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The Futility of Reviving SAARC Rajeesh Kumar
IDSA Issue Brief South Asian 'Zombie': The futility of reviving SAARC Rajeesh Kumar May 01, 2018 Summary Fragile structure, weak mandate, mistrust and misperceptions, and conflict among member countries have impeded SAARC from fostering regional socio-economic and cultural cooperation and from achieving its political objective of creating a durable, stable, and peaceful regional order. Even if reinvigorated through structural reforms, the organisation will not be able to contribute to regional cooperation and development. SOUTH ASIAN ‘ZOMBIE’: THE FUTILITY OF REVIVING SAARC Nepal Prime Minister K P Oli’s visit to India not only refreshed bilateral relations but also contributed to the resumption of discussions on South Asian regionalism. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's response on the 19th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Summit in Islamabad, an issue raised by his Nepali counterpart, conveys that India is not keen on reviving the now-defunct SAARC. Citing cross-border terrorism perpetrated by Pakistan, Modi is reported to have indicated that it is difficult to proceed with SAARC in these circumstances.1 The 19th SAARC Summit was originally scheduled to be held in Islamabad in November 2016. However, following the pull-out of India and three other countries (Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Afghanistan) after the Uri terrorist attack, the Summit was postponed indefinitely. In March 2018, during his visit to Kathmandu, Pakistan Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi sought the help of Nepal, the chair of SAARC, to revive the organisation by convening the pending Summit in Islamabad.2 Pakistan has also solicited the support of Sri Lanka in this regard.3 Two major factors, cooperative outcomes and socialisation of member states, determine the vitality and necessity of international organisations. -
ORF Issue Brief 102 Jayshree Sengupta
ORF ISSUE BRIEF AUGUST 2015 ISSUE BRIEF # 102 SAARC: The Way Ahead Jayshree Sengupta Introduction he South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)—comprising India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Nepal, Afghanistan and Pakistan—has been in Texistence as a regional grouping for almost 30 years (with Afghanistan joining in 2007). It has yet, however, to succeed in bringing about closer integration between the member countries. The idea behind SAARC—whose seed was sown by the late Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman—was to promote regional cooperation and foster economic development and prosperity throughout the region. While the objectives enunciated in the SAARC charter signed in Dhaka in 1985 were to accelerate economic growth in the region and build mutual trust among member states, serious problems of cohesion remain and South Asia now stands as one of the least integrated regions in the world. After three decades of existence, intra-regional trade in South Asia is lower than that of other regional groupings. Intra-regional trade as a share of South Asia's total foreign trade was only 5 percent in 2014, against 25.8 percent for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries.1 The outcome of the 18th summit of SAARC, held in Kathmandu, Nepal, in November 2014, was not exceptional in any way. No concrete action was taken on the issues of terrorism, trade and foreign investment to validate the theme of the conference, 'Deeper Integration for Peace and Prosperity.' It was, as always, full of fanfare and rhetoric, and plenty of handshakes and promises were exchanged. -
REGIONAL CONSULTATION DEEPENING REGIONAL COOPERATION in SOUTH ASIA Expectations from the 18Th SAARC Summit Kathmandu, Nepal, November 23-24, 2014
REGIONAL CONSULTATION DEEPENING REGIONAL COOPERATION IN SOUTH ASIA Expectations from the 18th SAARC Summit Kathmandu, Nepal, November 23-24, 2014 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The annual consumption of energy of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region is currently close to 700 million tonnes of oil equivalents (mtoe). It is projected to rise to 2000 mtoe by 2030. As the countries in South Asia move towards greater development, the energy needs are also certain to go up exponentially and energy security is therefore bound to be a priority for most of the countries. Many countries in the region do not have sufficient resources or technology to explore the available resources to meet their energy needs and thus, rely on imports which additionally need to be affordable in order to sustain the economic growth. Currently, energy trade and regional cooperation between the countries are minimal due to several reasons such as political, economic and security concerns. To give impetus to regional cooperation, there is a need for strong and robust political and social mandate. The existence of well-defined, coherent & harmonious energy policies, predictable legal and regulatory frameworks are essential principles for regional energy trade and investment. There is an urgent need to put in place related mechanism that would not only facilitate but also encourage energy trade in South Asia. Hence, collective efforts should be initiated to harmonise the prevailing legal and regulatory mechanisms that have been put in place among SAARC nations. Further, there is a need to establish infrastructure to facilitate and/or impede regional energy and synchronisation of all existing regulatory agencies in the manner that it will be convenient for them to coordinate electricity trade. -
