Justus Erich Bollrnann and Francisco Antonio Zea EFFORTS to MEET the DEMAND for COLOMBIAN PLATINUM in ENGLAND OVER the YEARS 1816 to 1822 by John A

Justus Erich Bollrnann and Francisco Antonio Zea EFFORTS TO MEET THE DEMAND FOR COLOMBIAN PLATINUM IN ENGLAND OVER THE YEARS 1816 TO 1822 By John A. Chaldecott The Science Museum, London

The activities of the German-born physician Justus Erich Bollmann in securing a supply of Colombian platinum ore for the English chemist William Hyde Wollaston is traced from the time Bollmann settled in London in 1816. An account is also given of Bollmann’s efforts in 1820 and 1821 to obtain for sale on the London market some 40,000pounds of platinum from the Government of the then newly established Republic of Colombia, efforts which involved negotiations with, and financial advances made to, the first Vice-president of that Republic, Don Francisco Antonio Zea.

During the first two decades of the needs of his customers for malleable platinum, nineteenth century the only source of crude whether in ingot or sheet form. platinum was the Choc6 district of Colombia, Much of the crude platinum used by then part of the Spanish Viceroyalty of New Wollaston was obtained by John Johnson, a Granada, where grains of platinum and gold commercial assayer of ores and metals in occurred mixed together in alluvial deposits. London, who presumably placed orders on The commercial export of platinum from New Wollaston’s behalf with merchants in Jamaica Granada to countries outside the Spanish (3). However, from 1816 onwards Wollaston empire was prohibited, and in consequence appears to have had difficulty in acquiring all anyone in England who required crude ore for the crude platinum he required; to that end he commercial purposes was entirely dependent on sought the assistance of others, among them the supplies smuggled through the port of German-born Justus Erich Bollmann Cartagena to Jamaica where it was handled in (1769-1821) who emigrated to the United the main by British merchants (I). States of America in 1796, and who was himself In England the demand for substantial successful in I 8 I 3 in producing malleable supplies of crude platinum arose only after the platinum in quantity at Philadelphia, and went London chemist William Hyde Wollaston on to fabricate the first platinum boiler to be (1766-1828) had developed a method of used commercially in America for the con- producing malleable platinum in ingots large centration of sulphuric acid (4). enough to have commercial applications. Wollaston kept the details of his process secret Wollaston’s Relations with until just before his death (z), and as no one else Bollmann in England at that time was able to emulate Bollmann first made Wollaston’s Wollaston’s success, the extent of the demand acquaintance when he called on him in London for crude platinum in England was governed towards the end of August 1814, shortly after almost entirely by the quantities which arriving in England on a journey from Wollaston alone required in order to meet the Philadelphia to Vienna (5). This was the time

Platinum Melds Rev., 1983,27, (2),81-90 81 when he told Wollaston that supplies of crude the creation of new uses for the metal (4). platinum could be obtained from the merchant In June I 8 I 6 Bollmann arrived at Liverpool firm Adams, Robertson 81 Co, of Kingston, from Philadelphia bringing his two daughters Jamaica, and that smuggled ore could not be with him and intending to make his home in bought at Cartagena for less than five Spanish London for some years (8). By mid-July they dollars a pound avoirdupois, equivalent to had taken lodgings in London at 16 Buck- IS. 6d. an ounce troy, and that the price at ingham Street, just off the Strand (9), where Philadelphia was six dollars (6). they were to reside for the next year or two. It is perhaps not surprising that Bollmann Bollmann’s immediate objective was to establish and Wollaston should have established friendly himself as a manufacturing chemist, and relations with one another, for in several Wollaston assisted him in various ways, not respects the two men had common interests and least by the gift of an ingot of malleable their careers had followed similar lines: both platinum prepared from seventy-six ounces of men had graduated in medicine, Wollaston at crude ore (I 0); possibly this ingot, weighing Cambridge in 1788 and Bollmann at Gottingen about 3 pounds, was intended to be used in I 79I ; both eventually abandoned medicine together with a bar of platinum which as a career to pursue interests in the field of Bollmann had prepared from 40 pounds of chemistry; and both men achieved success in crude ore before leaving Philadelphia (I I), the production of malleable platinum. But in the manufacture of chemical vessels required whereas Wollaston profited substantially from for Bollmann’s works at Battersea. the manufacture and sale of malleable platinum in Britain (7), Bollmann found that he could Platinum Supplies for Wollaston derive only a meagre income in America from from 1817 to 1820 the sale of his own malleable platinum, in spite Wollaston’s stock of crude platinum reached of his efforts to stimulate American demand by a peak of 8,037 ounces troy at the end of the year 1814. However, the large reduction in stock which occurred during the following year, see Figure I, doubtless made Wollaston realise that unless he could augment the supply of

