DOCSLIB.ORG

Diodoros of Sicily Historiographical Theory and Practice in the Bibliotheke

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Diodoros of Sicily Historiographical Theory and Practice in the Bibliotheke STUDIA HELLENISTICA 58 DIOdOROS OF SICILY HISTORIOGRAPHICAL THEORY AND PRACTICE IN THE BIBLIOTHEKE edited by Lisa Irene HAU, Alexander MEEUS, and Brian SHERIDAN PEETERS LEUVEN - PARIS - BRISTOL, CT 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . IX SettInG tHe SCene Introduction . 3 Lisa Irene HAU, Alexander MEEUS & Brian ShERIDAN New and Old Approaches to Diodoros: Can They Be Reconciled? 13 Catherine RUBINCAm DIOdOROS In tHe FIRSt CentURY Diodoros of Sicily and the Hellenistic Mind . 43 Kenneth S. SACKS The Origins of Rome in the Bibliotheke of Diodoros . 65 Aude COhEN-SKALLI In Praise of Pompeius: Re-reading the Bibliotheke Historike . 91 Richard WESTALL GenRe and PURpOSe From Ἱστορίαι to Βιβλιοθήκη and Ἱστορικὰ Ὑπομνήματα . 131 Johannes ENGELS History’s Aims and Audience in the Proem to Diodoros’ Bibliotheke 149 Alexander MEEUS A Monograph on Alexander the Great within a Universal History: Diodoros Book XVII . 175 Luisa PRANDI VI TABLE OF CONTENTS NeW QuellenFOrsChunG Errors and Doublets: Reconstructing Ephoros and Appreciating Diodoros . 189 Victor PARKER A Question of Sources: Diodoros and Herodotos on the River Nile . 207 Jessica PRIESTLEY Diodoros’ Narrative of the First Sicilian Slave Revolt (c. 140/35- 132 B.C.) – a Reflection of Poseidonios’ Ideas and Style? . 221 Piotr WOZNICZKA How to Read a Diodoros Fragment . 247 Liv Mariah YARROw COMpOSItIOn and NaRRatIVe Narrator and Narratorial Persona in Diodoros’ Bibliotheke (and their Implications for the Tradition of Greek Historiography) . 277 Lisa Irene HAU Ring Composition in Diodoros of Sicily’s Account of the Lamian War (XVIII 8–18) . 303 John WALSh Terminology of Political Collaboration and Opposition in Dio- doros XI-XX . 329 Cinzia BEARZOT GODS and MYTHS The Role of the Gods in Diodoros’ Universal History: Religious Thought and History in the Historical Library ............. 347 Cécile DURVYE Diodoros, Mythology, and Historiography . 365 Charles E. MUNTZ TABLE OF CONTENTS VII Diodoros and Myth as History . 389 Abram RING EtHnOGRapHY, LanGUaGeS, and LIteRaCY Ethno-Geography as a Key to Interpreting Historical Leaders and Their Expansionist Policies in Diodoros . 407 Serena BIANChETTI Diodoros the Bilingual Provincial: Greek Language and Multilin- gualism in Bibliotheke XVII . 429 Dylan JAmES Inscriptions and Writing in Diodoros’ Bibliotheke . 447 Peter LIDDEL RHetORIC and SpeeCHeS Diodoros, the Speeches, and the Reader . 473 Dennis PAUSCh The Road Not Taken: Diodoros’ Reasons for Including the Speech of Theodoros . 491 Christopher BARON MILItaRY HIStORY Fate and Valour in Three Battle Descriptions of Diodoros . 507 Joseph ROISmAN The Moral Dimension of Military History in Diodoros of Sicily . 519 Nadejda WILLIAmS BIbLIOGRaPHY . 541 INDEX LOCORUM . 589 GENERaL INDEX . 605 NARRATOR AND NARRATORIAL PERSONA IN Diodoros’ BIbLIOTHEKE (AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR THE TRADITION OF GREEK HISTORIOGRAPHY) Lisa Irene HAU Abstract: This paper explores the possibility of gaining fresh insight into Dio- doros’ Bibliotheke by means of the concepts of narrator and narratorial persona. It falls in three parts. Part 1 offers a formal, narratological analysis of the Dio- dorean narrator. Part 2 characterises Diodoros’ narratorial persona and argues that it is more fruitful to regard it as a deliberate ‘persona’ claiming authority by placing itself in the historiographical tradition than as the autobiographical voice of the author. Part 3 analyses the narratorial register of four stretches of narrative from the Bibliotheke based on four different sources. It demonstrates that differ- ent branches of Greek historiography had traditionally used different modes of narration and argues that Diodoros may consciously have aimed to imitate the narrative mode of his predecessors in each area rather than mechanically taking over the narrative mode of his sources. * * * Scholarship on Diodoros usually follows one of two routes: the well- trodden road of using Diodoros as a source for otherwise lost works of history, and the less travelled, but increasingly popular path of uncovering what is original about Diodoros’ work.1 This paper follows neither. Instead we shall take a step back from the question of originality and ask some formal questions about the Bibliotheke. More precisely, I am going to approach the Bibliotheke not with the intention of uncovering its author’s handling of his sources, but in order to describe its narrator, his methods 1 For the Quellenforschung approach see e.g. Volquardsen 1868, Schwartz 1903, Kunz 1935, Meister 1967, Hornblower 1981, and Stylianou 1998. For the revisionist approach see first and foremost Sacks 1990 and Rubincam 1989 and 1998a, but also Green 2006. For an attempt to steer a middle course see Hau 2009 and Rubincam in this volume. For a thorough overview of the debate to date see the Introduction to this volume. 