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Reason, Freedom, & Democracy in Islam

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Reason, Freedom, & Democracy in Islam Reason, Freedom, & Democracy in Islam This page intentionally left blank Reason, Freedom, & Democracy in Islam Essential Writings of 'Abdolkarim Soroush Translated, Edited, and with a Critical Introduction by MAHMOUD SADRI AHMAD SADRI OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 20OO OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Oxford New York Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogota Buenos Aires Calcutta Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris Sao Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw and associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Copyright © 2000 by 'Abdolkarim Soroush Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York: 10016 Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Surush, 'Abd al-Karim. Reason, freedom, and democracy in Islam : essential writings of Abdolkarim Soroush / translated, edited, and with a critical introduction by Mahmoud Sadri, Ahmad Sadri. p, cm. Translated from Persian. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-19-512812-5 1. Islam and reason. 2. Freedom (Islam) 3. Democracy—-Religious aspects—Islam. 4. Islam and state. I. Sadri, Mahmoud. II. Sadri, Ahmad. III. Title. BP19O.5-R4S88 1999 297.2'72'092—dc21 98-38231 135798642 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper Foreword The present collection represents part of my intellectual activities dur- ing the last fifteen years, in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. It has been collected, annotated, and translated here according to the discernment of its editors and is presented, in accordance with my wishes, in chronological order to reflect the evolution of my thought along with the social developments in Iran. These essays are partly a reaction to and partly an instigator of social developments in my country. As such, they are, I hope, of interest for the scholars of the cultural and intellec- tual history of Iran. It is worth noting that I have reviewed and discussed the translation with the editors and translators in detail. I have found them faithful, meticulous, and rigorous. I should thank my respected colleagues and friends who have encouraged and helped in this project and, in par- ticular, the young scholars who have translated and edited this work: Dr. Mahmoud Sadri and Dr. Ahmad Sadri. Tehran Abodolkarim Soroush April 29, 1998 This page intentionally left blank Contents Introduction ix 1 Intellectual Autobiography: An Interview 3 2 Islamic Revival and Reform: Theological Approaches 26 3 Life and Virtue: The Relationship between Socioeconomic Development and Ethics 39 4 The Sense and Essence of Secularism 54 5 Doctrine and Justification 69 6 Reason and Freedom 88 7 The Ethics of the Gods 105 8 The Idea of Democratic Religious Government 122 9 Tolerance and Governance: A Discourse on Religion and Democracy 131 10 The Three Cultures 156 11 What the University Expects from the Hawzeh 171 12 Let Us Learn from History 184 Notes 199 Selected References 227 Index 230 This page intentionally left blank Introduction 'Abdolkarim Soroush has emerged as the foremost Iranian and Islamic political philosopher and theologian. His sprawling intellectual project, aimed at reconciling reason and faith, spiritual authority and political liberty, ranges authoritatively over comparative religion, social science, and theology. However, it is only by understanding the local context of his intellectual endeavors that one can appreciate the universal signifi- cance of his thought. The Local Context The Icon The persona of 'Abdolkarim Soroush must be examined in light of the iconic tradition of modern Iranian intellectuals. The "iconic" intellectu- als are the producers as well as embodiments of ideas and ideals, and as such they are held in semireligious veneration. The main contours of this tradition emerged in the decades preceding the constitutional revolution of Iran (1905-1909). The multiple roots of this tradition account for its unique mixture of what Max Weber called "emissary" and "exemplary" prophecy.1 In both respects, this tradition marks a radical departure from the intellectual traditions before Iran's turn-of-the-century exposure to the West. Iran has had a rich legacy of traditional intellectuality anchored in religious seminaries (ulama), the patrimonial state [ommal], the rural nobility (ashraaf), and the traditional bourgeoisie (bazaar). Because of ix its marginal status and growing numbers, this last group was able to ap- preciate the new ideas and ideals that were being imported, along