View from the Bridge: the Two Cultures Debate, Its Legacy, and the History of Science
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Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from University of Alberta Libraries https://archive.org/details/secondsessionofcOOsoci Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany Berlin, 16 and 17 September 1971 Printed in the German Democratic Republic by Grafischer Grossbetrieb Volkerfreundschaft Dresden 1259 - 2 Contents Communique of the Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany 7 From the Report of the Political Bureau to the Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) Reporter: Comrade Hermann Axen, Member of the Political Bureau and Secretary of the Central Committee 8 I. Conclusions Drawn from the Decisions of the Eighth Party Congress in the Field of Domestic Policy and Their Implementation 8 - Implementing the Decisions in the Economic Sphere 12 - Implementing the Decisions in Agriculture 15 II. The Implementation of the Decisions of the Eighth Congress in the Field of Foreign Policy and International Relations 17 - The GDR in the Socialist Community of States 17 - Struggle for European Security 21 - Relations with the Nationally-liberated States and the National Revolutionary Liberation Movement 24 - Development of Relations with the Communist and Workers’ Parties and with the Revolutionary Democratic Parties 26 Preparation and Holding of the Elections to the People’s Chamber and the County Assemblies Speech by Erich Honecker, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the SED 28 Our Balance Sheet Is -
The Formation of the Communist Party of Germany and the Collapse of the German Democratic Republi C
Enclosure #2 THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEA N RESEARC H 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D.C . 20036 THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : Politics Unhinged : The Formation of the Communist Party of Germany and the Collapse of the German Democratic Republi c AUTHOR : Eric D . Weitz Associate Professo r Department of History St . Olaf Colleg e 1520 St . Olaf Avenu e Northfield, Minnesota 5505 7 CONTRACTOR : St . Olaf College PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Eric D . Weit z COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 806-3 1 DATE : April 12, 199 3 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East Europea n Research. The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author. i Abbreviations and Glossary AIZ Arbeiter-Illustrierte-Zeitung (KPD illustrated weekly newspaper ) Alter Verband Mineworkers Union Antifas Antifascist Committee s BL Bezirksleitung (district leadership of KPD ) BLW Betriebsarchiv der Leuna-Werke BzG Beiträge zur Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung Comintern Communist International CPSU Communist Party of the Soviet Unio n DMV Deutscher Metallarbeiter Verband (German Metalworkers Union ) ECCI Executive Committee of the Communist Internationa l GDR German Democratic Republic GW Rosa Luxemburg, Gesammelte Werke HIA, NSDAP Hoover Institution Archives, NSDAP Hauptarchi v HStAD Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf IGA, ZPA Institut für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Zentrales Parteiarchi v (KPD/SED Central Party Archive -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
REFORM, RESISTANCE and REVOLUTION in the OTHER GERMANY By
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository RETHINKING THE GDR OPPOSITION: REFORM, RESISTANCE AND REVOLUTION IN THE OTHER GERMANY by ALEXANDER D. BROWN A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Modern Languages School of Languages, Cultures, Art History and Music University of Birmingham January 2019 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract The following thesis looks at the subject of communist-oriented opposition in the GDR. More specifically, it considers how this phenomenon has been reconstructed in the state-mandated memory landscape of the Federal Republic of Germany since unification in 1990. It does so by presenting three case studies of particular representative value. The first looks at the former member of the Politbüro Paul Merker and how his entanglement in questions surrounding antifascism and antisemitism in the 1950s has become a significant trope in narratives of national (de-)legitimisation since 1990. The second delves into the phenomenon of the dissident through the aperture of prominent singer-songwriter, Wolf Biermann, who was famously exiled in 1976. -