278 L.I. HAU of narrating, and the persona he projects. My guiding question throughout is whether, and how, the narratological concepts of narrator and narratorial persona might be useful for our understanding of the Bibliotheke. Despite a growing interest in narratology among scholars of ancient historiography, it is still not commonplace to talk about the ‘narrator’ of an ancient historical work, and most scholars continue to refer to the ‘author’ when talking about the voice that tells the main narrative and engages in methodological digressions.2 This hesitance to accept the pres- ence of a narrator in works of ancient historiography may be caused by a, more or less conscious, feeling that the difference between historiog- raphy and fiction is partly defined by the latter’s use of a narrator and the absence of a narrator in the former. Such an argument has been voiced by one branch of narratologists, who maintain that the main distinction between fiction and historiography is precisely that a fictional text has a narrator, who is a made-up person or personalised voice distinct from its author, whereas in historiographical texts the narrator is identical with the author.3 Roland Barthes, however, whose writings have greatly influ- enced narratology, had no problem identifying a narratorial voice (before that was the accepted term) in works of historiography, and used medi- eval and ancient works as examples of this.4 Within the field of Classical scholarship in the 1980s and 1990s, Carolyn Dewald, John Marincola, and Tim Rood produced important insights into the works of Herodotos and Thucydides by studying their modes of narration.5 More recently, the section on historiography in the magisterial Brill volume Narrators, Narratees, and Narratives in Ancient Greek Literature edited by De Jong, Nünlist, and Bowie has demonstrated that such an approach is fruitful in the studies of other ancient historiographers as well.6 2 See e.g. such otherwise insightful analyses of historiographical narrative as Gray 2003 (where a preference for ‘historian’ over ‘narrator’ is expressed in n. 1) and 2007; Champion 2007; and Scardino 2012. 3 This has been argued by Gérard Genette (1976 and, in more detail, 1991, 80-8), one of the founding fathers of narratology, and has been reiterated by Dorrit Cohn in her extended attempt to define the formal difference between historiography and fiction (Cohn 1999, 109-31). 4 See e.g. Barthes 1986, 132-3. See also White 1984 and De Jong 2004a: 8-9. 5 Dewald 1987 and 2002; Marincola 1987; Rood 1998. 6 De Jong, Nünlist, Bowie 2004. NArrAtOr And NArrAtOriAl PErsOnA in DiOdOrOs’ BIblIOTHEKE 279 No one, however, has so far approached Diodoros in this way.7 This neglect is no doubt due to his still shady reputation as a ‘mere compiler’, but that is nonsensical: the question of what image Diodoros projects of himself and how he handles his narration is distinct from the question of his originality. By analysing the narrator of the Bibliotheke we can uncover what Diodoros wanted his readers to think about him and how he wanted them to read his work. Whether we think that the Bibliotheke in its actual form lives up to these images is a different matter. The paper falls in three parts. The first part offers a formal description and analysis of the Diodorean narrator according to established narrato- logical categories and compares it with the narrators of the most well- known earlier historiographers. The purpose is to establish the degree to which Diodoros either conforms to or deviates from the established tradi- tion, as well as laying the groundwork for the next two parts of the paper. Part two consists of an analysis of the one passage of the Bibliotheke where the narrator is most explicitly present, namely the preface. This should help us answer some questions about the Bibliotheke, such as what genre Diodoros intended it to be read as, what he wanted his readers to get out of it, and what impression of himself he wanted to project through it — basic questions, perhaps, but questions which have not been adequately confronted with regard to Diodoros and his work. Part three offers a thought-experiment: examining four different stretches of historical nar- rative from four different sections of the Bibliotheke usually thought to owe their different ‘feel’ to their reliance on different sources, I ask what hap- pens if we approach these narratives from a purely narratological perspec- tive. Is it possible, and fruitful, to hypothesise that some of the differences between these narratives are due to conscious decisions about using dif- ferent narratorial voices rather than to mechanical reproduction of the sources? 7 The historiographers