Justus Erieh Bollmann 1769-1 82 1

German physician who acquired a knowledge of chemistry in France before going to North America where he became the first person there to prepare malleable platinum in bulk. He failed to encourage a large demand for this metal in America and moved to England in 1816 and set up a chemical works in London for the production of acids and pigments. In 1817 and 1818 he was instrumental in providing William Hyde Wollaston with much needed supplies of platinum ore, and in 1820 he began negotiations with the Colombian Republic for 40,000 pounds weight of platinum ore to be made available for sale on the London market.

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 82 Fig. 1 The quantities of unused crude platinum ore held by Wollaston at the 7oo end of each year from 1806 ,- onwards

crude metal likely to reach him through.the respond fully to Bollmann’s latest request but efforts of his London agents, he would not be in he did manage to supply 684 ounces and this a position to produce sufficient malleable reached Wollaston in July I 8 I 8 (I 7). Earlier in platinum to meet the needs of his customers in the year Wollaston had received 8,689 ounces 1817 and possibly also in subsequent years. from his agent Johnson (I 8), from which he was This may account for the instructions given by able to start producing the malleable platinum Wollaston no later than early August I 8 I 6 for needed for five platinum boilers; these were 500 dollars to be obtained and sent to Jamaica delivered before the end of the year to acid provided a supply of crude platinum could be manufacturers in Glasgow,.London, Belfast and shipped from there at five dollars per pound, or Dublin (I 9). even at six dollars should that prove to be In October 1818 Vaughan received another necessary (I 2). From Wollaston’s account with the London bankers Thomas Coutts & Co we know that two payments totalling E22o were made to Bollmann by draft in I 8 I 7 (I3), and these were almost certainly connected with the supply of 1,400 ounces of crude platinum which Wollaston listed in his accounts record of chemical expenditure (14). This quantity was augmented later in the year when 4,000 ounces were provided by an unnamed agent, possibly James Paterson, whose account with Wollaston was then closed (I 5). A note in Wollaston’s hand and dated 8 December I 8 I 7 records Bollmann’s promise “to write to M‘ Vaughan of Philadelphia for 100 or 200 Ib Crude PI at 6 Dollars on my account” (16). Part of a page in Wollaston’s notebook in which he recorded his expenditure on This was John Vaughan, a member with platinum operations. The payments made to Bollmann of the American Philosophical Johnson and Bollmann in March, June and Society, who earlier had obtained a supply of October 1820 relate to quantities of scrap platinum which Wollaston purchased from crude platinum for Bollmann’s use at them at the rate of five shillings per ounce troy Philadelphia (I I). Vaughan was not able to lhq~rcdu~va1 11, ~surlrs~01 tht- \\niliix ul Curnbrmdy llnirrrritr I ihrars

