DOCSLIB.ORG

Ohio University

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ohio University Is Pan-Africanism Dead?: The Relevancy of Garveyism in the Twenty-First Century: The Politics of Black Self-Determination in the Southeastern United States A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Bakari K. Lumumba August 2018 © Bakari K. Lumumba. All Rights Reserved 2 This thesis titled Is Pan-Africanism Dead?: The Relevancy of Garveyism in the Twenty-First Century: The Politics of Black Self-Determination in the Southeastern United States by BAKARI K. LUMUMBA has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Loren Lybarger Associate Professor of Classics and World Religions Ghirmai Negash Director, African Studies Lorna Jean Edmonds Vice Provost of Global Affairs 3 ABSTRACT Lumumba, Bakari K., “M.A.,” August 2018 African Studies Is Pan-Africanism Dead?: The Relevancy of Garveyism in the Twenty-First Century: The Politics of Black Self-Determination in the Southeastern United States Director of Thesis: Dr. Loren D. Lybarger Since the 1960s, Pan-Africanism has steadily lost its currency amongst leaders and citizens in the African continent and throughout the African Diaspora. During the past fifty years, Pan-Africanism has suffered a series of seemingly insurmountable setbacks, including the assassinations of prominent activists and statesmen such as Patrice Lumumba, Steve Biko, Malcolm X, and Thomas Sankara to name a few. Furthermore, Pan-Africanism flagship organization the African Union (AU) has had its fair share of challenges, and criticism leading its detractors to call it a “toothless bulldog.” Additionally, the growing disillusionment amongst Africans in the continent and throughout the Diaspora towards an ideology that has promised so much but delivered so little has caused Pan-Africanism to be seen as an antiquated model of resistance to global white hegemony. This stance has also caused many to question the efficacy of the philosophies and opinions of Marcus Garvey in the age of globalization, in which the forms of oppression African people face have evolved through sophisticated social structures that produce contradictory forms of consciousness. Moreover, the pessimistic undercurrent toward Pan-Africanism that permeates the African world leads one to ask the question, is Pan-Africanism dead? 4 DEDICATION To my watoto Amir, Zaina, and Asantewaa for believing in me. Mimi kupenda sana. & To Dr. Boikai S. Twe, Baba Larry Crowe, and Mama Nozipo Glenn for being models of what a Pan-Africanist is in the twenty-first century. 5 ACKNOWLDEGMENTS I am forever indebted to Ohio University’s Center for International Studies African Studies program, the Voinovich School of Leadership & Public Affairs, and Dr. Lybarger, Dr. Muhammad, and Dr. Houston for their time, effort, diligence, and patience in helping this thesis become a reality. To my ancestors who are too numerous to name, thank you for teaching me to always bet on Black! 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………....3 Dedication...…………………………………………………………………………...…..4 Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………......5 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..7 Chapter 1…………………………………………………………………………………26 Chapter 2………………………………………………………………………………....43 Chapter 3....……………………………………………………………………………....56 Chapter 4…………………………………………………………………………………72 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………..79 7 INTRODUCTION This thesis will critically analyze how and why Pan-Africanism1 has become associated with an antiquated model of resistance to racism/white supremacy, while also examining how the philosophies and opinions of Marcus Garvey are as relevant today in the 21st century as they were during the time of Garvey through the idea of the “alienated revolutionary.” The alienated revolutionary is one who is cynical about existing power structures but argues that progressive change can only take place via the use of calculated acts of instrumental violence. In 1889 Henry Sylvester Williams, an Afro-Trinidadian barrister, created the African Association in London, England in partnership with Mrs. E.V. Kinloch, a Black South African. Williams later coined the term Pan-Africanism2 and attributed doing so to Mrs. Kinlock whom he heard speak in Britain in 1897, about forced labor in the mines of South Africa. 3 Williams would subsequently call and lead the first of several Pan-African conferences in 1900 “to protest the stealing of lands in the African and West Indian colonies by European powers, racial discrimination and other issues of interest to Blacks.”4 A young W.E.B. DuBois, played a leading role during the conference, and drafted a letter to the Queen of England and other rulers of Europe which contained “an 1 Pan-Africanism in this thesis is defined as the concept and conviction that Africans are a distinct people with a distinct historical personality and that they should unite in order to gain the structural capacity to define, defend and develop their own interest as a people. 