Load more

Recommended publications
  • CLEOPATRA by Georg Ebers
    CLEOPATRA By Georg Ebers REPRODUCED BY SANI H. PANHWAR CLEOPATRA By Georg Ebers Translated from the German by Mary J. Safford Reproduced by Sani H. Panhwar CONTENTS. PREFACE. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 CHAPTER I. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 CHAPTER II. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 12 CHAPTER III. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 CHAPTER IV. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 39 CHAPTER V. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 46 CHAPTER VI. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 66 CHAPTER VII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 76 CHAPTERVIII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 86 CHAPTER IX. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 98 CHAPTER X. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 108 CHAPTER XI. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 122 CHAPTERXII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 136 CHAPTERXIII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 157 CHAPTER XIV. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 176 CHAPTER XV. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 189 CHAPTER XVI. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 200 CHAPTERXVII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 209 CHAPTERXVIII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 218 CHAPTER XIX. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 233 CHAPTER XX. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 241 CHAPTER XXI. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 255 CHAPTERXXII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 265 CHAPTERXXIII. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 271 CHAPTER XXIV. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 283 CHAPTER XXV. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 301 PREFACE. If the author should be told that the sentimental love of our day was unknown to the pagan world, he would not cite last the two lovers, Antony and Cleopatra, and the will of the powerful Roman general, in which he expressed the desire, wherever he might die, to be buried
    [Show full text]
  • The Fleet of Syracuse (480-413 BCE)
    ANDREAS MORAKIS The Fleet of Syracuse (480-413 BCE) The Deinomenids The ancient sources make no reference to the fleet of Syracuse until the be- ginning of the 5th century BCE. In particular, Thucydides, when considering the Greek maritime powers at the time of the rise of the Athenian empire, includes among them the tyrants of Sicily1. Other sources refer more precisely to Gelon’s fleet, during the Carthaginian invasion in Sicily. Herodotus, when the Greeks en- voys asked for Gelon’s help to face Xerxes’ attack, mentions the lord of Syracuse promising to provide, amongst other things, 200 triremes in return of the com- mand of the Greek forces2. The same number of ships is also mentioned by Ti- maeus3 and Ephorus4. It is very odd, though, that we hear nothing of this fleet during the Carthaginian campaign and the Battle of Himera in either the narration of Diodorus, or the briefer one of Herodotus5. Nevertheless, other sources imply some kind of naval fighting in Himera. Pausanias saw offerings from Gelon and the Syracusans taken from the Phoenicians in either a sea or a land battle6. In addition, the Scholiast to the first Pythian of Pindar, in two different situations – the second one being from Ephorus – says that Gelon destroyed the Carthaginians in a sea battle when they attacked Sicily7. 1 Thuc. I 14, 2: ὀλίγον τε πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ τοῦ ∆αρείου θανάτου … τριήρεις περί τε Σικελίαν τοῖς τυράννοις ἐς πλῆθος ἐγένοντο καὶ Κερκυραίοις. 2 Hdt. VII 158. 3 Timae. FGrHist 566 F94= Polyb. XII 26b, 1-5, but the set is not the court of Gelon, but the conference of the mainland Greeks in Corinth.
