Are the Armed Forces Understood and Supported by the Public?
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As a Child You Have No Way of Knowing How Fast Or Otherwise The
A FOREIGN COUNTRY: GROWING UP IN RHODESIA Nigel Suckling Draft: © January 2021 1 I – MUNALI – 5 II – LIVINGSTONE – 43 III – PARALLEL LIVES – 126 IV – LUSAKA – 212 V – GOING HOME – 244 APPENDIX – 268 2 FOREWORD As a child you have no measure of how fast the world around you is changing. Because you’re developing so quickly yourself, you assume your environment is static and will carry on pretty much the same as you grow into it. This is true for everyone everywhere, naturally. Most old people can, if suitably primed, talk indefinitely about the changes they’ve seen in their lifetimes, even if they’ve never moved from the place where they were born; but some environments change more drastically than others, even without a war to spur things along. One such was Northern Rhodesia in southern Africa in the 1950s and 60s. As white kids growing up then we had no way of knowing, as our parents almost certainly did, just how fragile and transient our conditions were – how soon and how thoroughly the country would become Zambia, with a completely different social order and set of faces in command. The country of course is still there. In many ways its urban centres now look remarkably unchanged due to relative poverty. The houses we grew up in, many of the streets, landmark buildings and landscapes we were familiar with are still recognizably the same, much more so in fact than in many parts of Europe. What has vanished is the web of British colonial superstructure into which I and my siblings were born as privileged members, brief gentry on the cusp of a perfectly justified and largely peaceful revolution that was soon to brush us aside. -
United Kingdom Defence Statistics 2010
UNITED KINGDOM DEFENCE STATISTICS 2010 th Published: 29 September 2010 DASA (WDS) Tel: 020-7807-8792 Ministry of Defence Fax: 020-7218-0969 Floor 3 Zone K Mil: 9621 78792 Main Building, Whitehall E-mail: [email protected] London SW1A 2HB Web site: http://www.dasa.mod.uk INTRODUCTION Welcome to the 2010 edition of UK Defence Statistics, the annual statistical compendium published by the Ministry of Defence. Changes to UK Defence Statistics (UKDS) this year include a new section on Defence Inflation and an expanded International Defence section in Chapter 1, the restructuring of the Armed Forces Personnel section in Chapter 2, and a new section on Amputations in Chapter 3. UK Defence Statistics (UKDS) is a National Statistics publication, produced according to the standards of the Official Statistics Code of Practice. However some of the tables in UKDS do not have National Statistics status – some are produced by areas outside of the scope of the Government Statistical Service; some do not yet meet all the quality standards of the Official Statistics Code of Practice; and others have not gone through the required assessment process to be classed as National Statistics. All such tables are clearly marked with explanatory notes. This year UKDS is once again being issued as a web document only, due to financial constraints within the Ministry of Defence. Each table and chapter is available in pdf format which is suitable for printing. There is also a pdf version of the entire publication, and of the UKDS factsheet. We have ceased publication of the UKDS pocket cards this year, since they are of limited value in electronic format. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995
International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995 Rapporteur Report The Hague June 29-July 1, 2015 International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995 Conference in The Hague, June 29 – July 1, 2015 Executive Summary Leading decision-makers from more than a dozen countries gathered in The Hague from June 29 to July 1, 2015, to consider the failure of the international community to protect the United Nations “safe area” of Srebrenica, resulting in the largest massacre in Europe since World War II. Participants included three former members of the UN Security Council, senior government and UN officials, peacekeepers, and eyewitnesses to the Srebrenica tragedy. Over the course of four working sessions, a public event, and numerous informal meetings, conference participants focused on a disastrous two-year chain of events that culminated in the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995. They examined the origins of the “safe area” policy, beginning with the March 1993 visit to Srebrenica by French General Philippe Morillon, and disagreements on how to implement frequently impractical Security Council resolutions. The discussion revealed sharp disconnects between the policy-makers in New York, the peacekeepers on the ground, and the people the “safe areas” were ostensibly designed to keep safe. “I saw this conference as a kind of truth commission,” said Srebrenica survivor Muhamed Duraković. “Twenty years on, we cannot bring back the dead, but we can learn from what went wrong in Srebrenica. If we are not able to go through the process of fact-finding, truth, and reconciliation, we may be creating problems for future generations.” At the heart of the international failure in Srebrenica in July 1995 was the inability of the major powers to devise and implement an agreed strategy for ending the defining conflict of the immediate post-Cold War era. -
The Image of the Democratic Soldier in the United Kingdom
PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE FRANKFURT Simone Wisotzki The Image of the Democratic Soldier in the United Kingdom British Case PRIF- Research Paper No. I/11-2007 © PRIF & Simone Wisotzki 2007 Research Project „The Image of the Democratic Soldier: Tensions Between the Organisation of Armed Forces and the Principles of Democracy in European Comparison“ Funded by the Volkswagen Foundation 2006-2009 Contents 1. Key Features of the Military Organisation and the Civilian Control of the UK Armed Forces 2 2. UK Security and Defence Policy: Political Directives for the Armed Forces 5 3. The Political Discourse on the Future of the Armed Forces and the Professional Soldier 9 4. The Parliamentary Debates and the Attitudes of the British Parties towards the Military 11 5. Public Opinion: The Core Debates on the UK Military and the Democratic Soldier 13 6. NATO, ESDP and the United States: To What Extent Do They Shape the British Armed Forces? 15 Conclusion: The Image of the British Soldier and Issues for Further Debate 16 Bibliography 20 Wisotzki: British Case I/11-2007 2 The following paper aims at describing the civil-military relations in the United Kingdom. It also concentrates on identifying images of the democratic soldiers at the political-societal level. I start with looking at the UK from an institutional perspective. Chapter 1 describes how Britain has established a system of rigorous civilian control over the military establishment. In Chapter 2 I look upon the UK’s defence and security policy which provide the core foundations for the operations of the Armed Forces. With the end of the Cold War, the changing security environment provided considerable challenges which also affected the operational planning for the Armed Forces. -
The Utility of Military Force and Public Understanding in Today's Britain
EUROPE HEW STRACHAN, RUTH HARRIS The Utility of Military Force and Public Understanding in Today’s Britain For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA213-1 The Global Strategic Partnership (GSP), a consortium of research, academic and industry organisations that is led by RAND Europe, provides ongoing analytical support to the UK Ministry of Defence. Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. RAND Europe is a not-for-profit research organisation that helps to improve policy and decision making through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.randeurope.org Table of Contents Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................... -
Agreement Between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Canada on British Armed Forces’ Training in Canada
Treaty Series No. 23 (2006) Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Canada on British Armed Forces’ Training in Canada Ottawa, 20 July 2006 [The Agreement entered into force on 20 July 2006] Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by Command of Her Majesty October 2006 Cm 6933 £4.00 © Crown copyright 2006 The text in this document (excluding the Royal Arms and departmental logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the title of the document specified. Any enquiries relating to the copyright in this document should be addressed to the Licensing Division, HMSO, St Clements House, 2-16 Colegate, Norwich NR3 1BQ. Fax 010603 723000 or e-mail: [email protected] AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND AND THE GOVERNMENT OF CANADA ON BRITISH ARMED FORCES’ TRAINING IN CANADA The Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Canada, hereinafter referred to as "the Parties"; RECOGNISING the benefits to both Parties that British Armed Forces' training in Canada confers; RECALLING that transparency of process, good faith and trust underpin the relationship between the Parties; DESIRING to strengthen further co-operation and to consolidate existing relations between -
Armed Forces Covenant Across Gwent NEWS Summer 2020
Armed Forces Covenant across Gwent NEWS Summer 2020 Armed Forces Covenant across Gwent The Covenant is a promise from the nation ensuring that those who serve and have served in the Armed Forces and their families are treated fairly. Victory in Europe Day VE Day – or ‘Victory in Europe Day’ marks the day towards the end of World War Two (WW2) when ghting against Nazi Germany in Europe came to an end. Tuesday 8 May, 1945, was an emotional day that millions of people had been waiting for. Many people were extremely happy that the ghting had stopped and there were big celebrations and street parties. In his VE Day announcement, Winston Churchill said: “We may allow ourselves a brief period of rejoicing, but let us not forget for a moment the toil and e orts that lie ahead.” Even after 8 May, many soldiers, sailors and pilots were sent to the east to ght against the Japanese, who had not yet surrendered. VE Day celebrations were curtailed as a result of the coronavirus lockdown. Armed Forces Covenant Training Package The WLGA, with funding from the Covenant Fund, commissioned Cardi and Vale College to produce an Armed Forces Covenant training package. The package consists of a face-to-face training resource together with an e-learning resource. Both resources are aimed at local authority elected members and sta and seek to raise awareness and understanding of the Covenant. If you would like bespoke training for your department please contact Lisa Rawlings - Regional Armed Forces Covenant Offi cer [email protected] 01443 864447 www.covenantwales.wales/e-learning/ Armed Forces Covenant across Gwent p. -
Is There a European Way of War?: Role Conceptions, Organizational Frames, and the Utility of Force Pascal Vennesson, Fabian Breuer, Chiara De Franco and Ursula C