2 Stylistic Note The terms Pan African, Pan-Africanism, and pan-African are all used interchangeably to reference the social-political, ideological and economic movement that’s advocates solidarity and resistance against oppression for Africans throughout the world. Furthermore, African, Black, African American, people of African descent, are referred to interchangeably, but with due deference to the context involved. 3 Bonita Harris, “Caribbean Women & Pan-Africanism,” African Journal of Political Science New Series 1, no.2 (1996): 257. 4 Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, Pan-Africanism, Economy and Social Change in the Twenty First Century (New York, New York University Press, 1996), 2. 8 appeal to struggle against racism, to grant Black colonies in Africa and the West Indies the right to responsible government, and demanded political and other rights to Blacks in the United States.” 5 The document asserted, “‘The problem of the 20th century is the problem of the color bar.’”6 The conference would signal a coherent beginning of the Pan-African movement, advocating liberation from foreign oppression, unity of African people at home and abroad, and the coalescing of political and economic resources for the benefit of African people. These objectives were briefly met in some form during the aftermath of the Haitian Revolution, and the establishment of Haiti as a nation state. During the 1920’s Garvey era its ability to unify African people domestically and abroad under the cause of African redemption through organized efforts. Efforts that included, US-based Civil Rights/Black Power movements, and African Decolonialization/ Independence movements that ended de jure second-class citizenship in the US and direct European rule in Africa. Today, however, after 118 years, there is a new clarion call to African people led by voices such as Tanzanian businessman Ali Mufuruki. Who declared in April of 2015 at the Meles Zenawi lecture series, in the Ethiopian town of Bahir Dar, that “Pan- Africanism is dead, and that Kwame Nkrumah was no hero.’’ 7Mufuruki presented the legacy of Nkrumah quite differently from how others have, stating: I studied the biography of Nkrumah for several weeks to prepare this lecture. I was first surprised, then disappointed, and petrified about what I 5 Ibid., 2 6 Ibid., 2 7 CORRESPONDENT, SPECIAL. "Kwame Nkrumah Was No Hero, Pan-Africanism Is Dead and Other Stories from a Unique Presidential Meeting." Mail & Guardian Africa. N.p., 21 Apr. 2015. Web. 17 Apr. 2017. 9 found. Like all leaders full of ideals, the father of Ghana’s independence and Pan-Africanism had his own dark moments. As a matter of fact, the Pan-Africanist dream still struggles to be fully implemented. Shouldn’t we consider it ‘dead?8 Moreover, this call is being made outside the halls of academia by a community that is disenchanted with an idea that has promised so much but produced so little. In the US this call has been made by Michael Harriot of The Root, an online magazine of African-American culture, has argued that African Americans are unaware of what Pan- Africanism is. He asserts that its few remaining acolytes promote an anachronistic ideology based more on fantasy than reality, championed by economically destitute African Americans who promote alternative facts and conspiracy theories via Hidden Colors DVDs. 9 Furthermore, Zimbabwean, journalist and civil activist Vince Musewe, has also joined the chorus in stating that Pan-Africanism is dead in an article for The Zimbabwean an online journal for the voiceless, in which he lambasted Pan-Africanism for its inability to unify African people. Musewe, also cites the history of its acolytes use of such noble claims as a stepping stone to gain public trust en route to gaining access to elite positions in society that were formerly held by European colonizers. 10 The statements of Mufuruki, Harriot and Musewe, true or not, speak to the growing disillusionment among Africans on the continent and throughout the diaspora. These sentiments support the perspective that Pan-Africanism has promised so much but delivered so little. During the past fifty years, Pan-Africanism has suffered a series of 8 Ibid. 9 Michael Harriot, “We Fact-Checked Umar Johnson's Hotep Tantrum with Roland Martin Because Someone Had To.” The Root, www.theroot.com, 11 July 2017. 10 Vince Musewe, “Pan-Africanism is dead,” The Zimbabwean, 8 April. 2014. 10 seemingly insurmountable setbacks. Setbacks that, include the assassinations of prominent activists and
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Power to Say Who's Human