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 83 letter from Bollmann concerning crude March 1820 (28), but to meet these orders he platinum (20),in which he was asked: would have needed say 5,000 ounces of crude or “to send more on the same Terms, and in the around 3,800 ounces of malleable platinum. same way, whenever you have a Chance of The experience of an associate, William Cary, procuring it”. who took delivery in London in 1820 of some However no more platinum reached Wollaston malleable platinum purchased from the firm from Philadelphia, and it would seem that little Cuoq, Couturier et Cie in Paris (29), made was available even in Jamaica. Only two Wollaston realise that he would suffer a large deliveries were made to Wollaston in 1819 financial loss if he were to buy malleable through agents in London: 600 ounces from platinum from Paris in order to make the seven Hodgson, probably John Hodgson a South boilers already on order. American merchant of Bucklersbury (2 I); and Two notes in Wollaston’s handwriting 400 ounces from Johnson (22). provide evidence of a renewal of his own efforts By the end of I 8 I 9 Wollaston had virtually to obtain supplies of crude platinum (30). One exhausted his stock of crude platinum, see note dated I 2 April I 820 reads: Figure I, but he had hopes of getting 5,000 “In reply to D‘ Bollmann I engage to take 4 or ounces in February I 820 by virtue of an agree- 5 cw‘ or even twice that Quantity of crude Platina ment made with Sartons & Co in the previous if the price does not exceed 30/- p Ib avoird & to pay for it on delivery in London”. September (23). In the event Wollaston obtained no crude platinum whatsoever in The other note, dated April 1820, reads: I 820, and he was able to buy only 67 ounces of “Henry having spoken to Hibbert & Co scrap malleable platinum of which 57 ounces respecting crude Platina & asking Quantity I came from Bollmann (24). Another 17 ounces of reply that I would gladly lay out EI ooo at a price not exceeding 2/6 p oz Troy”. platinum were supplied by Bollmann on I November 1820 (25) but no payment for this Wollaston’s letter to G. W. & S. Hibbert, a appears in Wollaston’s accounts. However in a London firm of West Indian merchants, was subsequent reference to this item (26) forwarded by them to Taylor & Simpson, at Wollaston wrote: Kingston, Jamaica, and they replied to Hibbert 81 Co. as follows: “Reed of D‘ Bollman an old plate but much more is due since I 8 I 8”. “Upon enquiry amongst the Spaniards we find that this Article has never been brought to this Perhaps this comment has some relevance to a Island, but in very small Quantities & from the payment of E2oo which Wollaston had made to Information we have yet received, we have not been able to ascertain that the Quantity can be Bollmann in August I 8 I 8 (27). materially increased by offering an adequate Orders for a further seven platinum boilers encouragement for its import. We shall however were placed with Wollaston by the end of continue our enquiries, and should we gain any

Wollaston’s aide-mdmoire which reveals Bollmann’s involvement in April 1820 in an effort to obtain up to half a ton of crude platinum for Wollaston Rrprodurrd hv miir~~wof the Syndics of Cambridge Ilni*rrsil\ I.ihrary

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 84 information that may appear useful to Mr. London hoping to establish commercial links Wollaston we shall communicate it to you-five between Britain and Colombia (32). Dollars and a half p‘ Ib is the price usually paid for it here” (3 I). Zea and His Mission to Europe It is scarcely surprising that such a reply Francisco Antonio Zea was born of Spanish should have been received from Jamaica at that parents at Medellin, capital of the province of time, for the revolutionary struggle against Antioquia, New Granada, where his father was Spanish domination must inevitably have had a deputy governor and notary public (33). After considerable impact on the amount of studying at the seminary of Popaydn he became metalliferous mining undertaken in the Choc6 professor of natural sciences in the University district in 1819 and 1820, and thus on the of Santa FC de Bogotd, and in 1791 and 1792 quantity of crude platinum available. took part in a botanical exploration of New News of the declaration by the Congress of Granada carried out at the behest of the Angostura on 17 December 1819 of a new Spanish authorities. He went to Spain first in Republic of Colombia, formed by the union of 1797, and six years later was appointed to a Venezuela, the Viceroyalty of New Granada, second chair of botany at the Botanical Garden and the Province of Quito (now Ecuador), of Madrid; in I 804, on the death of Cavanilles, undoubtedly raised in Bollmann’s mind the holder of the first chair, he succeeded him and possibility of securing approval from this new also became director of the Garden, both posts republic for the export of platinum ore to being held by him for the next five years (34). Britain. An opportunity to explore this In I 8 I 5 Zea returned to the South American possibility occurred in the summer of 1820 continent where he offered his services to when Don Francisco Antonio Zea, the Sim6n Bolivar whose forces were fighting for a republic’s first Vice-president, arrived in more just and egalitarian society free from Spanish domination. Bolivar and Zea were named in February 1819 as President and Vice-president respectively of the republic of Venezuela (35) by a Congress assembled at