Renewable Energy Profile of OIC Countries
Renewable Energy Profile of OIC Countries Shaukat Hameed Khan and Muhammad Haris Akram February 2018, COMSTECH. Renewable Energy Profile of OIC Countries Melting glaciers, freak storms, extended periods of drought, extreme precipitations, and stranded polar bears -- the mascots of climate change -- show how quickly and drastically greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) are changing our planet. COMSTECH Series of Reports on Science, Technology, and Innovation in OIC Member States COMSTECH Secretariat, 33-Constitution Avenue, G-5/2, Islamabad-44000, Pakistan Telephone: 92 51 9220681-3, Fax: 92 51 9211115 / 9220265 / 9205264 http://www.comstech.org Brief Notes about the Authors Dr. Shaukat Hameed Khan, started the laser programme in Pakistan in 1969 in the PAEC (Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission), where he was actively engaged in research, teaching and production. His research included atomic and molecular spectroscopy, ultrafast high voltage switching, and design and development of lasers from the UV to the IR. As Visiting Scientist at CERN, Geneva, 1999-2001, he helped design the laser based detector position monitoring system for the CMS system, where 40 Pakistani laser systems are now operational. A Rhodes Scholar, he obtained his BSc and DPhil degrees from Oxford University. He is a Fellow of the Pakistan Academy of Sciences and recipient of the President’s Medal for Pride of Performance. After retiring as Chief Scientist at the PAEC, he worked as Member of the Planning Commission of Pakistan from 2005-08 and was responsible for national programmes in higher education science and technology and industry. He also authored the Vision 2030 foresight exercise in 2007. He has been Rector of GIKI, and was a member of the World Bank team which prepared the National Industrial Policy, 2011 (timelines, costs, and necessary structural reforms). -
South Asia Satellite
South Asia Satellite Why in news? \n\n India launched ‘South Asia satellite’ on May 5 2017. This sends a positive signal to the neighbourhood. \n\n What are the facts about the satellite? \n\n \n The South Asia Satellite (GSAT-9) is a geosynchronous communications and meteorology satellite by the Indian Space Research Organisation. \n It is launched for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region. \n This idea was mooted by India in 18th SAARC summit. \n Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives and Sri Lanka are the users of the multi-dimensional facilities provided by the satellite. \n By launching the GSAT-9 ‘South Asia satellite’, India has reaffirmed the Indian Space Research Organisation’s scientific prowess, but the messaging is perhaps more geopolitical than geospatial. \n \n\n What are the benefits of the launch? \n\n \n The benefits the countries would receive in communication, telemedicine, meteorological forecasting and broadcasting. \n China is planning to launch a cloud for the countries in the south east region, but India wisely took the lead by lunching the SAARC satellite. \n It is prove once again that India is the only country in South Asia that has independently launched satellites on indigenously developed launch vehicles. \n More than scientific endeavour, this geopolitically strengthens India’s Strong neighbour’s policy. \n \n\n What is the hassle with Pakistan? \n\n \n In recent years Pakistan and Sri Lanka have launched satellites with assistance from China. \n Pakistan denied the trade permission between Afghanistan and India via the land route, this created distress mong the SAARC countries. -
The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
At a glance March 2015 The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) SAARC was founded in 1985, and is an economic and geopolitical organisation of eight countries located in southern Asia. However, the organisation has not advanced much in its three decades of existence, mainly because of the historic rivalry between India and Pakistan. This tension has blocked initiatives on several occasions, including at the November 2014 summit. Goals and structure The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established, following a Bangladeshi initiative, in December 1985 in Dhaka. Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka were the founders, while Afghanistan joined in April 2007, to become the eighth member. The main goals of SAARC, as stated in its Charter, are: increasing the welfare of the peoples of South Asia, and the improvement of the quality of life through accelerated economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region. The Charter provides for annual, or more frequent, summits between the heads of state or government, but in reality this has often not been the case. The most recent SAARC Summit was held in 2014, three years after the previous one. The Council of Ministers formulates the policies of the Association and decides on new areas of cooperation. Foreign Ministers of the respective countries are members of this Council, which meets twice a year. A Standing Committee, composed of Foreign Secretaries, is in charge of the approval, monitoring and coordination of the SAARC's cooperation programmes. Meetings may also be convened at ministerial level on specific themes. -
Policy Note for the Federalism Transition in Nepal
Policy Note for the Federalism Transition in Nepal AUGUST 2019 Empowered lives. Resilient nations. Abbreviations and Acronyms CIP Capital Investment Plan FCNA Federalism Capacity Needs Assessment HEZ Himalayan Ecological Zone GDP Gross Domestic Product GRB Gender Responsive Budgeting GESI Gender Equality and Social Inclusion GoN Government of Nepal IPC Inter-Provincial Council LDTA Local Development Training Academy LGCDP Local Governance and Community Development Program LMBIS Line Ministry Budget Information System MOFAGA Ministry of Federal Affairs and General Administration NPSAS National Public Sector Accounting Standards NNRFC National Natural Resource and Fiscal Commission O&M Organization and Management OPMCM Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers PEFA Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability PFM Public Financial Management PIFIP Physical Infrastructure and Facility Improvement Plan PPSC Provincial Public Service Commission PLGs Provincial and Local Governments SUTRA Sub-National Treasury Regulatory Application TEZ Terai Ecological Zone i Table of Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms ........................................................................................................................ i Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................................... ii Foreword .................................................................................................................................................... -
Federalism Is Debated in Nepal More As an ‘Ism’ Than a System
The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Edited by Budhi Karki Rohan Edrisinha Published by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) 2014 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) UNDP is the UN’s global development network, advocating for change and connecting countries to knowledge, experience and resources to help people build a better life. United Nations Development Programme UN House, Pulchowk, GPO Box: 107 Kathmandu, Nepal Phone: +977 1 5523200 Fax: +977 1 5523991, 5523986 ISBN : 978 9937 8942 1 0 © UNDP, Nepal 2014 Book Cover: The painting on the cover page art is taken from ‘A Federal Life’, a joint publication of UNDP/ SPCBN and Kathmandu University, School of Art. The publication was the culmination of an initiative in which 22 artists came together for a workshop on the concept of and debate on federalism in Nepal and then were invited to depict their perspective on the subject through art. The painting on the cover art titled ‘’Emblem” is created by Supriya Manandhar. DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in the book are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP/ SPCBN. PREFACE A new Constitution for a new Nepal drafted and adopted by an elected and inclusive Constituent Assembly (CA) is a key element of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of November 2006 that ended a decade long Maoist insurgency. -
Nepal's Constitution (Ii): the Expanding
NEPAL’S CONSTITUTION (II): THE EXPANDING POLITICAL MATRIX Asia Report N°234 – 27 August 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE REVOLUTIONARY SPLIT ................................................................................... 3 A. GROWING APART ......................................................................................................................... 5 B. THE END OF THE MAOIST ARMY .................................................................................................. 7 C. THE NEW MAOIST PARTY ............................................................................................................ 8 1. Short-term strategy ....................................................................................................................... 8 2. Organisation and strength .......................................................................................................... 10 3. The new party’s players ............................................................................................................. 11 D. REBUILDING THE ESTABLISHMENT PARTY ................................................................................. 12 1. Strategy and organisation .......................................................................................................... -