    University at Albany, State University of New York Scholars Archive Africana Studies Honors College 5-2012 The Power to Say Who’s Human: Politics of Dehumanization in the Four-Hundred-Year War between the White Supremacist Caste System and Afrocentrism Sam Chernikoff Frunkin University at Albany, State University of New York Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/honorscollege_africana Part of the African Studies Commons Recommended Citation Frunkin, Sam Chernikoff, "The Power to Say Who’s Human: Politics of Dehumanization in the Four- Hundred-Year War between the White Supremacist Caste System and Afrocentrism" (2012). Africana Studies. 1. https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/honorscollege_africana/1 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at Scholars Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Africana Studies by an authorized administrator of Scholars Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Power to Say Who’s Human The Power to Say Who’s Human: Politics of Dehumanization in the Four-Hundred-Year War between the White Supremacist Caste System and Afrocentrism Sam Chernikoff Frumkin Africana Studies Department University at Albany Spring 2012 1 The Power to Say Who’s Human —Introduction — Race represents an intricate paradox in modern day America. No one can dispute the extraordinary progress that was made in the fifty years between the de jure segregation of Jim Crow, and President Barack Obama’s inauguration. However, it is equally absurd to refute the prominence of institutionalized racism in today’s society. America remains a nation of haves and have-nots and, unfortunately, race continues to be a reliable predictor of who belongs in each category.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering Alexander Crummell's Appeal to Postbellum
    “WE NEED CHARACTER!”: Remembering Alexander Crummell’s Appeal to Postbellum African Americans LAURA GIMENO PAHISSA Institution address: Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona. Departament de Filologia Anglesa i de Germanística. Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres. Campus UAB. 08193 Bellaterra. Barcelona, Spain. E-mail: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0002-3750-4769 Received: 31/01/2018. Accepted: 02/05/2018. How to cite this article: Gimeno Pahissa, Laura. “‘WE NEED CHARACTER!’: Remembering Alexander Crummell’s Appeal to Postbellum African Americans.” ES Review. Spanish Journal of English Studies, vol. 39, 2018, pp. 117‒33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.24197/ersjes.39.2018.117-133 Abstract: The following article offers a study and reassessment of the controversial figure of Alexander Crummell, an African American leader whose influence has been neglected by most scholars. His postbellum ideas on the advancement of black people influenced some of his contemporaries like Booker T. Washington and even later leaders such as W. E. B. DuBois. The article also offers an interpretation of two of Crummell’s most famous speeches on the future of his race, which suggest possible solutions to the tensions and problems experienced by his people after the end of the Civil War. Keywords: African American history; memory; slavery; American Civil War; Crummell; negro problem. Summary: Postbellum African American memory. Alexander Crummell: Advancement through character and morality. Conclusions. Resumen: Este artículo estudia y reexamina la figura del controvertido líder afroamericano Alexander Crummell, cuya influencia ha sido ignorada por muchos estudiosos. Sus ideas, escritas en la posguerra, sobre el progreso de los ciudadanos afroamericanos influyeron en algunos de sus contemporáneos como Booker T.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio
    TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................2 2. The Principles of Anarchism, Lucy Parsons....................................................................3 3. Anarchism and the Black Revolution, Lorenzo Komboa’Ervin......................................10 4. Beyond Nationalism, But not Without it, Ashanti Alston...............................................72 5. Anarchy Can’t Fight Alone, Kuwasi Balagoon...............................................................76 6. Anarchism’s Future in Africa, Sam Mbah......................................................................80 7. Domingo Passos: The Brazilian Bakunin.......................................................................86 8. Where Do We Go From Here, Michael Kimble..............................................................89 9. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio...........................................................................................................................91 10. Interview: Afro-Colombian Anarchist David López Rodríguez, Lisa Manzanilla & Bran- don King........................................................................................................................96 11. 1996: Ballot or the Bullet: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Electoral Process in the U.S. and its relation to Black political power today, Greg Jackson......................100 12. The Incomprehensible