Ernst Thälmann – Führer Seiner Klasse (1955) Propaganda Für Arbeiterklasse, Partei Und Heroismus
Ernst thälmann – FührEr sEinEr KlassE (1955) Propaganda für Arbeiterklasse, Partei und Heroismus 1 FilmographischE angabEn 3 2 Filminhalt 3 3 HistorischE KontExtualisiErung 4 4 DiDaKtischE übErlEgungEn 7 5 ArbEitsanrEgungEn 11 6 MatErial 13 7 LitEratur 29 2 Unterrichtsmaterial Ernst Thälmann – Führer seiner Klasse www.ddr-im-film.de 1 FilmographischE angabEn Regie Kurt Maetzig Drehbuch Willi Bredel, Michael Tschesno-Hell, Kurt Maetzig Kamera Karl Plintzner, Horst E. Brandt schnitt Lena Neumann Musik Wilhelm Neef bauten Otto Erdmann, Willy Schiller, Alfred Hirschmeier Kostüme Gerhard Kaddatz produktion DEFA-Studio für Spielfilme (Potsdam-Babelsberg) uraufführung 07.10.1955, Ost-Berlin/Volksbühne Länge 140 Minuten FSK ab 12 Auszeichnungen Karlovy-Vary-Filmfestival 1956: Preis für den besten Schauspieler an Günther Simon Darstellerinnen | Darsteller Günther Simon (Ernst Thälmann), Hans-Peter Minetti (Fiete Jan- sen), Karla Runkehl (Änne Hansen), Paul R. Henker (Robert Dirhagen), Hans Wehrl (Wilhelm Pieck), Karl Brenk (Walter Ulbricht), Michel Piccoli (Maurice Rouger) Gerd Wehr (Wilhelm Flo- rin), Walter Martin (Hermann Matern), Georges Stanescu (Georgi Dimitroff), Carla Hoffmann (Rosa Thälmann), Erich Franz (Arthur Vierbreiter), Raimund Schelcher (Krischan Daik), Fritz Diez (Hitler), Hans Stuhrmann (Goebbels) 2 Filminhalt Der Film behandelt das Leben des Vorsitzenden der Kommunistischen Partei Deutsch- lands, Ernst Thälmann, in den Jahren von 1930 bis zu seinem Tode 1944. In lose aneinander gereihten Szenen werden vor allem die politische Arbeit des Parteiführers gezeigt. Thälmann wohnt zu Beginn der 1930er-Jahre in einem Zimmer einer typischen Berliner Mietskasernen- wohnung, das ihm von seinem Parteifreund Fiete Jansen und dessen schwangerer Frau Änne untervermietet wird. Fiete hat jahrelang im Gefängnis gesessen. Änne ist als Mitglied des kommunistischen Jugendverbandes für die KPD politisch aktiv. -
The East German Writers Union and the Role of Literary Intellectuals In
Writing in Red: The East German Writers Union and the Role of Literary Intellectuals in the German Democratic Republic, 1971-90 Thomas William Goldstein A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2010 Approved by: Konrad H. Jarausch Christopher Browning Chad Bryant Karen Hagemann Lloyd Kramer ©2010 Thomas William Goldstein ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii Abstract Thomas William Goldstein Writing in Red The East German Writers Union and the Role of Literary Intellectuals in the German Democratic Republic, 1971-90 (Under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) Since its creation in 1950 as a subsidiary of the Cultural League, the East German Writers Union embodied a fundamental tension, one that was never resolved during the course of its forty-year existence. The union served two masters – the state and its members – and as such, often found it difficult fulfilling the expectations of both. In this way, the union was an expression of a basic contradiction in the relationship between writers and the state: the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) demanded ideological compliance, yet these writers also claimed to be critical, engaged intellectuals. This dissertation examines how literary intellectuals and SED cultural officials contested and debated the differing and sometimes contradictory functions of the Writers Union and how each utilized it to shape relationships and identities within the literary community and beyond it. The union was a crucial site for constructing a group image for writers, both in terms of external characteristics (values and goals for participation in wider society) and internal characteristics (norms and acceptable behavioral patterns guiding interactions with other union members). -
The German Democratic Republic's Attitude
