Andrzej Dudziński, Diodorus' Use of Timaeus
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Umbria from the Iron Age to the Augustan Era
UMBRIA FROM THE IRON AGE TO THE AUGUSTAN ERA PhD Guy Jolyon Bradley University College London BieC ILONOIK.] ProQuest Number: 10055445 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10055445 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis compares Umbria before and after the Roman conquest in order to assess the impact of the imposition of Roman control over this area of central Italy. There are four sections specifically on Umbria and two more general chapters of introduction and conclusion. The introductory chapter examines the most important issues for the history of the Italian regions in this period and the extent to which they are relevant to Umbria, given the type of evidence that survives. The chapter focuses on the concept of state formation, and the information about it provided by evidence for urbanisation, coinage, and the creation of treaties. The second chapter looks at the archaeological and other available evidence for the history of Umbria before the Roman conquest, and maps the beginnings of the formation of the state through the growth in social complexity, urbanisation and the emergence of cult places. -
The Fleet of Syracuse (480-413 BCE)
ANDREAS MORAKIS The Fleet of Syracuse (480-413 BCE) The Deinomenids The ancient sources make no reference to the fleet of Syracuse until the be- ginning of the 5th century BCE. In particular, Thucydides, when considering the Greek maritime powers at the time of the rise of the Athenian empire, includes among them the tyrants of Sicily1. Other sources refer more precisely to Gelon’s fleet, during the Carthaginian invasion in Sicily. Herodotus, when the Greeks en- voys asked for Gelon’s help to face Xerxes’ attack, mentions the lord of Syracuse promising to provide, amongst other things, 200 triremes in return of the com- mand of the Greek forces2. The same number of ships is also mentioned by Ti- maeus3 and Ephorus4. It is very odd, though, that we hear nothing of this fleet during the Carthaginian campaign and the Battle of Himera in either the narration of Diodorus, or the briefer one of Herodotus5. Nevertheless, other sources imply some kind of naval fighting in Himera. Pausanias saw offerings from Gelon and the Syracusans taken from the Phoenicians in either a sea or a land battle6. In addition, the Scholiast to the first Pythian of Pindar, in two different situations – the second one being from Ephorus – says that Gelon destroyed the Carthaginians in a sea battle when they attacked Sicily7. 1 Thuc. I 14, 2: ὀλίγον τε πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ τοῦ ∆αρείου θανάτου … τριήρεις περί τε Σικελίαν τοῖς τυράννοις ἐς πλῆθος ἐγένοντο καὶ Κερκυραίοις. 2 Hdt. VII 158. 3 Timae. FGrHist 566 F94= Polyb. XII 26b, 1-5, but the set is not the court of Gelon, but the conference of the mainland Greeks in Corinth. -
Theopompus's Philippica
chapter five Theopompus’s Philippica heopompus of Chios (FGrHist 115) was widely renowned in antiq- T uity for the severity with which he condemned the moral faults of the characters peopling his Philippica. Few indeed escaped the scathing vigor of his pen. Despite his family’s exile from Chios, Theopompus seems to have had the necessary funds to carry out thorough research (TT 20 and 28,FF25, 26 and 181) and did not have to work for a living, but was able to devote himself wholly to his writing.1 Because he was in no need of either patronage or an income, he had the freedom to write whatever he pleased without risk of losing his livelihood by causing offense. It is per- haps for this reason that he was known in antiquity as “a lover of the truth” (φιλαληθης )(T28). We must now determine whether or not this epithet was justified in Theopompus’s use of the past in the Philippica. In addition to his numerous epideictic speeches, Theopompus wrote three known historical works: an epitome of Herodotus, a Hellenica, and a Philippica.2 It is likely the epitome of Herodotus was Theopompus’s earliest 1. A recent discussion of the (very vague and contradictory) evidence for Theopompus’s life can be found in Michael Attyah Flower, Theopompus of Chios: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century BC (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 11–25. 2. Suda, s.v. Θε π µπ ς ι ς ρ ητωρ (ϭ T 1). 143 144 lessons from the past historical work,3 but all that remains of it is an entry in the Suda stating it contained two books (T 1) and four attributed fragments from ancient lexica giving it as the authority for the use of specific words (FF 1–4), although the possibility exists that some other, unattributed fragments may belong to it also. -
ANDREW COLLINS, Callisthenes on Olympias and Alexander's Divine