    [Show full text]
  • A PSYCHOMETRIC EXAMINATION of the AFRICENTRIC SCALE Challenges in Measuring Afrocentric Values
    10.1177/0021934704266596JOURNALCokley, Williams OF BLACK / A PSYCHOMETRIC STUDIES / JULY EXAMINATION 2005 ARTICLE A PSYCHOMETRIC EXAMINATION OF THE AFRICENTRIC SCALE Challenges in Measuring Afrocentric Values KEVIN COKLEY University of Missouri at Columbia WENDI WILLIAMS Georgia State University The articulation of an African-centered paradigm has increasingly become an important component of the social science research published on people of African descent. Although several instruments exist that operationalize different aspects of an Afrocentric philosophical paradigm, only one instru- ment, the Africentric Scale, explicitly operationalizes Afrocentric values using what is arguably the most commercial and accessible understanding of Afrocentricity, the seven principles of the Nguzu Saba. This study exam- ined the psychometric properties of the Africentric Scale with a sample of 167 African American students. Results of a factor analysis revealed that the Africentric Scale is best conceptualized as measuring a general di- mension of Afrocentrism rather than seven separate principles. The find- ings suggest that with continued research, the Africentric Scale will be an increasingly viable option among the handful of measures designed to assess some aspect of Afrocentric values, behavioral norms, and an African worldview. Keywords: African-centered psychology; Afrocentric cultural values For at least three decades, Black psychologists have devoted their lives to undo the racist and maleficent theory and practice of main- stream or European-centered psychological practice. Nobles (1986) succinctly surveys the work and conclusions of prominent European-centered psychologists and concludes that the European- centered approach to inquiry as well as the assumptions made con- JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol. 35 No. 6, July 2005 827-843 DOI: 10.1177/0021934704266596 © 2005 Sage Publications 827 828 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / JULY 2005 cerning people of African descent are inappropriate in understand- ing people of African descent.
    [Show full text]
  • Garveyism: a ’90S Perspective Francis E
    New Directions Volume 18 | Issue 2 Article 7 4-1-1991 Garveyism: A ’90s Perspective Francis E. Dorsey Follow this and additional works at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections Recommended Citation Dorsey, Francis E. (1991) "Garveyism: A ’90s Perspective," New Directions: Vol. 18: Iss. 2, Article 7. Available at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections/vol18/iss2/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Directions by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GARVEYISM A ’90s Perspective By Francis E. Dorsey Pan African Congress in Manchester, orn on August 17, 1887 in England in 1945 in which the delegates Jamaica, Marcus Mosiah sought the right of all peoples to govern Garvey is universally recog­ themselves and freedom from imperialist nized as the father of Pan control whether political or economic. African Nationalism. After Garveyism has taught that political power observing first-hand the in­ without economic power is worthless. Bhumane suffering of his fellow Jamaicans at home and abroad, he embarked on a mis­ The UNIA sion of racial redemption. One of his The corner-stone of Garvey’s philosophical greatest assets was his ability to transcend values was the establishment of the Univer­ myopic nationalism. His “ Back to Africa” sal Negro Improvement Association, vision and his ‘ ‘Africa for the Africans at UNIA, in 1914, not only for the promulga­ home and abroad” geo-political perspec­ tion of economic independence of African tives, although well before their time, are peoples but also as an institution and all accepted and implemented today.
    [Show full text]
  • Yearbook American Churches