PRZEGLĄD ZACHODNI 2011, No 1 ANNA WOLff-POWęskA Poznań THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC Republic’s AttITUDE TOWARDS THE NAZI PAST Periods of change connected with a transition from dictatorship to democracy are characterized by intensive search for a new binder of national unity and identity. Communities which have been affected by totalitarianism in order to build a new order have to define their attitude towards the old one. As it has been demonstrated by the two German states in their process of abandoning the Third Reich’s policy and system of values, factors such as the defence of one’s own history, and seeking an answer to the question of what should be retained in the memory and what should be eradicated, have shaped the political identity of German society of the political turn era in a significant way. The reunification of Germany in 1990 confirmed the truth that the process of democratization is accompanied by a social crisis which is also a crisis of the criteria determining what is remembered and what is forgotten, the integral elements of every history. The way of perceiving National socialism and positioning it in German history has played a fundamental role in the development of political cultures, first of two different German states, and then of a reunified Germany*. National consciousness and community spirit is shaped by reference to history, which can be glorified, sac- ralised, or pushed to the margins of public life. Establishing two separate German states with different ideological foundations brought far reaching consequences for the cultural memory of the divided community. -
PROOF Contents
PROOF Contents Acknowledgements viii 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s 1 2 Regroupment: Establishing a European Movement 29 3 The Party of the European Left 46 4 Diverse Trends: An Overview 66 5 A Successful Model? Die Linke (the Left Party – Germany) 83 6 How Have the Mighty Fallen: Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (Party of Communist Refoundation – Italy) 99 7 Back from the Brink: French Communism (Parti Communiste Français) Re-orientates 116 8 Communism Renewed and Supported: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (the Czech Republic) 132 9 The Scandinavian Left 147 10 The European Left and the Global Left: 1999–2009 163 Notes 192 Index 204 vii PROOF 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s Almost two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, on the occasion of the German federal elections in September 2009, the International Herald Tribune marked the electoral victory of the German right with the headline, ‘Is socialism dying?’1 The German Social Democratic Party or the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) took 23% of the votes – its lowest poll since the Second World War – just months after the European elections registered a poor performance from left- wing candidates across the European Union (EU). As the article went on to observe, ‘Even in the midst of one of the greatest challenges to capitalism in 75 years, involving a breakdown of the financial sys- tem because of “irrational exuberance”, greed and the weakness of regulatory systems, European socialists and their leftist cousins have not found a compelling response, let alone taken advantage of the failures of the right.’ There is no doubt that across Europe the failure of the social demo- cratic parties to present a ‘compelling response’ to the economic crisis has led to a wave of electoral setbacks. -
Central Europe
Central Europe WEST GERMANY HE WEST GERMAN ECONOMY continued to expand between July 1955 and TJune 1956. After June, production declined slightly. The gross national product rose 11 per cent in 1955, to 60 per cent above 1950. Industrial pro- duction, up 16 per cent, doubled that of 1950. The index (1936= 100) was 221 by June 1956. But West Berlin only regained the 1936 level. Employment in the Federal Republic was more than 800,000 above the previous year. In part, this was due to the influx of almost 300,000 refugees from East Germany during 1955-56. Unemployment, at 479,000, or 2.5 per cent of the labor force of 18.4 million, was the lowest since the end of World War II. West Berlin unemployment fell, but was still 11.3 per cent. Output per man was up 17 per cent in 1955, while wages rose only 12 per cent. The July 1956 cost of living index (1950 = 100) at 113, was 2.3 per cent above July 1955. National consumption rose 12 per cent during 1955-56, but old age pensioners, war invalids and widows, and the lowest categories of un- skilled workers, were barely touched by the "economic miracle," and contin- ued to exist near the subsistence level. Steel production, exceeding that of either France or Britain, reached a post- war high of 21,700,000 tons in the twelve months under review. Some of the Ruhr steel and coal combines, split up by the Allies to destroy "dangerous concentrations of economic power," recombined in new forms. -
Approach/Avoidance: Communists and Women in East Germany, 1945-9 Author(S): Donna Harsch Source: Social History, Vol
