in July 1994 by the Rwandan Patriotic Front after defeating the forces of genocide. Twenty-five years on, Rwanda has built itself solidly by choosing the path of justice, unity and development of the country by Rwandans themselves. This is the heritage of Rwanda. This is to say, never again, will such genocide happen in anywhere in the world.