    [Show full text]
  • The Herodotos Project (OSU-Ugent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography
    Faculty of Literature and Philosophy Julie Boeten The Herodotos Project (OSU-UGent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography Barbarians in Strabo’s ‘Geography’ (Abii-Ionians) With a case-study: the Cappadocians Master thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Linguistics and Literature, Greek and Latin. 2015 Promotor: Prof. Dr. Mark Janse UGent Department of Greek Linguistics Co-Promotores: Prof. Brian Joseph Ohio State University Dr. Christopher Brown Ohio State University ACKNOWLEDGMENT In this acknowledgment I would like to thank everybody who has in some way been a part of this master thesis. First and foremost I want to thank my promotor Prof. Janse for giving me the opportunity to write my thesis in the context of the Herodotos Project, and for giving me suggestions and answering my questions. I am also grateful to Prof. Joseph and Dr. Brown, who have given Anke and me the chance to be a part of the Herodotos Project and who have consented into being our co- promotores. On a whole other level I wish to express my thanks to my parents, without whom I would not have been able to study at all. They have also supported me throughout the writing process and have read parts of the draft. Finally, I would also like to thank Kenneth, for being there for me and for correcting some passages of the thesis. Julie Boeten NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING Deze scriptie is geschreven in het kader van het Herodotos Project, een onderneming van de Ohio State University in samenwerking met UGent. De doelstelling van het project is het aanleggen van een databank met alle volkeren die gekend waren in de oudheid.
    [Show full text]
  • Theopompus's Philippica
    chapter five Theopompus’s Philippica heopompus of Chios (FGrHist 115) was widely renowned in antiq- T uity for the severity with which he condemned the moral faults of the characters peopling his Philippica. Few indeed escaped the scathing vigor of his pen. Despite his family’s exile from Chios, Theopompus seems to have had the necessary funds to carry out thorough research (TT 20 and 28,FF25, 26 and 181) and did not have to work for a living, but was able to devote himself wholly to his writing.1 Because he was in no need of either patronage or an income, he had the freedom to write whatever he pleased without risk of losing his livelihood by causing offense. It is per- haps for this reason that he was known in antiquity as “a lover of the truth” (φιλαληθης )(T28). We must now determine whether or not this epithet was justified in Theopompus’s use of the past in the Philippica. In addition to his numerous epideictic speeches, Theopompus wrote three known historical works: an epitome of Herodotus, a Hellenica, and a Philippica.2 It is likely the epitome of Herodotus was Theopompus’s earliest 1. A recent discussion of the (very vague and contradictory) evidence for Theopompus’s life can be found in Michael Attyah Flower, Theopompus of Chios: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century BC (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 11–25. 2. Suda, s.v. Θε π µπ ς ι ς ρ ητωρ (ϭ T 1). 143 144 lessons from the past historical work,3 but all that remains of it is an entry in the Suda stating it contained two books (T 1) and four attributed fragments from ancient lexica giving it as the authority for the use of specific words (FF 1–4), although the possibility exists that some other, unattributed fragments may belong to it also.