Callisthenes on Olympias and Alexander’s Divine Birth Andrew Collins The proclamation of Alexander’s divine sonship at Siwah is universally acknowledged to have been of great importance to the steps that led to his later demand for divine honours. But the issue of whether Alexander already held a belief that he was son of a god before he travelled to Siwah is an equally important research question. Already a number of scholars have argued that Alexander believed in his divine sonship before Egypt,1 and I wish to strengthen that case in this paper by arguing that Arrian, Anabasis 4.10.2—a passage ascribing to Callisthenes a remark about Olympias’ stories concerning Alexander’s divine birth—has a greater claim to historicity than has hitherto been thought. First, some prefatory remarks on the notion of divine sonship are pertinent. Alexander’s assertion of divine sonship during his life did not make him a true god or fully divine in Greek thought or culture.2 For the Greeks, a man fathered by a god with a human mother during his lifetime was rather like a demigod of Homeric myth, on a par with the heroes of the mythic times, such as Heracles, Perseus and the Dioscuri. Homer, above all, uses the word “hero” of his living warriors, a subset of whom were sons of one divine and one human parent.3 The child of such a union was not an Olympian god, with the attributes and supernatural powers of the cosmic deities. One must also distinguish between the hero conceived as (1) a living man who was the son of a god (the sense in which the word is used by Homer), and (2) the hero as a powerful spirit of a dead human being, who received 1 E. -
The Tyrannies in the Greek Cities of Sicily: 505-466 Bc
THE TYRANNIES IN THE GREEK CITIES OF SICILY: 505-466 BC MICHAEL JOHN GRIFFIN Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Classics September 2005 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Firstly, I would like to thank the Thomas and Elizabeth Williams Scholarship Fund (Loughor Schools District) for their financial assistance over the course of my studies. Their support has been crucial to my being able to complete this degree course. As for academic support, grateful thanks must go above all to my supervisor at the School of Classics, Dr. Roger Brock, whose vast knowledge has made a massive contribution not only to this thesis, but also towards my own development as an academic. I would also like to thank all other staff, both academic and clerical, during my time in the School of Classics for their help and support. Other individuals I would like to thank are Dr. Liam Dalton, Mr. Adrian Furse and Dr. Eleanor OKell, for all their input and assistance with my thesis throughout my four years in Leeds. Thanks also go to all the other various friends and acquaintances, both in Leeds and elsewhere, in particular the many postgraduate students who have given their support on a personal level as well as academically. -
First Capitals of Armenia and Georgia: Armawir and Armazi (Problems of Early Ethnic Associations)
First Capitals of Armenia and Georgia: Armawir and Armazi (Problems of Early Ethnic Associations) Armen Petrosyan Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Yerevan The foundation legends of the first capitals of Armenia and Georgia – Armawir and Armazi – have several common features. A specific cult of the moon god is attested in both cities in the triadic temples along with the supreme thunder god and the sun god. The names of Armawir and Armazi may be associated with the Anatolian Arma- ‘moon (god).’ The Armenian ethnonym (exonym) Armen may also be derived from the same stem. The sacred character of cultic localities is extremely enduring. The cults were changed, but the localities kept their sacred character for millennia. At the transition to a new religious system the new cults were often simply imposed on the old ones (e.g., the old temple was renamed after a new deity, or the new temple was built on the site or near the ruins of the old one). The new deities inherited the characteristics of the old ones, or, one may say, the old cults were simply renamed, which could have been accompanied by some changes of the cult practices. Evidently, in the new system more or less comparable images were chosen to replace the old ones: similarity of functions, rituals, names, concurrence of days of cult, etc (Petrosyan 2006: 4 f.; Petrosyan 2007a: 175).1 On the other hand, in the course of religious changes, old gods often descend to the lower level of epic heroes. Thus, the heroes of the Armenian ethnogonic legends and the epic “Daredevils of Sasun” are derived from ancient local gods: e.g., Sanasar, who obtains the 1For numerous examples of preservation of pre-Urartian and Urartian holy places in medieval Armenia, see, e.g., Hmayakyan and Sanamyan 2001). -
Timaeus' Views on the Past*