Francisco Antonio Zea 1 766-1 822 Former professor of natural sciences at Bogota, later director of the Botanical Garden in Madrid, and subsequently one of Simon Bolivar’s associates in the fight to gain independence for the Spanish American colonies. As Vice- President of a free new republic of Colombia, Zea came to England in 1820 to establish commercial relations, and he was soon involved in an effort to obtain delivery in London of a large consignment of platinum

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 85 Second clause of an agreement signed by Bollmann and Zea in respect of a loan of €20,000 for the republic of Colombia. It slates that as a special guarantee for the loan Zea will instruct hi5 government to provide a merchant firm in Jamaica with 40,000 pounds weigh1 of platinum, so that it can be forwarded to London and sold by stages in order to yield the maximum reiurn for the republic

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Angostura (later named Ciudad Bolivar); and in creditors, Zea decided to defer efforts to raise a the following December when the same Con- new loan; instead he proposed to a committee gress decreed the union of Venezuela and New representing major creditors that he would Granada, Bolivar and Zea were elected by Con- issue transferable debentures to all creditors in gress to hold the corresponding offices in the respect of their claims, bearing interest at ten or new republic of Colombia (36). twelve per cent according to whether payment On 24 December I 8 I 9 Bolivar appointed Zea was made in England or Colombia, respectively. “Envoy Extraordinary and Minister This proposal was accepted, and in November Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Colombia, to I 820 the committee formally notified Bolivar of establish political and commercial relations the arrangement made with Zea and of the con- with the Powers of Europe” (32). For this sequential issue of debentures (40). mission Zea was provided with a Manifesto addressed to the French foreign minister and to Zea’s Association with Bollmann ambassadors of other countries present in Paris From the text of a reply forwarded by Zea to (37). On the same day he also received a docu- Revenga in March 1821 we know that in the ment signed by Bolivar and the Colombian previous May a communiquk from Revenga was foreign minister, JosC Rafael Revenga, express- addressed to Zea asking him to investigate the ing the republic’s desire to settle all debts advantages which could result from the occasioned by the war for independence and to exploitation of Colombian platinum (4 I). This re-animate the country’s agriculture and the communique would have reached Zea in operation of its mines. For these purposes Zea London about the end of July 1820, and from was authorised to negotiate and contract a loan the contents of Zea’s reply there can be no in Europe of from two to five million pounds doubt that Zea consulted Bollmann on the sterling, to stipulate the terms and conditions of subject. One can imagine Bollmann’s delight on the loan, and to apply “the most productive learning that a figure of forty thousand pounds branches of the public revenue” for the liquida- of platinum had been mentioned in Revenga’s tion of the loan and the payment of interest (38). communiqu6 as being in the Colombian mines. Soon after arriving in London in June 1820 Some time later Zea received instructions Zea was besieged by numerous creditors who from Bolivar to proceed to Madrid in order to earlier had provided loans totalling about conduct negotiations for a peace with Spain ~140,000to aid the patriots in their struggle (42). This instruction caused some embarrass- for independence (39). Realising that something ment to Zea whose finances had already been had to be done to placate the feelings of these strained by expenses incurred in Europe on