    [Show full text]
  • Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
    MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Warfare and Diplomacy (510:403) Fall 2011 (35453)
    ANCIENT WARFARE AND DIPLOMACY (510:403) FALL 2011 (35453) Dr. Thomas J. Figueira Phone: 445-6372 (voice mail) Dept. of History, Van Dyck Hall, CAC Dept. of Classics, Ruth Adams Bldg. DC Meetings: TTh 2:50-4:10 (SC-215) 932-9797 (messages/general information) Off. Hrs.: T 1:15-2:15 (Van Dyck 202, CAC) Classics Office Hrs. Th 1:20-2:05 E-mail: [email protected] LSH-A-312 (LC)/848-445-4037 I. Text M. Crawford & D. Whitehead, Archaic and Classical Greece: A Selection of Ancient Sources in Translation (Cambridge 1983) = CW . ISBN: 0521296382 C. Fornara, ed. & trans., Archaic Times to the End of the Peloponnesian War (Cambridge 1983) = Fornara . ISBN: 0521299462 P. Harding, ed. & trans., From the End of the Peloponnesian War to the Battle of Ipsus (Cambridge 1985) = Harding . ISBN: 0521299497 S.B. Pomeroy, S.M. Burstein, W. Donlan, & J.T. Roberts, Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural History (New York & Oxford 1999) = Pomeroy. ISBN: 0195097432 M.M. Sage, Warfare in Ancient Greece: A Sourcebook (London 1996) = Sage . ISBN: 0415143551 Warfare and Diplomacy Reader (Posted on SAKAI)/or available thought Electronic Media II. Conduct of the Course This course will cover Greek politics, international affairs, and warfare during the height of Greek culture in the Classical Period (480-323). Section I of the course will provide a background to this period, by exposing the student to the basic political and social institutions of ancient Greece. It will also offer an introduction to the major city-states which played a role in the Classical period.
    [Show full text]
  • ANDREW COLLINS, Callisthenes on Olympias and Alexander's Divine
    Callisthenes on Olympias and Alexander’s Divine Birth Andrew Collins The proclamation of Alexander’s divine sonship at Siwah is universally acknowledged to have been of great importance to the steps that led to his later demand for divine honours. But the issue of whether Alexander already held a belief that he was son of a god before he travelled to Siwah is an equally important research question. Already a number of scholars have argued that Alexander believed in his divine sonship before Egypt,1 and I wish to strengthen that case in this paper by arguing that Arrian, Anabasis 4.10.2—a passage ascribing to Callisthenes a remark about Olympias’ stories concerning Alexander’s divine birth—has a greater claim to historicity than has hitherto been thought. First, some prefatory remarks on the notion of divine sonship are pertinent. Alexander’s assertion of divine sonship during his life did not make him a true god or fully divine in Greek thought or culture.2 For the Greeks, a man fathered by a god with a human mother during his lifetime was rather like a demigod of Homeric myth, on a par with the heroes of the mythic times, such as Heracles, Perseus and the Dioscuri. Homer, above all, uses the word “hero” of his living warriors, a subset of whom were sons of one divine and one human parent.3 The child of such a union was not an Olympian god, with the attributes and supernatural powers of the cosmic deities. One must also distinguish between the hero conceived as (1) a living man who was the son of a god (the sense in which the word is used by Homer), and (2) the hero as a powerful spirit of a dead human being, who received 1 E.