    1941 EDITION YEARBOOK s of AMERICAN CHURCHES (FIFTEENTH ISSUE) (BIENNIAL) Edited By BENSON Y. LANDIS Under the Auspices of the FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN AMERICA Published by YEARBOOK OF AMERICAN CHURCHES PRESS F. C. VIGUERIE, (Publisher) 37-41 85TH ST., JACKSON HEIGHTS, N. Y. PREVIOUS ISSUES Year of Publication Title Editor 1916 Federal Council Yearbook .............. H. K. Carroll 1917 Yearbook of the Churches................H. K. Carroll • . 1918 Yearbook of the Churches................C. F. Armitage 1919 Yearbook of the Churches................C. F. Armitage 1920 Yearbook of the Churches.............. S. R. Warburton 1922 Yearbook of the Churches................E. O. Watson 1923 Yearbook of the Churches............... E. O. Watson 1925 Yearbook of the Churches............... E. O. Watson 1927 The Handbook of the Churches....... B. S. Winchester 1931 The New Handbook of the Churches .. Charles Stelzle 1933 Yearbook of American Churches........ H. C. Weber 1935 Yearbook of American Churches.........H. C. Weber 1937 Yearbook of American Churches.........H. C. Weber 1939 Yearbook of American Churches.........H. C. Weber Printed in the United States of America COPYRIGHT, 1941, BY SAMUELWUEL McCREA CAVERTCAVEf All rights reserved H CONTENTS Introduction ........................................................................... iv I. The Calendar for the Christian Years 1941 and 1942 .................... v A Table of Dates A h e a d ....................................................... x II. Directories 1. Religious
    [Show full text]
  • "Citizens in the Making": Black Philadelphians, the Republican Party and Urban Reform, 1885-1913
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 "Citizens In The Making": Black Philadelphians, The Republican Party And Urban Reform, 1885-1913 Julie Davidow University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Davidow, Julie, ""Citizens In The Making": Black Philadelphians, The Republican Party And Urban Reform, 1885-1913" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2247. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2247 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2247 For more information, please contact [email protected]. "Citizens In The Making": Black Philadelphians, The Republican Party And Urban Reform, 1885-1913 Abstract “Citizens in the Making” broadens the scope of historical treatments of black politics at the end of the nineteenth century by shifting the focus of electoral battles away from the South, where states wrote disfranchisement into their constitutions. Philadelphia offers a municipal-level perspective on the relationship between African Americans, the Republican Party, and political and social reformers, but the implications of this study reach beyond one city to shed light on a nationwide effort to degrade and diminish black citizenship. I argue that black citizenship was constructed as alien and foreign in the urban North in the last decades of the nineteenth century and that this process operated in tension with and undermined the efforts of black Philadelphians to gain traction on their exercise of the franchise. For black Philadelphians at the end of the nineteenth century, the franchise did not seem doomed or secure anywhere in the nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Black History, 1877-1954
    THE BRITISH LIBRARY AFRICAN AMERICAN HISTORY AND LIFE: 1877-1954 A SELECTIVE GUIDE TO MATERIALS IN THE BRITISH LIBRARY BY JEAN KEMBLE THE ECCLES CENTRE FOR AMERICAN STUDIES AFRICAN AMERICAN HISTORY AND LIFE, 1877-1954 Contents Introduction Agriculture Art & Photography Civil Rights Crime and Punishment Demography Du Bois, W.E.B. Economics Education Entertainment – Film, Radio, Theatre Family Folklore Freemasonry Marcus Garvey General Great Depression/New Deal Great Migration Health & Medicine Historiography Ku Klux Klan Law Leadership Libraries Lynching & Violence Military NAACP National Urban League Philanthropy Politics Press Race Relations & ‘The Negro Question’ Religion Riots & Protests Sport Transport Tuskegee Institute Urban Life Booker T. Washington West Women Work & Unions World Wars States Alabama Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut District of Columbia Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Nebraska Nevada New Jersey New York North Carolina Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming Bibliographies/Reference works Introduction Since the civil rights movement of the 1960s, African American history, once the preserve of a few dedicated individuals, has experienced an expansion unprecedented in historical research. The effect of this on-going, scholarly ‘explosion’, in which both black and white historians are actively engaged, is both manifold and wide-reaching for in illuminating myriad aspects of African American life and culture from the colonial period to the very recent past it is simultaneously, and inevitably, enriching our understanding of the entire fabric of American social, economic, cultural and political history. Perhaps not surprisingly the depth and breadth of coverage received by particular topics and time-periods has so far been uneven.