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 86 Portion of Zea’s reply to a letter from Revenga enquiring about the advantages that could accrue from the exploitation of platinum abounding in the Colombian mines. In this extract Zea men- tions a project proposed years earlier to the Bank of England by Bollmann, namely the minting of a platinum coinage, and states that no action was then taken for fear that insufficient platinum would be available Hrprwlaa ed from a cop, on tht trrhiro Histlriro Vsrional. Bog016 behalf of his government. When Bollmann tributed by Bollmann himself. Zea then set out heard of this he offered to procure a loan of for Madrid but his peace mission proved 4~0,ooofor Zea, on the understanding that unsuccessful because the Spanish government debentures would be issued at the same rate as would not agree to any proposals based upon had already been agreed with other creditors. Colombian independence (45). This offer was accepted, and when a formal Before the end of 1820 Zea was back in agreement was drawn up and signed on 7 London and he proceeded to consult Bollmann March I 82 I a special guarantee was included to about the possibility of exploiting the stocks of the effect that Zea would give an order on his platinum in the Colombian mines. In his reply government to Revenga, which was accompanied by a copy “for the delivery of forty thousand pounds weight of the agreement made with Bollmann, Zea of platinum, which is actually at its disposition at began by stating the fundamental difficulty in Santa Ft de Bogota;, to Mess!.” Adams Robertson expanding the trade. He explained that the & (2 at Jamaica, in order to be despatched by them to MessFBaring Brothers and CPin London, current demand for platinum in Europe came who will hold it for gradual sale and in the most only from those involved in the manufacture of advantageous manner for the account of the certain items of chemical apparatus, or in the Republic”. striking of medals: Jeannety and Cuoq in Paris, Zea also agreed to instruct Barings to use the and Wollaston in London. He feared that the profit derived from the sales of this platinum release of as little as 900 pounds of platinum on exclusively for the payment of interest and of the market could depress the selling price, so the principal of debentures issued in connection that one could not expect to dispose of 40,000 with this particular loan (43). pounds even in ten years. However he thought Bollmann arranged for 420,ooo to be it would be quite different deposited with a banker, Edward Hancorne, “if the project proposed years ago to the Bank of and for withdrawals to be made by Zea as and England by the illustrious Doctor Bollmann were when necessary. The debentures were listed in adopted . . . of minting coins representing your Hancorne’s name, but from Bollmann’s will funds and to substitute them for notes”. (44) it is clear that at least 43,000 was con- Zea said that the sole obstacle to the realisation