    [Show full text]
  • Demosthenes, the Fourth-Century B.C
    Demosthenes 1) Reference edition: García Ruiz-Hernández-Muñoz 2016, Clavaud 1987. 2) Sender(s): Demosthenes, the fourth-century B.C. Athenian orator, who urged Athens to resist Philip II of Macedon (cf. AESCHINES §2).1 The authenticity of the letters, not doubted in antiquity (Worthington 2003, 585), has been the subject of vigorous debate in modern scholarship.2 The broad modern consensus is that some, but not all, of the letters are authentic (López Eire 1976, 233-4, Klauck 2006, 114): letters 1-4 are now usually regarded as genuine but letter 5 as pseudepigraphic (e.g. Goldstein 1968, Clavaud 1987),3 while letter 6 is controversial (probably authentic for Worthington 2003, but viewed as pseudepigraphic by Goldstein 1968, 261-4).4 If some of the letters are indeed authentic, this would make them among the very earliest Greek letters to survive independently as part of a collection 5 in the ms tradition (letters 1-4, 6 deal with events in the late 320s B.C.). 3) Extent and range of length There are six letters in the fullest version of the collection in the mss (see §5). The mean average length in García Ruiz-Hernández-Muñoz 2012 is 92.67 lines, but this conceals a wide divergence between letters 1-3 (average 150.67 lines) and 4-6 (average 34.67 lines). The longest letter is 3 (231 lines), the shortest 6 (13 lines). 4) Dating of the collection The earliest evidence for a letter from the collection is a late-second/early-first century B.C. papyrus preserving a large part of letter 3 (P.Lit.Lond.
    [Show full text]
  • BOOK REVIEWS After Chaeronea. 'Athens, Sokles and The
    BOOK REVIEWS 207 after Chaeronea. ‘Athens, Sokles and the Exploitation of an Attic Resource’ (xvi; on IG ii 2 411) edits a decree which has commonly been linked with agriculture or the silver mines, but suggests that the resource may rather have been something such as salt, wild honey or resin, and that the decree is evidence of increasing intervention by the city in what had previously been considered private rights. ‘Inscribed Treaties ca. 350-321’ (xvii) notes that treaties with and honours for states become rare between Chaeronea and the Lamian War but honours for individual foreigners (including grain traders and men connected with drama: cf. Chapters ix, xv) do not: Athens could not play the same role on the international stage after Chaeronea as before, but its diplomatic activity was refocused rather than reduced. On its own at the end we have ‘Athenian Chronology 352/1-322/1 B.C.’ (xviii), consolidating the discussions of chronology on many individual texts in previous chapters. Lambert notes that for the dates of particular texts the possibilities have more often been widened than narrowed, and updates what can be said for this period on various disputed issues: it is likely that ordinary and intercalary years were determined by Metonic cycles, and that the longer prytanies in each year were regularly at the beginning, as stated in Ath. Pol. 43. 2 (but in each case we cannot be confident that there were no exceptions), but the omitted day in hollow months may have varied according to the festivals prescribed towards the end of the month in question.
    [Show full text]
  • Hugh Lindsay, Strabo and the Shape of His Historika Hypomnemata
    The Ancient History Bulletin VOLUME TWENTY-EIGHT: 2014 NUMBERS 1-2 Edited by: Edward Anson David Hollander Timothy Howe Joseph Roisman John Vanderspoel Pat Wheatley Sabine Müller ISSN 0835-3638 ANCIENT HISTORY BULLETIN Volume 28 (2014) Numbers 1-2 Edited by: Edward Anson, David Hollander, Sabine Müller, Joseph Roisman, John Vanderspoel, Pat Wheatley Senior Editor: Timothy Howe Editorial correspondents Elizabeth Baynham, Hugh Bowden, Franca Landucci Gattinoni, Alexander Meeus, Kurt Raaflaub, P.J. Rhodes, Robert Rollinger, Carol Thomas, Victor Alonso Troncoso Contents of volume twenty-eight Numbers 1-2 1 Hugh Lindsay, Strabo and the shape of his Historika Hypomnemata 20 Paul McKechnie, W.W. Tarn and the philosophers 37 Monica D’Agostini, The Shade of Andromache: Laodike of Sardis between Homer and Polybios 61 John Shannahan, Two Notes on the Battle of Cunaxa NOTES TO CONTRIBUTORS AND SUBSCRIBERS The Ancient History Bulletin was founded in 1987 by Waldemar Heckel, Brian Lavelle, and John Vanderspoel. The board of editorial correspondents consists of Elizabeth Baynham (University of Newcastle), Hugh Bowden (Kings College, London), Franca Landucci Gattinoni (Università Cattolica, Milan), Alexander Meeus (University of Leuven), Kurt Raaflaub (Brown University), P.J. Rhodes (Durham University), Robert Rollinger (Universität Innsbruck), Carol Thomas (University of Washington), Victor Alonso Troncoso (Universidade da Coruña) AHB is currently edited by: Timothy Howe (Senior Editor: [email protected]), Edward Anson, David Hollander, Sabine Müller, Joseph Roisman, John Vanderspoel and Pat Wheatley. AHB promotes scholarly discussion in Ancient History and ancillary fields (such as epigraphy, papyrology, and numismatics) by publishing articles and notes on any aspect of the ancient world from the Near East to Late Antiquity.