Approach/Avoidance: Communists and Women in East Germany, 1945-9 Author(s): Donna Harsch Source: Social History, Vol. 25, No. 2 (May, 2000), pp. 156-182 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4286643 Accessed: 24-04-2018 15:00 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social History This content downloaded from 35.176.47.6 on Tue, 24 Apr 2018 15:00:46 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Social History Vol. 25 No. 2 May 2000 0* Donna Harsch Approach/avoidance: Communists and women in East Germany, 1945-9 In July 1945, a German Communist scolded fellow members of the KPD for how they talked to women in the Soviet zone of occupation. According to Irene Girtner (aka Elli Schmidt), her comrades opened lectures to female audiences with the question: 'Is it not a fact that Hitler came to power only because a high proportion of women succumbed to the poison of Nazi propaganda?'l A year later, Schmidt rued, Communists continued to make the 'error' of expounding on the guilt women bore for the fascist seizure of power.2 As late as May 1947, another woman in the party felt the need to point out that, infact, women had voted at a lower rate for Hitler in I928, only catching up to the male vote in I93I-2.3 For her part, Elli Schmidt did not question the accuracy of the charge but its political acumen. -
Marine Le Pen and the 'New' FN: a Change of Style Or of Substance?
Parliamentary Affairs (2013) 66, 179–196 doi:10.1093/pa/gss076 Marine Le Pen and the ‘New’ FN: A Change of Style or of Substance? James Shields* School of Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham B4 7ET, UK Downloaded from *Correspondence: [email protected] The electoral challenge of the far right is an enduringly problematic feature of con- temporary French politics. In the first rounds of the 2012 presidential and parlia- mentary elections, the Front National (FN) under new leader Marine Le Pen http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/ attracted a combined total of ten million votes, bringing its ultra-nationalist pol- icies to the centre of national political debate. This article examines the FN’s impact on these elections and its implications for French politics. Drawing on of- ficial FN programmes, detailed election results and a range of opinion polling data, it assesses the strength of support for Le Pen and her party and seeks to explain their electoral appeal. In particular, it subjects to analysis the claim that the new leader has ‘de-demonised’ the FN, transforming it from perennial outsider by guest on December 15, 2012 to normal participant in mainstream French politics; and it reflects on the strategic dilemma posed for the centre-right by this newly invigorated far-right challenge. 1. Introduction The first round of the presidential election on 22 April 2012 set a new high point for the far right in France. With 17.9% of the vote, Marine Le Pen finished behind the Socialist candidate Franc¸ois Hollande (28.6%) and the outgoing centre-right president Nicolas Sarkozy (27.2%). -
PCF and Front De Gauche: Exploiting a Communist Nostalgia in France? Twentieth Century Communism: a Journal of International History, 11(11), 115-129
Raymond, G. G. (2016). PCF and Front de Gauche: exploiting a communist nostalgia in France? Twentieth Century Communism: A Journal of International History, 11(11), 115-129. https://doi.org/10.3898/175864316819698521 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.3898/175864316819698521 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via Lawrence and Wishart at http://www.ingentaconnect.com/contentone/lwish/tcc/2016/00000011/00000011/art00008. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ PCF and Front de Gauche: exploiting a communist nostalgia in France? Gino Raymond, University of Bristol Introduction: nostalgic beginnings One could argue that nostalgia was stamped into the identity of the post-war Parti Communiste Français (PCF) from the moment the provisional government in waiting stepped into the political vacuum after the collapse of the Vichy government in the summer of 1944. It was a period of instant nostalgia as, across the political spectrum, there was an endeavour to resurrect and reconfigure the past in a way that could offer a unifying sense of identity to a nation whose sense of self and purpose had endured the trauma of defeat and occupation. When, on 26 August 1944, de Gaulle marked his triumphant return with the historic walk down the Champs Elysées to receive the acclamation of the people of Paris, he was met at the Hotel de Ville by the National Council of the Resistance, led by Georges Bidault.