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 87 of this project hitherto in England had been the who had been sent to Spain by Bolivar, was no fear that there might not be sufficient platinum longer foreign minister. Bollmann then available to maintain an adequate supply of the addressed himself to Revenga’s successor, Pedro metal. But in view of the large quantity Gual, who instituted a search of official papers mentioned in Revenga’s letter, Bollmann and then informed Bollmann that nothing had believed that the republic could profit con- been found in his ministry to show that Zea had siderably from the execution of this project or given advance notice to the government of his of another which he would propose to the intention to enter into a contract with Colombian government, both of which were Bollmann. Gual explained that even if the aimed at paying off the national debt. Zea also platinum had been collected and held at Zea’s reported that steps had already been taken to disposal, the government would still be free to interest Baring Brothers & Company in these decline to honour the contract if it were projects, adding that Bollmann’s forthcoming thought to be detrimental to the national visit to Colombia, as an old and intimate friend interest. Gual felt that in this instance the of Barings, would doubtless decide them “to government could not, without very good look after not only our debt, but also all our reason, agree that Zea should grant special interests in Europe”. It was vital, said Zea, that guarantees to one particular individual, because his dealings with Barings should be completed other British creditors could then quite rightly as promptly and precisely as possible, for which complain of underhandedness and bias on the purpose the 40,000 pounds of platinum, or part of the Colombian government (49). more if larger quantities had been amassed, On 6 September 1821 Santander was should be placed at their disposal (46). appointed Vice-president of Colombia (so) and it could well be that having heard of Bollmann’s Bollmann’s Reception in Colombia proposal for the minting of a platinum coinage, Probably the main purpose of Bollmann’s Santander was instrumental in getting a law journey was to call first at Kingston, Jamaica, passed by Congress meeting at Cccuta, in order to instruct Adams Robertson & Co on whereby the executive power was authorised to the action they would have to take when the proceed to mint platinum coins. A clause in the large consignment of platinum reached there, Act which was signed on 29 September 1821 and then to proceed to BogotP to oversee the stipulated that if difficulties were to arise when despatch of the metal to Jamaica. It seems likely purifying the crude platinum, then an that he would also have sought to purchase experienced person could be invited to Colom- platinum ore specifically for Wollaston’s use, bia bringing the necessary tools with him so for he had received advances totalling A620 that the work could be carried out at a suitable from Wollaston’s bank account in recent town (5 I). Bollmann was clearly the most likely months (47), and in the will made by Bollmann person to be invited in such an event. just before leaving England he acknowledged a The same Act also reserved to the State the debt of E7oo due to Wollaston (44). exclusive right to trade platinum outside its We know that before the end of March 1821 own territory, the penalty for illegal export by Zea provided Bollmann with a letter addressed private persons being loss of platinum and a to Francisco de Paula Santander, who was then fine of fifty dollars for every pound of metal Vice-president of the Department of New confiscated. Granada (48), and so from that letter or from Santander appears to have persuaded Bollmann himself Santander would have heard Bollmann to propose to Barings that they about the agreement to sell Colombian should make a loan to the Colombian govern- platinum on the London market. To Bollmann’s ment, to be repaid at the end of twenty years, in dismay he found that no platinum was held at return for which Barings would be granted BogotP for his collection, and that Revenga, exclusive right to operate the salt mines at

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 88 Zipaquiri. Congress authorised such a loan on which the following comment had been added I I October 1821,and on the following day a by the translator as a footnote: provisional agreement was signed by Gual, on “This valuable memoir derives peculiar behalf of Santander, and by Bollmann in the interest from the large importation of the above name of Barings. The first clause in this agree- ore, daily expected from South America, in conse- ment is of particular interest, for it reads: quence of the negociation between M. Zea and some London merchants” (56). “Baring Br.” & CP engage to lend to the Governm! of Colombia 2 mill. hard dollars at an Only Zea would have been in a position to Interest of 8%-h which amount are to be com- reveal such information to the translator, and prehended the debentures granted by F. A. Zea in he could only have done so if he was unaware of favour of E. Hancorne”. the outcome of Bollmann’s deliberations with This agreement was to be ratified by Barings in Gual at Bogoti. six months, failing which it was to be void (52). Those interested in the history of platinum On I I November. 1821, the day before have wondered how it was that with a large Bollmann left Bogoti, he sent Bolivar a letter in quantity of platinum apparently becoming which he expressed himself very satisfied with available in London in 1822, Wollaston should his journey and “enthusiastic with the idea that have chosen not to pursue what for him had it will have many advantageous consequences” earlier been a most profitable business. From (53). What these consequences were may never the facts revealed now for the first time it is be known, for Bollmann had only reached evident that no such delivery ever took place Kingston, Jamaica, on his way back to England and thus Wollaston had no choice. when he died of yellow fever on 10 December As for Zea, who was then suffering from 182 I (54). dropsy, this was his last involvement with platinum; his health had been declining for Epilogue some months and he died at Bath on 28 Novem- Barings took no action to ratify the draft ber 1822(57). agreement concerning the Zipaquiri salt mines Acknowledgements when it reached them in mid-February 1822, The assistance of Baring Brothers & Co Ltd, and possibly because by then Zea had taken steps to of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library, in making their archives available for study is gratefully raise a ~2,000,000Colombian loan by public acknowledged. Copies of Bollmann’s letters were subscription in London, as authorised by kindly provided by the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and by the New Public Bolivar in December I 8 I 9 (38). Debentures for York Library. For the provision of copies of documents in this new loan were issued by Zea on 13March the Colombian national archives I am indebted to the 1822 (55), and about that date there was efforts of Seiiora Maria Clemencia de Boh6rqueq published in London an English translation of a Librarian at the British Council’s office in BogotP, and of Dr. Jaime Duarte French, Director of the French memoir on the platinum refining Biblioteca Luis-Angel Arango, Banco de la process developed by Jean Robert BrCant, to Repfiblica, BogotP.