with samovars and guns, from the Russian and Transcaucasian frontiers. Thus it is not surprising that the lower layers of lay intelligentsia (especially in the northern regions of Iran) quickly absorbed the new ideas and became the carriers of a mission strikingly similar to that claimed by the Russian "intelligentsia" (a Russian coinage, incidentally). Increasingly, modern Transcaucasian, Azeri, and, later, Iranian intellectuals emulated their Russian counterparts in their breathless and tenacious quest to Westernize, modernize, and catch up with the more advanced countries of Europe.2 Besides the Russian brand of missionary intellectual zeal, the ideal Persian iconic superintellectual evinces exemplary traits that are French in origin. The postconstitutional generations of Iranian students, who received their higher education in France, were profoundly influ- enced by the ideals of personal commitment, individual valor, and moral courage that shaped the idealized self-image of the post-Dreyfusard French "engaged" intellectuals, a term coined during the Dreyfus affair in the 1890s. It was the convergence of the models of the French exemplary and Russian missionary heroic intellectuality in Iran's thriving middle-class imagination that produced the hybrid form of the nineteenth-century monavvarolfekr, and later, the twentieth-century roushanfekr intellectu- ality. The new self-proclaimed "enlightened" leaders laid claim to—and soon acquired—a patina of native charisma because of their alleged mastery of modern erudition. Taking as their intellectual heroes such archetypes as Tolstoy and Zola, the intellectual leaders of modern Iran demanded of themselves nothing less than an unswerving missionary activism aimed at national progress and an exemplary j'accuse—heroism in proclaiming socially relevant truths against entrenched authoritarian regimes. This certainly holds true for the radical Shi'ite version of lib- eration theology elaborated and personified by 'Ali Shari'ati in the 1970s. In their various manifestos, the contemporary flamboyant leaders of the Marxist, Maoist, and Guevaraist movements of the last quarter of the current century (e.g., the Toudeh Party, the Fada'iyan-i Khalq, and the Mojahedin-e Khalq guerrillas) consider themselves, among other things, heirs to the mantel of leading superintellectuality as well. Iconic intellectuality implies not only the role of the heroic producers of ideas, but also the equally heroic selflessness required of the consum- ers of ideas. By the same token, mere professionals, scholars, academics, seminarians, and literati are excluded from the ranks of iconic roushanfekr intellectuals. Indeed, the roushanfekr is the opposite of Kierkegaard's scholar, who builds public conceptual palaces but might live in a pri- vate existential doghouse. Private and public lives of iconic intellectu- als are expected to merge to allow a clear view of their calling: leading the way toward reform and setting an example for the rest of the society. x Introduction The iconic intellectuals are by definition at least equal to, perhaps, in the case of some laic thinkers, even better than their principles. The appeal to a common mission and ideal lifestyle did not imply the uniformity of instruments of achieving the designated goals that de- pended on individual predilections and intellectual traditions. We will argue that three paths emerged in Iran as the nineteenth century drew to a close. Some advocates, notably Akhoundzadeh and Taqizadeh, chose the path of total surrender and assimilation, which we designate as radi- cal laic modernism, while others, such as Aqayev and Talebof chose an accommodative but culturally and ideationally preservationist agenda, reflexive revivalism, thus anticipating the contemporary movement that encompasses Soroush's position. Both groups found themselves con- fronted with a third front: the rejectionist revivalism of nativist, anti- modern, and anticonstitutionalist Islamists.3 This turn-of-the-century debate is by no means resolved; indeed, in the current cacophony of Tehran's burgeoning free media, the continuing currency of such enlight- enment ideals as progress, development, and religious reform under- scores the abiding relevance of this trilateral debate in fin-de-siecle Iran. 'Abdolkarim Soroush is an iconic intellectual who represents reflexive revivalism in this dialogue. Understanding this context is critical for the observers in the United States and in some European countries, where the public intellectual is an endangered species.4 Let us remember that Soroush started his public career as a high- ranking ideologue in the Islamic Republic.5 He was later appointed
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