    [Show full text]
  • Song & Music in the Movement
    Transcript: Song & Music in the Movement A Conversation with Candie Carawan, Charles Cobb, Bettie Mae Fikes, Worth Long, Charles Neblett, and Hollis Watkins, September 19 – 20, 2017. Tuesday, September 19, 2017 Song_2017.09.19_01TASCAM Charlie Cobb: [00:41] So the recorders are on and the levels are okay. Okay. This is a fairly simple process here and informal. What I want to get, as you all know, is conversation about music and the Movement. And what I'm going to do—I'm not giving elaborate introductions. I'm going to go around the table and name who's here for the record, for the recorded record. Beyond that, I will depend on each one of you in your first, in this first round of comments to introduce yourselves however you wish. To the extent that I feel it necessary, I will prod you if I feel you've left something out that I think is important, which is one of the prerogatives of the moderator. [Laughs] Other than that, it's pretty loose going around the table—and this will be the order in which we'll also speak—Chuck Neblett, Hollis Watkins, Worth Long, Candie Carawan, Bettie Mae Fikes. I could say things like, from Carbondale, Illinois and Mississippi and Worth Long: Atlanta. Cobb: Durham, North Carolina. Tennessee and Alabama, I'm not gonna do all of that. You all can give whatever geographical description of yourself within the context of discussing the music. What I do want in this first round is, since all of you are important voices in terms of music and culture in the Movement—to talk about how you made your way to the Freedom Singers and freedom singing.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberian Studies Journal
    VOLUME XIV 1989 NUMBER 2 LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL r 8 °W LIBERIA -8 °N 8 °N- MONSERRADO MARGIBI MARYLAND Geography Department 10 °W University of Pittsburgh at Johnstown 8oW 1 Published by THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION, INC. PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor Cover map: compiled by William Kory, cartography work by Jodie Molnar; Geography Department, University of Pittsburgh at Johnstown. PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor VOLUME XIV 1989 NUMBER 2 LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL Editor D. Elwood Dunn The University of the South Associate Editor Similih M. Cordor Kennesaw College Book Review Editor Dalvan M. Coger Memphis State University EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Bertha B. Azango Lawrence B. Breitborde University of Liberia Beloit College Christopher Clapham Warren L. d'Azevedo Lancaster University University of Nevada Reno Henrique F. Tokpa Thomas E. Hayden Cuttington University College Africa Faith and Justice Network Svend E. Holsoe J. Gus Liebenow University of Delaware Indiana University Corann Okorodudu Glassboro State College Edited at the Department of Political Science, The University of the South PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor CONTENTS THE LIBERIAN ECONOMY ON APRIL 1980: SOME REFLECTIONS 1 by Ellen Johnson Sirleaf COGNITIVE ASPECTS OF AGRICULTURE AMONG THE KPELLE: KPELLE FARMING THROUGH KPELLE EYES 23 by John Gay "PACIFICATION" UNDER PRESSURE: A POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LIBERIAN INTERVENTION IN NIMBA 1912 -1918 ............ 44 by Martin Ford BLACK, CHRISTIAN REPUBLICANS: DELEGATES TO THE 1847 LIBERIAN CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION ........................ 64 by Carl Patrick Burrowes TRIBE AND CHIEFDOM ON THE WINDWARD COAST 90 by Warren L.
    [Show full text]
  • I Am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist
    Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Communication Dissertations Department of Communication Spring 5-10-2013 I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa Rondee Gaines Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss Recommended Citation Gaines, Rondee, "I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2013. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss/44 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Communication at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I AM A REVOLUTIONARY BLACK FEMALE NATIONALIST: A WOMANIST ANALYSIS OF FULANI SUNNI ALI’S ROLE AS A NEW AFRICAN CITIZEN AND MINISTER OF IN- FORMATION IN THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF NEW AFRICA by RONDEE GAINES Under the Direction of M. Lane Bruner ABSTRACT Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as the- se factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community.
    [Show full text]
  • How the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Began, 1914 Reissued 1954
    How the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Began By MARY WHITE OVINGTON NATIONAL AssociATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT oF CoLORED PEOPLE 20 WEST 40th STREET, NEW YORK 18, N. Y. MARY DUNLOP MACLEAN MEMORIAL FUND First Printing 1914 HOW THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE BEGAN By MARY WHITE OVINGTON (As Originally printed in 1914) HE National Association for the studying the status of the Negro in T Advancement of Colored People New York. I had investigated his hous­ is five years old-old enough, it is be­ ing conditions, his health, his oppor­ lieved, to have a history; and I, who tunities for work. I had spent many am perhaps its first member, have months in the South, and at the time been chosen as the person to recite it. of Mr. Walling's article, I was living As its work since 1910 has been set in a New York Negro tenement on a forth in its annual reports, I shall Negro street. And my investigations and make it my task to show how it came my surroundings led me to believe with into existence and to tell of its first the writer of the article that "the spirit months of work. of the abolitionists must be revived." In the summer of 1908, the country So I wrote to Mr. Walling, and after was shocked by the account of the race some time, for he was in the West, we riots at Springfield, Illinois. Here, in met in New York in-the first week of the home of Abraham Lincoln, a mob the year 1909.
    [Show full text]