Armed Forces & Society http://afs.sagepub.com Is There a European Way of War?: Role Conceptions, Organizational Frames, and the Utility of Force Pascal Vennesson, Fabian Breuer, Chiara de Franco and Ursula C. Schroeder Armed Forces & Society 2009; 35; 628 originally published online May 8, 2008; DOI: 10.1177/0095327X08317994 The online version of this article can be found at: http://afs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/35/4/628 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society Additional services and information for Armed Forces & Society can be found at: Email Alerts: http://afs.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://afs.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations http://afs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/35/4/628 Downloaded from http://afs.sagepub.com at Freie Universitaet Berlin on October 7, 2009 Armed Forces & Society Volume 35 Number 4 July 2009 628-645 © 2009 Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Is There a European Society. All rights reserved. 10.1177/0095327X08317994 Way of War? http://afs.sagepub.com hosted at http://online.sagepub.com Role Conceptions, Organizational Frames, and the Utility of Force Pascal Vennesson Fabian Breuer Chiara de Franco Ursula C. Schroeder European University Institute—Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Europe is the region of the world where the network of security institutions is the densest. Yet, these institutions did not erase differences about conceptions of force employment among European countries and between European countries and the United States. -
Youngest British Army Recruits Come Disproportionately from England's
Youngest British army recruits come disproportionately from England’s most deprived constituencies Charlotte Cooper and David Gee1 Abstract Background: Public health and human rights concerns have been raised about the enlistment of young people under the age of 18 into state armed forces. In the UK, some of these concerns relate to the impact of military enlistment on disadvantaged young people in particular, who may be enlisted into the British armed forces from age 16. Factors associated with socioeconomic disadvantage may increase the vulnerability of this group in military settings, yet there have been few investigations of the socioeconomic profile of soldiers recruited at this age. Objective: The aim of the study was to investigate the socioeconomic background of enlisted minors in England, by looking at the economic characteristics of the areas they come from. Methods: Data showing how many minors were enlisted into the army from each English constituency over a five-year period was matched with data on the relative socioeconomic deprivation of constituencies. The study investigated whether the number of recruits varied according to the deprivation of constituencies. Results: A statistically-significant correlation was found between the relative deprivation of constituencies and the number of minors enlisted, with the rate of recruitment 57 percent higher in the most deprived fifth of constituencies than the least deprived fifth. Conclusion: The study found that, over a five-year period, minors were enlisted into the army disproportionately from the more deprived constituencies of England, lending weight to public health and human rights concerns. Background The UK enlists for the armed forces from age 16. -
The Utility of Force Is Contextual Written by Andreas Aagaard Nohr
The Utility of Force is Contextual Written by Andreas Aagaard Nohr This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The Utility of Force is Contextual https://www.e-ir.info/2012/04/06/the-utility-of-force-is-contextual/ ANDREAS AAGAARD NOHR, APR 6 2012 Nothing New Under the Sun: The Utility of Force is Contextual ‘With the advent of each new revolution in the art of war men have predicted the collapse of contemporary civilization or the end of war itself.’ William W. Kaufmann (1956)[1] When new weaponry technology, in combination with other organizational, systematic and technical changes, is introduced onto the battlefield, it often brings about a transformation of the very conduct of war; what scholars have conceptualised as a ‘revolution of military affairs.’[2] Despite the free usage of the word ‘revolution’, what Robert Jervis calls the ‘nuclear revolution’ brings about ‘a change that turns established truths about the relationship between force and statecraft on their heads.’[3] The ‘established truth’ Jervis talks about is that force, as it was known before the nuclear age, has utility. What does it mean to say that force has utility? To give a Clausewitzian answer, we should emphasize two central points: First, the very definition of war, that ‘War is … an act of force to compel our enemy to do our will.’[4] Second, that ‘war is merely the continuation of policy by other means.’[5] Thus, the two points imply that war is a clash of political wills and that force is a tool of policy that has utility to the extent that it can compel our enemy to do our will. -
British Military Special Vouchers
BRITISH MILITARY SPECIAL VOUCHERS Order code: BRITMILALB Set of 5 Notes War can bring economic hardship—especially to the countries that lose. This was the case in Germany in 1944. Hitler was dead, the Nazi government collapsed, and the four Allied powers—Russia, France, the United States, and Great Britain—split the country into four occupation zones, to help Germany transition from dictatorship to democracy. In the British zone, the black market was rampant—goods intended for the troops were intercepted and sold at steep mark-ups to the local population. This was costing British taxpayers millions of pounds sterling. To redress the problem, Great Britain issued £10 million British Armed Forces Special Vouchers in 1946. When this measure did not destroy the black market, a second series was issued a year and a half later. The 1948 issue, combined with the improving financial position of the new German government, succeeded in driving out the war profiteers. The British government would use the tactic a few more times in the ensuing decades. A third issue, printed in 1948, was not circulated until the Suez Canal crisis in 1956. The fourth series was printed but never issued; a proposed fifth series never made it to the printer. The sixth and final series of vouchers were in circulation until 1979, when they were finally withdrawn. In 1991, the Ministry of Defense auctioned off its stock of uncirculated vouchers from the second, third, fourth, and sixth series. This collection comprises five of the extant banknotes of the kind used in Germany from 1946-1979.