References

I D. McDonald and L. B. Hunt, “A History of Platinum Enterprises”, Platinum Metals Rev., Platinum and its Allied Metals”, Johnson 19819 25, (4), 163-172 Matthey, London, 1982,19-22 E. Donnan (ed.), “Papers of James A. Bayard 2 For the details see W. H. Wollaston, “On a 1796-1815”, Annual Report of Amer. Historical method of rendering Platina malleable”, Phil. Assocn. for the Year 1913, Washington, 1915,2, Trans, 1828,119,1-8 3 1% 329-330 3 M. C. Usselman, “William Wollaston, John Cambridge University Library, Add. MSS 7736, Johnson and Colombian Alluvial Platina: a Study loose sheet of paper in notebook E in Restricted Industrial Enterprise”, Ann. Sci., J. A. Chaldecott, “William Cary and His Associa- 19809 377 253-268 tion with William Hyde Wollaston”, Platinum 4 J. A. Chaldecott, “Justus Erich Bollmann and His MetalsReu., 1979,23,(3), I 12-123

Platinum Metals Rev., 1983,27, (2) 89 8 K. A. Varnhagen von Ense, “Denkwiirdigkeiten 33 T. Cadavid Restrepo, “Francisco Antonio Zea und Vermischte Schriften”, Leipzig, I 843, 2nd (Biografia)”, Medellin, I 966, 8-9. Zea was edn., 4, Vermischte Schriften, pt. I, 286-289: christened Juan Francisco Antonio Hilari6n on letter from E. Bollmann to K. A. Varnhagen von 23 November I 766 Ense dated 15 July 1816; copied in F. Kapp, 34 M. Colmeiro, “La Botlnica y 10s Botlnicos de la “Justus Erich Bollmann: Ein Lebensbild aus zwei Peninsula Hispano-Lusitana”, Madrid, I 858, 191 Welttheilen”, Berlin, I 880, 398-400 35 M. Perez Vila (ed.), “Cartas del Libertador”, 9 C. F. Adams (ed.), “Memoirs of John Quincy Caracas, 1959, IS, 160(n. I) Adams”, Philadelphia, I 874-1 877, 3, 404. This 36 J. M. Henao and G. Arrubla, “History of Colom- address should not be confused with Buckingham bia”, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1938, Street, Fitzroy Square, where Wollaston was then living 336-337 37 Op. cit., (Ref. 32), I, xxvii-xxx 10 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook D 38 Ibid., I, civ-cv ‘I New York Public Library MSS Division, item EM 8898: holograph letter from E. Bollmann to 39 A. M. Barriga Villalba, “El Emprkstito de Zea y J. Vaughan dated I o August I 8 I 6 el Prkstamo de Erick Bollmann de I 822”, Banco de la Repliblica, Bogoti, n.d. (?1969), 15-16, I2 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook E: remnant of letter from an unidentified writer to W. H. Wollaston 20-2 I 2, dated 9 August I 8 I 6 40 Op. cit., (Ref. 32), 749 41 Op. cit., (Ref. 39), 85-87: letter dated 18 March ‘3 Preserved in the archives of Coutts & Co, 440 Strand, London WCzR oQS: W. H. Wollaston 1821 account, folios 3024 and 376 42 W. R. Manning (ed.), “Diplomatic Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook K: entry 2 April I 8 I 7 Correspondence of the United States concerning ‘4 the Independence of the Latin-American States”, Ibid., entry 26 September I 8 I 7 15 New York, 1925,z, 1210-1211 16 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), loose sheet in notebook E 43 Archivo Histbrico Nacional, Bogoti: Secretaria I7 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook K: entry 21 July de Guerra y Marina, 6, folio 