Timaeus’ views on the Past* F. W. Walbank 1 The question I should like to try to answer in this paper is whether by the Hellenistic period there existed something that we could call a west Greek view of the past. There is no simple answer to this since, until one gets down as far as Diodorus, who was writing at the time of Julius Caesar, all the western Greek historians exist only in fragments; and indeed, after looking at the fragments,1 I fairly soon reached the conclusion that any discussion of their views about the past would have to centre on Timaeus. For that there is a good reason. Apart from Timaeus, the attested fragments of authors such as Antiochus and Philistus, not to mention lesser figures like Athanis of Syracuse, Timonides of Leucas, Callias and Antander, the brothers of Agathocles, and Alcimus, are so meagre — indeed in some cases we have little more than their names — that they emerge as wholly shadowy person alities. Nor is it simply that the fragments are few in number. In adition there is a strong likelihood that often these writers are being quoted at second hand via Timaeus. Consequently, if the fragments seem to suggest that their authors were interested predominantly in the same kind of things as Timaeus, that may well be because he quoted material from them which happened to fall in with his own interests. For Timaeus himself the situation is a little better, though by no means wholly satisfactory. Jacoby lists over a hundred and fifty attested fraqments of the historian. -
Sicily's Artful Historian
LO 333% SICILY’S ARTFUL HISTORIAN: An investigation into the historical thought and method of Diodorus Siculus’ Bibliotheke Brian Sheridan Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MA (Modell) in Greek and Roman Civilisation National University of Ireland, Maynooth Department of Ancient Classics August, 2001 Head of Department: Professor David Scourfield Supervisor: Dr. Mark Humphries ABSTRACT Diodorus Siculus’ Bibliotheke has traditionally been seen as a quarry for the lost historians on whose works he drew while researching it. Consequently, Diodorus has not been studied as a historian in his own right, and the Bibliotheke has become little more than a jigsaw puzzle, with sections attributed to any number of lost historians. This dissertation seeks to relocate Diodorus and the Bibliotheke within the Greek historiographical tradition. Therefore it will examine four aspects relating to Diodorus and the Bibliotheke. First, the General Proem will be examined in order to show how Diodorus informed his readers about his aims and methods. Secondly, it will be argued that the General Proem is not an unintelligent repetition of older ideas, specifically those expounded by Polybius in the Introduction to his Histories. Rather, Diodorus builds on the work of Polybius, but more importantly he also interweaves his own original ideas about historiography, particularly universal history. This allows an attempt to elucidate Diodorus’ own contribution to the version of the past narrated in the Bibliotheke. A third section will argue that the events of his own day and the relative position of Sicily within that world heavily influenced Diodorus as a historian, and that to understand Diodorus’ selection and presentation of events in the Bibliotheke note must be taken of these influences. -
The Ancient People of Italy Before the Rise of Rome, Italy Was a Patchwork
The Ancient People of Italy Before the rise of Rome, Italy was a patchwork of different cultures. Eventually they were all subsumed into Roman culture, but the cultural uniformity of Roman Italy erased what had once been a vast array of different peoples, cultures, languages, and civilizations. All these cultures existed before the Roman conquest of the Italian Peninsula, and unfortunately we know little about any of them before they caught the attention of Greek and Roman historians. Aside from a few inscriptions, most of what we know about the native people of Italy comes from Greek and Roman sources. Still, this information, combined with archaeological and linguistic information, gives us some idea about the peoples that once populated the Italian Peninsula. Italy was not isolated from the outside world, and neighboring people had much impact on its population. There were several foreign invasions of Italy during the period leading up to the Roman conquest that had important effects on the people of Italy. First there was the invasion of Alexander I of Epirus in 334 BC, which was followed by that of Pyrrhus of Epirus in 280 BC. Hannibal of Carthage invaded Italy during the Second Punic War (218–203 BC) with the express purpose of convincing Rome’s allies to abandon her. After the war, Rome rearranged its relations with many of the native people of Italy, much influenced by which peoples had remained loyal and which had supported their Carthaginian enemies. The sides different peoples took in these wars had major impacts on their destinies. In 91 BC, many of the peoples of Italy rebelled against Rome in the Social War. -
150506-Woudhuizen Bw.Ps, Page 1-168 @ Normalize ( Microsoft