    [Show full text]
  • Perceptions of the Ancient Jews As a Nation in the Greek and Roman Worlds
    Perceptions of the Ancient Jews as a Nation in the Greek and Roman Worlds By Keaton Arksey A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Manitoba In partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Classics University of Manitoba Winnipeg Copyright © 2016 by Keaton Arksey Abstract The question of what made one Jewish in the ancient world remains a fraught topic for scholars. The current communis opinio is that Jewish communities had more in common with the Greeks and Romans than previously thought. Throughout the Diaspora, Jewish communities struggled with how to live amongst their Greco-Roman majority while continuing to practise their faith and thereby remain identifiably ‘Jewish’. To describe a unified Jewish identity in the Mediterranean in the period between 200 BCE and 200 CE is incorrect, since each Jewish community approached its identity in unique ways. These varied on the basis of time, place, and how the non-Jewish population reacted to the Jews and interpreted Judaism. This thesis examines the three major centres of Jewish life in the ancient world - Rome, Alexandria in Egypt, and Judaea - demonstrate that Jewish identity was remarkably and surprisingly fluid. By examining the available Jewish, Roman, and Greek literary and archaeological sources, one can learn how Jewish identity evolved in the Greco-Roman world. The Jews interacted with non-Jews daily, and adapted their neighbours’ practices while retaining what they considered a distinctive Jewish identity. Each chapter of this thesis examines a Jewish community in a different region of the ancient Mediterranean.
    [Show full text]
  • Sicily's Artful Historian
    LO 333% SICILY’S ARTFUL HISTORIAN: An investigation into the historical thought and method of Diodorus Siculus’ Bibliotheke Brian Sheridan Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MA (Modell) in Greek and Roman Civilisation National University of Ireland, Maynooth Department of Ancient Classics August, 2001 Head of Department: Professor David Scourfield Supervisor: Dr. Mark Humphries ABSTRACT Diodorus Siculus’ Bibliotheke has traditionally been seen as a quarry for the lost historians on whose works he drew while researching it. Consequently, Diodorus has not been studied as a historian in his own right, and the Bibliotheke has become little more than a jigsaw puzzle, with sections attributed to any number of lost historians. This dissertation seeks to relocate Diodorus and the Bibliotheke within the Greek historiographical tradition. Therefore it will examine four aspects relating to Diodorus and the Bibliotheke. First, the General Proem will be examined in order to show how Diodorus informed his readers about his aims and methods. Secondly, it will be argued that the General Proem is not an unintelligent repetition of older ideas, specifically those expounded by Polybius in the Introduction to his Histories. Rather, Diodorus builds on the work of Polybius, but more importantly he also interweaves his own original ideas about historiography, particularly universal history. This allows an attempt to elucidate Diodorus’ own contribution to the version of the past narrated in the Bibliotheke. A third section will argue that the events of his own day and the relative position of Sicily within that world heavily influenced Diodorus as a historian, and that to understand Diodorus’ selection and presentation of events in the Bibliotheke note must be taken of these influences.
    [Show full text]