364 recto and verso; 18I 8; op. cit., (Ref. I 3), folio 398: entry 25 July text given in op. cit., (Ref. 39), 87-88 1818 44 Public Record Office, Prob. 10/4614, Will of 18 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook K: entries 10 and 23 Erick Bollmann, signed 7 April 1821, proved January and I o March I 8 I 8 May 1822 19 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook H, 29-32, 35-40 45 Op. cit., (Ref. 36), 349: quoting a letter from the 20 American Philosophical Society Library, Duke of Fdas to F. A. Zea dated 30 November Madeira-Vaughan Collection: holograph letter I 820 from E. Bollmann to J. Vaughan dated I 5 August 46 LOC.cit., (Ref. 43), folios 368 recto-369 verso: 1818. By this date Bollmann and his two letter dated I 8 March I 82 I daughters were living at 139 Sloane Street, Chelsea 47 Op. cit., (Ref. I 3), folios 403, 404 and 5 10 48 R. Botero Saldarriaga, “Francisco Antonio Zea”, 21 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook K: entry 14 April 1819 Bogoti, 1945, facing 72 and 73: reproduction of holograph letter dated I April I 82 I 22 Ibid., entry 2 August 1819 49 LOC. cit., (Ref. 43), folio 370 recto and verso: 23 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook F, 3 letter from P. Gual to E. Bollmann dated 7 24 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook K: entries 24 and 29 August I 82 I I 820; I 10: June op. cit., (Ref. 3), folio 5 entry 29 50 Op. cit., (Ref. 42), 2, I 2 16 June 1820 51 R. Cortlzar and L. A. Cuervo, “Congreso de 25 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), loose sheet in notebook F Clicuta: Libro de Actas”, Bogoti, 1923, 693 26 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook I, 55 52 Archives of Baring Brothers & Co Ltd, Guildhall 27 Op. cit., (Ref. 13), folio 398: entry 28 August Library London, MS 18,321, HC 4.4.lA.2-3 1818 (Spanish text), HC 4.4.I A.5 (English translation) 28 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook H, 5t51, 53-56: 53 J. L. Salcedo-Bastardo, “El Primer Deber”, orders from acid manufacturers in London, Caracas, 1973, 283 Newcastle, Glasgow, Dublin, Bromley and 54 Obituary notice, Staats und Gelehrte Zeiiung des Belfast Hamburgischen unpartheyischen Correspondenten, 29 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), iiside cover of notebook K no. 29, 19 February 1822; copied in Kapp, op. 30 Op. cit., (Ref. 6), loose sheet in notebook Bz cit., (Ref. 8), 4 I 7 3’ Op. cit., (Ref. 6), notebook F. This extract from 55 Op. cit., (Ref. 39), I I Taylor & Simpson’s letter of 12 June 1820 was 56 J. P. Baruel, “Process for procuring pure forwarded to Wollaston by Messrs Hibbert on I Platinum . . . from the Ores of Platinum”, Quart. August 1820 3. of Science, Literature, and the Arts, 1822, 12, 32 A. Walker, “Colombia: Being a Geographical, 246; copied in Phil. Mag. andJ., 1822, 59, 171 Statistical, Agricultural, Commercial, and 57 Obituary notices, The Times, no. 11,730, 30 Political Account of that Country”, London, November I 822, 2<; Bath Chronicle, 5 Decem- 1822, I, xxvii, and z, 748 ber 1822,3-b

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