Pakistan: No End to Humanitarian Crises
PAKISTAN: NO END TO HUMANITARIAN CRISES Asia Report N°237 – 9 October 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. HUMANITARIAN CRISES AND STATE CAPACITY ............................................... 2 A. MILITANCY AND MILITARY OPERATIONS..................................................................................... 2 B. NATURAL DISASTERS .................................................................................................................. 3 C. STATE CAPACITY ......................................................................................................................... 4 1. Disaster Response ........................................................................................................................ 4 2. Shrinking humanitarian space ...................................................................................................... 7 III. RELIEF, REHABILITATION AND RECONSTRUCTION ....................................... 9 A. CASH ASSISTANCE ....................................................................................................................... 9 B. MISSED OPPORTUNITIES ............................................................................................................ 12 1. Sindh ......................................................................................................................................... -
Pugwash Workshop on Avoiding an India-Pakistan Nuclear
Pugwash Workshop on Avoiding an India-Pakistan Nuclear Confrontation Lahore, Pakistan, 11-12 March 2003 Workshop Report by Samina Ahmed The workshop's primary objective was to assess the threat of an India-Pakistan nuclear confrontation and to identify ways of preventing such a conflict. The workshop's deliberations and discussions reflected a range of mainly Pakistani perceptions on the potential of an India-Pakistan conventional conflict and possible nuclear escalation. India and Pakistan's nuclear doctrines and directions were analyzed with the objective of identifying ways of minimizing nuclear risks. Finally, the workshop examined options of resuming a dialogue between the two nuclear-armed neighbors. The workshop was attended by 32 participants from five countries. Pugwash expresses its thanks to the Pakistan Pugwash Group for hosting the meeting, and to Ambassador Aziz Ahmad Khan of the Foreign Ministry of Pakistan for facilitating many of the logistics of the meeting Alexander Nikitin (Russia), Robert McNamara (US) and Abdul Sattar (Pakistan). Avoiding a Pakistan-India nuclear confrontation From December 2001 until July 2002, Indian and Pakistani forces confronted each other across the international border and along the Line of Control. Concerned about the potential for a conventional conflict that could escalate to the nuclear level, the United States played a pro-active role in walking both states back from the brink of war. Although the withdrawal of troops from offensive positions has reduced the prospects of imminent conflict, India and Pakistan's cold war continues unabated. India refuses to resume a dialogue with Pakistan until it takes decisive steps to end all "cross border infiltration" into Indian Kashmir. -
Gorkhaland and Madhesi Movements in the Border Area of India and Nepal:A Comparative Study
Gorkhaland and Madhesi Movements in the Border Area of India and Nepal:A Comparative Study A Thesis Submitted To Sikkim University In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Animesh Andrew Lulam Rai Department of Sociology School of Social Sciences October 2017 Gangtok 737102 INDIA ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I have been indebted to very many individuals and institutions to complete this work. First and foremost, with my whole heart I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Swati Akshay Sachdeva for giving me the liberty, love and lessons to pursue this work. Thank you for your unconditional support and care. Secondly, I would like to thank my former supervisor Dr. Binu Sundas for introducing me to the world of social movements and Gorkhaland. I am equally thankful to Dr. Sandhya Thapa, the Head of the Department of Sociology at Sikkim University, Dr. Indira, Ms. Sona Rai, Mr. Shankar Bagh and Mr. Binod Bhattarai, faculties of Sociology at Sikkim University for all the encouragement, support and care. I would love to express my heartfelt gratitude to Dr. Mona Chettri for the invaluable comments and reading materials. I am ever grateful to the Ministry of Minority Affairs for funding my studies and research at Sikkim University. My heartfelt thanks to Prof. Maharjan, Neeraj da, Suman Da at Hiroshima Univerity. Thanks to Mr. Prashant Jha and Sohan for showing me the crisis of Madhesis. I am also indebted to Prof. Mahendra P. Lama and Prof. Jyoti P. Tamang for all the encouragement and blessings which motivated me to pursue higher studies.