The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples 1 2 THE ETHNICITY OF THE SEA PEOPLES DE ETNICITEIT VAN DE ZEEVOLKEN Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam op gezag van de rector magnificus Prof.dr. S.W.J. Lamberts en volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties. De openbare verdediging zal plaatsvinden op vrijdag 28 april 2006 om 13.30 uur door Frederik Christiaan Woudhuizen geboren te Zutphen 3 Promotiecommissie Promotor: Prof.dr. W.M.J. van Binsbergen Overige leden: Prof.dr. R.F. Docter Prof.dr. J. de Mul Prof.dr. J. de Roos 4 To my parents “Dieser Befund legt somit die Auffassung nahe, daß zumindest für den Kern der ‘Seevölker’-Bewegung des 14.-12. Jh. v. Chr. mit Krieger-Stammesgruppen von ausgeprägter ethnischer Identität – und nicht lediglich mit einem diffus fluktuierenden Piratentum – zu rechnen ist.” (Lehmann 1985: 58) 5 CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................................................................................................................9 Note on the Transcription, especially of Proper Names....................................................................................................11 List of Figures...................................................................................................................................................................12 List of Tables ....................................................................................................................................................................13 -
The Delimitation of Fragments in Jacoby's Fgrhist: Some Examples
The Delimitation of Fragments in Jacoby’s FGrHist: Some Examples from Duris of Samos Christopher A. Baron ELIX JACOBY’S Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker provides an indispensable tool for the study of Greek historical writing in all periods and for nearly every F 1 historian. The authority and convenience of Jacoby’s col- lection remain unparalleled, as evidenced by the fact that his seventeen volumes of texts, commentary, and notes are now available in two online versions, including the ongoing Brill’s New Jacoby project (BNJ).2 While his volumes make it easier to 1 On Jacoby’s work see most recently Carmine Ampolo (ed.), Aspetti dell’opera di Felix Jacoby (Pisa 2006); John Marincola (ed.), A Companion to Greek and Roman Historiography I (Malden 2007) 5–7; and the relevant essays in Glenn Most (ed.), Collecting Fragments/Fragmente sammeln (Göttingen 1997). That Jacoby accomplished what he did before the existence of the TLG and searchable databases is incredible, and humbling; that it took several dec- ades and an international team of scholars to re-commence the project after his death in 1959 shows the enormity of his achievement. His original project continues under the auspices of Guido Schepens and Jan Bollansée: see Schepens’ “Prolegomena” in FGrHist IV A 1 (1998) vii–xxi. At the same time, an Italian project is underway to publish a new collection of Greek historical fragments, led by Eugenio Lanzilotta (http://frammstorgr. uniroma2.it); five volumes have been published to date. 2 In 2006 Brill converted Jacoby’s original work (with apparatus criticus and German commentary and notes) to an online format: Brill Online Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker. -
Frances Anne Skoczylas Pownall
FRANCES POWNALL (March 2017) Department of History and Classics e-mail: [email protected] 2-28 H.M. Tory Building telephone: (780) 492-2630 University of Alberta (780) 492-9125 (fax) Edmonton, AB T6G 2H4 EDUCATION 1987–93 PhD in Classics, University of Toronto Major Field: The Greek Historiographical Tradition Before Alexander the Great Minor Field: Roman History Thesis: UnThucydidean Approaches: The Moral Use of the Past in Fourth-Century Prose Supervisor: Professor M. B. Wallace 1990 Vergilian Society, Summer Study Program Villa Vergiliana, Cuma, Italy 1989 American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Summer Archaeological Program 1985–87 MA in Classics, University of British Columbia Thesis: The Concept of Sacred War in Ancient Greece Supervisor: Professor Phillip Harding 1985 French Summer School, McGill University 1981–85 BA (Honours) in Classics, McGill University Thesis: The Cult of Artemis Tauropolos at Halae Araphenides and its Relationship with Artemis Brauronia Supervisor: Professor Albert Schachter SCHOLARLY AND RESEARCH INTERESTS • Greek historiography (Archaic through Hellenistic) • Greek history (especially Classical and Hellenistic) • Philip and Alexander of Macedon • Greek prose (history and oratory) ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS 2008– University of Alberta (Professor) 1999–2008 University of Alberta (Associate Professor) 1993–99 University of Alberta (Assistant Professor) 1992–93 Memorial University of Newfoundland (Lecturer) 1991–92 Mount Allison University (Crake Doctoral Fellow/Instructor) NB: I took maternity